Chapter VIII.

(1189-1216.)

Richard Cœur-de-lion.

John Lackland.

Magna Charta.

The first act of the new king was to deliver from her prison his

mother, Eleanor of Aquitaine, to whom he had always been tenderly

attached. While she was presiding over the preparations for the

crowning of her son, dispensing amnesties, and calling all free

men to swear allegiance to him, Richard arrested Stephen of

Tours, seneschal of Anjou and treasurer to Henry IL, threw him

into prison, and did not restore him to liberty until he had been

put in possession by him, not only of the treasures of the dead

king, but of all the personal property of the treasurer as well.

On arriving in England, Richard also went in great haste to

Winchester, in order to secure the riches which had been amassed

there by his father. The Jews were uneasy at seeing the new

sovereign display so much avidity; they had been accustomed to

suffer for any want of money on the part of kings, and Philip

Augustus had just set the example of confiscation, by driving

them away from his kingdom on his accession (1180), in order to

seize their property.

{183}

Richard contented himself with forbidding them to enter

Westminster Abbey; but some wealthy Jews, hoping to secure the

favor of the new king by rich presents, ventured to present

themselves among the vassals who brought their offerings to

Richard. The gifts were accepted, but, after the coronation

ceremony, when Richard, having taken the crown from the altar, in

token that he held it from God alone, had deposited it in the

hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who placed it upon

Richard's head, a noise was heard proceeding from the gates of

the churchyard. A Jew who attempted to enter was pushed back; on

this disturbance being made, the other Jews were driven away, and

then the popular vengeance was wreaked upon their houses, which

were set a-fire. A great number of Jews were killed. The fury

spread throughout the whole of the country. At York, the unhappy

Jews retired into the citadel, where the governor allowed them to

take refuge. But he went out one day, and the Jews, fearful of

treason, refused to let him re-enter. The fortress was besieged,

and when the Jews found themselves about to be taken, they set

light to an immense wood pile, and threw themselves upon it with

all their riches, after having themselves slain their wives and

children. Richard forbade this persecution of the Jews, but did

not cause anybody to be punished; "and this shedding of the Jews'

blood," says the old chronicler, "although against the wish of

the king, seemed to foretell that Cœur-de-Lion would be a plague

to the Saviour's enemies."

{184}

Richard appeared for the time being to have become imbued with

the commercial spirit of these much despised Israelites. He

turned everything into money, selling the royal domains which his

father had been at such pains to reconstitute: bartering away

towns, castles, and even, sometimes, property which did not

belong to him. "I would sell London, if I could find a buyer," he

said. The most important offices in the kingdom were disposed of

by auction like the domains. Hugh Pudsey, bishop of Durham,

bought the county of Northumberland and the title of Chief

Justicier; the bishoprics and the abbeys were offered to the

highest bidder; the King of Scotland was released of the tribute

imposed upon him and his people during his captivity, for the sum

of 20,000 marks of silver. The crusade which Richard was

projecting, and which occupied his whole attention, required

considerable sums of money, and the king was not very scrupulous

as to the means he adopted for obtaining the money which he

wanted.

Prince John, his brother, had just received some very large gifts

in Normandy and in England, but he was not nominated regent of

the kingdom during Richard's absence; the power was divided

between Bishop Pudsey and William Longchamp, Bishop of Ely and

Chancellor of England. Many duties were entrusted to Queen

Eleanor, and, towards the end of the year 1189, Richard proceeded

to Normandy. He had promised to start on the crusade at Easter in

1190. The emissaries of King Philip-Augustus met him at Rouen,

and took oath upon the soul of the king their master to a treaty

of alliance, both offensive and defensive, between the two

sovereigns,--the King of France undertaking to respect and defend

the rights of the King of England as he would his good city of

Paris; while the English delegates swore, on the soul of the King

of England, to perform the same services for King Philip as he

would for his good city of Rouen. The kings of England wore

still, before all, Dukes of Normandy.

{185}

The Queen of France, Isabella of Hainault, had just died, and the

departure for the crusade was postponed until midsummer. The two

kings at length met on the plains of Vezelay, accompanied, it is

said, by a hundred thousand crusaders. They marched across the

country together as far as Lyons, and then separated, after

having made an appointment to meet at Messina. Philip marched

towards Genoa, where he expected to find those of his vessels

which were destined for foreign service. Richard was going to

Marseilles; his fleet was to come and meet him there. England was

no longer at the mercy of Genoese or Venetian merchants, being in

possession of a considerable number of vessels. But the English

ships were delayed; they experienced some mishaps in the Bay of

Biscay; some had sought shelter in Portugal. Richard became

impatient, and hiring some mercantile barks, he set out with a

portion of his forces, in order to arrive sooner at Messina to

meet the King of France. But the English ships sailed faster than

the Marseilles barks; when the king arrived in Sicily, his fleet

had preceded him.

The kingdom of Sicily had previously lost its sovereign, William

the Good, brother-in-law to King Richard, and his cousin Tancred,

Count of Lecce, had been elected king in his stead. The dowager

queen, Joanna, Richard's sister, claimed her jointure, which

Tancred held unjustly, as she said. Scarcely had Richard set foot

in Sicily when, without waiting for the negotiations to be made,

he took possession of the castle and of the town of Bagnara, and

established his sister there, who had arrived before him; then

returning to Messina, he drove the monks from a convent which

suited his purposes, and converted it into a barracks.

{186}

So many outrages roused the people, who shut the gates against

Richard's troops. A conference was being held in the camp of

Philip-Augustus for adjusting this difference, when a fresh

quarrel broke out between the Sicilians and the English troops.

Richard left the royal tent in great haste, assembled his men,

and running helter-skelter among the citizens, he entered Messina

and planted his banner upon the ramparts. Philip-Augustus at once

demanded that his own banner should also be planted there; but

Richard consented to give up the town into the hands of the

knights templars, pending the decision respecting his sister's

pretensions, and King Tancred hastened the negotiations, being

anxious to rid himself of so turbulent and formidable a guest.

Queen Joanna obtained a large sum of money, and King Richard

received his share of it, which he scattered broadcast amongst

the crusaders, thus finding favor with the French as well as the

English, the Normans, and the Aquitanians.

Philip-Augustus, courageous and bold as he was when necessary,

did not possess in as great a degree as the King of England, the

brilliant qualities which then constituted a true knight; he was

more prudent and cunning than Richard; perhaps he was even given

to dissimulation, for Tancred accused him before the King of

England of having endeavored to dissuade him from negotiating

with Richard; and when the latter came and complained angrily to

Philip, a quarrel was about to break out between the two brothers

in arms, who had sworn to help each other in the holy enterprise.

Richard thereby gained permission, accorded to him by the King of

France, to marry whoever he chose instead of the Princess Alice,

the sister of Philip-Augustus. It was high time for Richard to

disengage himself from previous contracts, for Queen Eleanor was

to bring back to her son the Princess Berengaria, for whom she

had been to Navarre.

{187}

They were only waiting until the departure of Philip to celebrate

the marriage. Bad weather had prolonged the stay of the King of

France at Messina until Lent, and Richard's marriage with

Berengaria had not yet been solemnized when Philip left Sicily,

on the 30th of March, 1191, upon his ship "Franc-la-Mer," at the

head of more than two hundred vessels. The Queen of Sicily took

the young princess away with her.

The weather was unfavorable, and the fleet was dispersed. When

King Richard, suffering from sea-sickness, landed at Rhodes, he

was almost alone, and he learnt that the vessel, the "Lion," with

the princesses on board, had been driven ashore on the coast of

Cyprus; the governor of the island, or, as he called himself, the

Emperor Isaac Comnenus, had not allowed them to disembark; the

sailors who had ventured to land had even been ill-treated.

Much less provocation would have sufficed to arouse the anger and

vengeance of Cœur-de-Lion. He immediately left Rhodes, sailed to

Cyprus, took possession of the island, and made prisoners of the

emperor and his daughter, gave the latter to Berengaria for an

attendant, and placed Isaac Comnenus in silver chains, which the

latter wore until his death. Richard was married in the church of

Limasol on the day after Easter, in order to set out immediately

for Acre, the siege of which town had already commenced, in spite

of the plague, which was decimating the army.

The prowess of King Richard soon attracted towards him the eyes

of the crusaders and of the Mussulmans themselves. Stricken with

the fever, he would cause himself to be carried upon a litter to

the ramparts, and would there direct the movements of the troops.

He distributed among the knights the money taken at Cyprus. The

jealousy of King Philip gained ground day by day.

{188}

Accustomed to consider himself superior to the King of England,

who was his vassal, Philip was annoyed at seeing his own

authority lessened in consequence of the prodigious valor of

Richard, the "king," as he was called everywhere in the East, in

defiance of the rights of the King of France.

The French knights and their adherents on the one hand, the

English knights and their allies on the other, had vainly

endeavored to take the town by storm. Saladin, the sultan of the

Arabs, kept aloof, watching for an opportunity to relieve Acre.

But the Christian army completely surrounded it--"as the eyeball

the eye," say the oriental historians--so completely, in fact,

that at the moment when the chiefs of the Christian army,

temporarily reconciled, were preparing to attack the town in

unison, the Mussulman garrison surrendered, their lives being

spared, on the 12th of July, 1191, and Saladin retired into the

interior of the country. Philip and Richard immediately entered

Acre at the head of their armies, and planted their banners upon

the ramparts. The King of England had taken possession of the

sultan's palace, without troubling himself to find a residence

for Philip, and when he learnt that the Arch-duke of Austria,

Leopold, had set up his banner at the side of the standard of

England, he went and tore it down with his own hands, and threw

it into the trenches, indignantly asking how a duke could have

any pretensions to the honors exclusively reserved for kings.

Richard was destined to pay dearly for these haughty proceedings.

Scarcely had the crusaders entered Acre when King Philip

announced his intention of returning to Europe. In vain was he

urged to persevere in the holy enterprise; in vain his emissaries

who were entrusted to announce this news to King Richard were so

ashamed of it that they wept and said nothing.

[Image]

Richard Removing The Archduke's Banner.

{189}

Philip insisted on returning to France, which country he would

have been wise not to have left in the preceding year. Ten

thousand French crusaders remained in the East, under the command

of the Duke of Burgundy. The King of France solemnly swore not to

make any attempt upon Richard's dominions, and set sail on the

31st of July, leaving the Christian army a prey to the

dissensions to which the succession to the throne of the still

unconquered city of Jerusalem gave rise. Sybil, granddaughter of

Godfrey of Bouillon, had just died, and her husband, Hugh of

Lusignan, was one of the two pretenders to the title of King of

Jerusalem, the other being Conrad of Montferrat, husband of

Isabella, sister of Sybil. The King of France espoused the cause

of Conrad, and Richard supported Lusignan. It was in the midst of

these differences that the crusaders, under the command of the

King of England, commenced a march across the desert of Mount

Carmel. Exhausted by the heat, they were also harassed by the

Arab horsemen, who were more embittered than ever against the

Christians, for the term fixed for the exchange of prisoners

having gone by without Saladin's having sent back those in his

possession, the King of England had caused all the Mussulman

prisoners to be led out of the camp and to be slaughtered before

the sultan's eyes. The soldiers even went as far as searching the

entrails of their victims for any gold or precious stones which

they might have swallowed.

A great battle was fought at Arsouf on the 7th of September; King

Richard performed prodigies of valor and opened up a road to

Jaffa. Saladin was at Ascalon, when the crusaders, who had

arrived at Bethany, were compelled to give up their intention of

laying siege to Jerusalem on account of the bad weather. The

sultan at once abandoned Ascalon, dismantling the ramparts, and

thus making the way clear for Richard.

{190}

The latter hastened to repair the fortifications. In order to

encourage the soldiers, he himself carried stones to the workers,

and urged the Archduke Leopold to do likewise. "I am not the son

of a mason," replied the Austrian, whereupon Richard, in a fit of

passion, struck him in the face. Leopold at once left the army

and set out to return to his states, followed by his soldiers.

In vain was Ascalon fortified; in vain did Richard agree to

confer the crown of Jerusalem upon Conrad of Montferrat, in the

hope of re-establishing a mutual understanding in order to be

able to march against Jerusalem. That prince was almost

immediately murdered by two emissaries of the "Old Man of the

Mountain," a mysterious sovereign, whose devotees, intoxicated by

the fumes of haschich, blindly obeyed his orders. This crime was

attributed to the King of England, who afterwards quarrelled with

the Duke of Burgundy, depriving himself of the support of the

French as he had previously deprived himself of that of the

Austrians. They had again advanced as far as Bethany, and a band

of crusaders had ascended a mountain overlooking Jerusalem. King

Richard was asked to come and see the holy city in the distance.

"No," said he, covering his face with his cloak; "those who are

not worthy of conquering Jerusalem should not look at it." The

crusaders retraced their steps as far as Acre.

On arriving at that town, Richard suddenly learnt that Saladin

was besieging Jaffa. He embarked at once and sailed to the

rescue. The crescent already shone upon the walls, but a priest

who had cast himself into the water in front of the royal vessel

told Richard that he could yet save the garrison, although the

town was already in the hands of the enemy.

{191}

The ship had not yet reached the landing-stage, and already the

king was in the water, which reached his shoulders, and was

uttering the war cry, "St. George!" The infidels, who were busy

plundering the city, took fright, and three thousand men fled,

pursued by four or five knights of the cross. The little corps of

Christians intrenched themselves behind planks of wood and tubs;

ten tents held the whole of the army. Day had scarcely dawned,

when a soldier flew to Richard's bedside. "O king! we are dead

men!" he cried; "the enemy is upon us." The king sprang up from

his bed, scarcely allowing himself time to buckle on his armor,

and omitting his helmet and shield. "Silence!" he said to the

bearer of the bad news, "or I will kill you." Seventeen knights

had gathered round Cœur-de-Lion, kneeling on the ground, and

holding their lances; in their midst were some archers,

accompanied by attendants who were recharging their arquebuses.

The king was standing in the midst. The Saracens endeavored in

vain to overawe this heroic little band; not one of them stirred.

At length, under a shower of arrows, the knights sprang on their

horses, and swept the plain before them. They entered Jaffa

towards evening, and drove the Mussulmans from it. From the time

of daybreak, Richard had not ceased for a moment to deal out his

blows, and the skin of his hand adhered to the handle of his

battle-axe. The remembrance of this day had not faded when, more

than fifty years later, St. Louis led the French troops to the

crusade. Joinville heard the Saracen mothers scolding their

children and threatening them with Malek-Rik, a name which the

Mussulmans gave to King Richard. Such severe fatigue under the

burning sun had affected the health of Cœur-de-Lion. Disquieting

news came from his dominions. He concluded a truce with Saladin,

giving up Ascalon to him, but keeping Jaffa, Tyre, and the

fortresses along the coast, and promising to refrain from any

hostilities during a period of three years, three months, three

weeks, three days, and three hours.

{192}

"Then I will come back," said Richard, "with double the number of

men that I now possess, and will reconquer Jerusalem." Saladin

smiled, acknowledging, however, that if the Holy City was to fall

into the hands of the Christians, no one was more worthy of

conquering it than Malek-Rik. The two adversaries had conceived

for each other a feeling of chivalrous admiration and esteem

which is the theme of Sir Walter Scott's novel "The Talisman."

Numerous presents had been exchanged by them during the war; and

when Richard was suffering from fever, and was perishing with

thirst, he received each day fruits and cooling drinks which were

sent to him by the sultan.

It was on the 9th of October, 1192, that Richard Cœur-de-Lion

left Palestine. Standing upon the poop of his ship, he was

surveying the shore, then fading from sight. "Oh! Holy Land,"

cried he, "I leave you to God, as well as your people. May He

help me to come back to your assistance!" The English ships were

sailing together, when a storm arose and dispersed them. The one

which carried the two queens arrived in Sicily, but King Richard

was not with them, and no one knew what had become of him. Driven

at first towards the island of Corfu, he had hired three small

vessels, which had taken him to Zara, whence he hoped to reach

his nephew Otho of Saxony, son of his sister Matilda. He found

himself surrounded by enemies and threatened on all sides. He

knew that King Philip had entered into a league with John

Lackland, in order to deprive him of his kingdom: the Emperor

Henry had laid claim to the throne of Sicily, and had not

forgiven Richard for his alliance with Tancred; Leopold of

Austria had not abandoned all hope of revenge, and everywhere the

relations of Conrad of Montferrat were accusing the King of

England of having been the cause of the death of their ally.

[Image]

Richard's Farewell To The Holy Land.

{193}

Richard assumed the garb of a merchant and started on his journey

through the mountains of the Tyrol. He arrived at Goritz in

Carinthia, where he sent and asked for a passport for Baldwin of

Béthune, one of his knights, and for Hugh the merchant. The

messenger was instructed at the same time to present the governor

with a ring which the merchant sent him. The governor scrutinized

the messenger. "You are not speaking the truth," cried he. "It is

not a merchant who sends me this ring, but King Richard. But as

he honors me with his gifts without knowing me, although I am the

cousin of Conrad of Montferrat, I will do him no injury. Tell

him, however, to leave this place as soon as possible."

The governor of Goritz did not wish to arrest King Richard, but

he had not promised to keep the secret. He informed Frederick of

Montferrat, Conrad's brother, that Cœur-de-Lion was about to

travel across his dominions. Recognized by a Norman knight, the

king was saved by a faithful vassal, and had arrived in the

states of the Duke of Austria, when he fell ill in the village of

Erperg, a short distance from Vienna. A page was despatched to

the capital to exchange some gold bezants for current coin of the

country. He was noticed and interrogated, and being put under

torture he divulged his master's name. Richard was stretched upon

his bed, sleeping, when the mayor of Vienna entered his little

apartment "Good morrow, King of England," he said. "You hide in

vain, for your face betrays you."

The king had already seized his sword, protesting that he would

only surrender to the duke himself. Leopold was unwilling to let

any one else have the honor of making the capture; he soon

arrived, and received the King of England's sword.

{194}

"You should esteem yourself fortunate, Sire," said the duke, with

a smile of revengeful satisfaction; "if you had fallen into the

hands of the relations of Conrad of Montferrat you would have

been a dead man, even if you had had a thousand lives." And

triumphantly leading forth his prisoner, whom he reminded on the

road of the insult which had been formerly offered to the

Austrian flag, he shut Richard up in the castle of Diernstein.

But the emperor at once claimed the illustrious captive. "A duke

cannot possibly keep a king!" he urged; "it is the right of an

emperor." And Richard was conducted to the castle of Treefels,

where he languished for two years.

While King Richard had been acquiring glory in Palestine, without

any signal advantage gained to the Christian cause, disorder

reigned supreme over his kingdom; the Chancellor Longchamp had

seized upon the power, casting his fellow-bishop of Durham into

prison, and only setting him free at the price of all the

dignities which the latter had bought of Richard. The chancellor

was able and devoted to the king, but haughty, arrogant,

despotic, and, above all, rapacious, as all powerful men were at

that time. "If he had remained master," say the chronicles, "he

would not have left a belt to the men, a bracelet to the women, a

ring to the knights, or a jewel to the Jews." But scarcely had

King Richard arrived in Palestine when Prince John unmasked

himself. Having raised an army against the chancellor, he claimed

the supreme authority on the ground of his being heir presumptive

to the crown, resolutely refusing to recognize the rights of

Arthur of Brittany, son of Geoffrey, whom Richard had repeatedly

nominated as his successor. Badly supported by the barons,

Longchamp was beaten, and compelled to agree to a truce.

{195}

By means of intrigue and concessions, John first of all caused

himself to be recognized by the regent and the council as heir to

the throne, then obtained the deposition of the chancellor, and

saw himself raised to the dignity of Governor-General of the

kingdom. It was on the 9th of October, 1191, while King Richard

was fortifying the town of Jaffa, after the victory of Ascalon.

The new regent offered to allow Longchamp to keep his diocese of

Ely, and have the governorship of three royal castles. "No," said

the deposed chancellor, "I will not willingly give up any of my

master's rights; but you are stronger than I, and chancellor and

chief justicier as I am, I yield to superior power." He consigned

the keys of the Tower to Prince John, and made preparation for

leaving England. No doubt he knew the prince too well not to fear

some treachery, for he disguised himself as a travelling

trades-woman, and, accompanied by a large number of boxes, he

waited near Dover for the ship which was to carry him to France.

The vessel was delayed; some fishermen's wives, passing along the

beach, asked if they might look at his goods; but the Chancellor

of England did not understand English, but only spoke Norman, and

therefore could not answer; the women, being impatient, declared

that the owner of the boxes must be a mad woman, and raised her

veil. They started back at seeing a man's face underneath it. The

fishermen rushed to the spot; and, suspecting some sinister

purpose in the disguise, they subjected Longchamp to

ill-treatment until the officers of the guard came, tore him from

their grasp, and took him to prison. The Chancellor had much

difficulty in getting free again, and in obtaining permission to

proceed to France. The Archbishop of Rouen was created chancellor

and chief justicier in his stead.

{196}

It was in the month of October, 1192, when King Richard was just

setting sail from Acre, that rumors of his approaching return

were spread throughout Europe; but in vain did days, weeks,

months elapse. The champion of the Cross, Cœur-de-Lion, had

disappeared, and his fate remained shrouded in mystery, when, at

the beginning of the year 1193, a letter from the Emperor Henry

VI. to the King of France, discovered by accident, revealed the

fact of Richard's incarceration in Austria. "The enemy of the

Empire and the disturber of France," said the Emperor, "is

imprisoned in a castle in the Tyrol, and watched day and night by

faithful guards with naked swords." The exact whereabouts of the

castle remained a secret.

The effect of this news in Europe was wonderful; Richard's

reputation had caused people to forget his pride and avarice.

Prince John was as proud and as avaricious as his brother,

without the fitful generosity and brilliant valor which in

Richard compensated for so many faults: the clergy remembered the

great deeds performed for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre;

all the noblemen and knights were disgusted at the treachery

which kept a king and a crusader in an unknown prison; the Pope

excommunicated the Archduke Leopold, and threatened the Emperor

with the same penalty; Prince John and the King of France alone

rejoiced at the powerless state in which their enemy found

himself. The prince hastened to Paris to do homage to Philip for

all the dominions which the King of England held upon the

Continent; and then, recrossing the Channel, he commenced

preparations for raising an army, to enable him to dispute his

brother's claim to the crown; but already the barons and prelates

who remained faithful to Richard had unfurled the royal standard;

the hired soldiers gathered together by John were repulsed, and

the feeble usurper was compelled to consent to an armistice. His

ally of France had been unsuccessful at Rouen, which was defended

by the Earl of Essex, who had recently arrived from Palestine.

Philip had been compelled to quit that town.

{197}

The ex-Chancellor Longchamp had at length discovered the king's

prison, and had gone to see him. He managed to induce the emperor

to convoke the Diet of the Empire at Hagenau, in order to hear

the charges against Richard. The King of England appeared before

the princes there assembled, and cleared himself easily of the

accusations brought against him. The emperor consented to deliver

him up for a ransom; the sum fixed was a hundred and fifty

thousand marks of silver. The king's fetters were removed, and he

was led back to his prison, there to remain until the united

efforts of his people should raise the required sum of money. "My

brother John will never gain a kingdom by his valor!"

Cœur-de-Lion had disdainfully declared on hearing of that

prince's treachery. But John could plot, and, supported by Philip

Augustus, he contributed greatly towards postponing the

deliverance of his brother. Richard was still languishing in

prison at the beginning of the year 1194, lamenting his fate in

Provençal ballads, which may be translated thus:--

Now know ye well, my barons, people, all,

English and Norman, Gascon and Poitevin,

That for no money would I leave in thrall

The poorest of my comrades thus to pine.

Reproach I made not nor desire withal,

Though now two winters here.

The period of his captivity was at length, however, drawing to an

end; in vain did Philip-Augustus and Prince John propose to the

Emperor Henry a much larger sum than Richard's ransom if he would

still keep the latter in prison. The princes of the Empire

opposed the offer indignantly, and when the first half of the

ransom arrived, in the month of February, 1194, the king was at

length restored to liberty.

{198}

He landed at Sandwich on the 13th of March, to the great delight

of his subjects. Prince John had taken refuge in Normandy, and

the other traitors had disappeared. Richard seized upon several

castles, deprived several rebels of their offices, and sold them

to the highest bidder; then, levying another tax upon a country

exhausted by war and by the payment of the royal ransom, he

hastened to France, to punish her king for the injuries inflicted

upon him by that monarch. On disembarking Richard was met by his

brother, who reckoned upon the intercession of his mother to

obtain the forgiveness of the sovereign whom he had so cruelly

wronged. "I forgive him," said Richard; "and I hope that I shall

forget his misdeeds as completely as he will forget my

forgiveness." He refused, however, to reinstate John in his land

and castles.

War was still raging between the two monarchs, with variable

success. Richard was enabled to wreak his vengeance upon the

Bishop of Beauvais, who had formerly been entrusted with missions

from Philip to the Emperor of Germany. That prelate, having been

made a prisoner during a battle, by Merchadec, chief of the

Brabantines in Richard's service, was imprisoned in the castle of

Rouen. In vain did he implore the intervention of Pope Celestine

III. in his favor; the King of England sent the armor, stained

with the bishop's blood, to the Pontiff, with this quotation from

Scripture: "See whether it is your son's garment." The Pope

laughed. "It is the coat of a son of Mars," said he, "let Mars

undertake to deliver him;" and the bishop remained in prison

until the death of King Richard.

{199}

So many struggles were necessarily burdensome; "from sea to sea

England was ruined," say the chroniclers. A citizen of London,

William Fitz-Osbert, better known by his title of "Longbeard,"

constituted himself the champion of the poor, endeavoring, first

of all, by interceding with the king to obtain a lessening of the

burdens which were crushing them. The king wanted money.

Longbeard achieved no result; and came back to England, where he

organized a secret association. He began a series of public

orations, causing dangerous riots in London, where he was looked

upon by the people as their king and saviour. The authorities

endeavored to arrest him, but he took refuge in the church of St.

Mary of the Arches, with a few supporters, where he defended

himself until the building being set afire he was obliged to

leave it; he was wounded, captured and dragged to Smithfield,

where he was hanged. The people had done nothing to rescue him;

but it was found necessary to punish the fanatics who came by

night to scrape up the earth at the foot of his gibbet, to be

preserved as relics.

King Richard had defeated Philip-Augustus at the gates of Gisors.

Whilst making his escape, the King of France had almost been

drowned in the river. "I made him drink the water of the Epte,"

Richard wrote triumphantly. But the day was approaching which was

to see the end of so many heroic, but fruitless struggles; it was

rumored in Normandy that an arrow was being fashioned in

Limousin, which was destined to kill a tyrant. The King of

England learnt that his vassal, the Viscount of Limoges, had

discovered a treasure. He at once sent to claim it of the

Viscount, who sent him one-half of his treasure trove upon a

mule. "Gold treasure belongs to the liege-lord; silver is

divided," said the Viscount. But Richard wanted the whole; he

marched against the castle of Chalus, where he expected to find

the treasure, and laid siege to the place. It was well defended,

but provisions had run short; the garrison wished to capitulate.

{200}

"No," said Richard, "I will take your place by storm, and cause

you all to be hanged on the walls." The defenders of the town

were in despair; the king and Merchadec were examining the point

of attack, when a young archer, Bertrand de Gourdon, pulled his

bow, and, praying to God to direct the arrow, aimed it at the

king; the latter was struck on the left shoulder. The town,

however, was taken by assault, and all the garrison were hanged.

The king sent for Gourdon. He was dying, for an unskilful surgeon

had broken the arrow, and left the steel portion in the wound.

"Wretch!" said he to the archer, "what had I done to you that you

should have attempted my life?" "You have put my father and two

brothers to death," said Bertrand, "and you wanted to hang me."

"I forgive you," cried Richard; "let his chains be removed, and

let him receive one hundred shillings." Merchadec took no heed of

the royal pardon, but caused Bertrand de Gourdon to be flayed

alive. Gourdon's children fled to Scotland, and became, it is

said, the founders of the illustrious family of the Gordons.

Richard died on the 6th of April, 1199. Scarcely had he breathed

his last, when his sister Joanna, whom he had married to the

Count of Toulouse, arrived at the camp before Chalus, to solicit

help for her husband in his dispute with the court of Rome, in

the matter of the Albigenses. She was informed of the death of

her brother, and the shock caused her to give birth to a child

prematurely. The child was stillborn, and the mother died in

delivering it. She was buried with her brother at Fontevraud, at

the foot of the grave of Henry II.

The period of chivalric enterprises in England had gone by, and

that of humiliation and decay was commencing. The reign, however,

of John Lackland, the most cowardly and treacherous of the

sovereigns who have sat on the throne of England, is one of the

most important epochs in history, for from that time dates the

active part played by the nation in its own affairs--the time of

Magna Charta, the germ and foundation of all English liberty.

{201}

Magna Charta

John was well known by the people whom he aspired to govern, and

was universally detested. Scarcely had the rumor of the death of

King Richard spread through France, when all the nobility of

Brittany, Touraine, Anjou, and Maine declared themselves in favor

of Prince Arthur, son of Geoffrey Plantagenet and of Constance of

Brittany, born seven months after his father's death, whom

Richard had repeatedly nominated as his successor. Under the

influence of Eleanor, Aquitaine and Poitou recognized John as

their liege-lord: he was in Normandy, and caused himself to be

proclaimed at Rouen on the 25th of April. He had already sent the

Archbishop of Canterbury back to England, to bring together all

the barons, and to make them swear allegiance to John, Duke of

Normandy, son of King Henry, son of the Empress Matilda. The

repugnance felt towards him was very general, but the fear of

anarchy decided several noblemen in favor of John; promises and

presents influenced others, and, on the 25th of May, 1199, when

John arrived in England, the greater number of the barons had

become reconciled to his cause. The new king was crowned on the

27th of May at Westminster, the primate proclaiming aloud that

the crown of England was not an inheritance descending by right

of primogeniture, but that it belonged to the worthiest claimant.

The worthiest claimant on this occasion was Prince John.

There had been no question raised about the rights of Arthur; but

Philip-Augustus was too shrewd not to seize this pretext for

renewing the war against John, whom he knew to be a coward, a

sluggard, and a sovereign unpopular in his kingdom; he claimed,

therefore, in the name of the young prince, whose mother had

placed him under the royal protection, nearly all King John's

continental domains.

{202}

Hostilities recommenced, and Brittany was ravaged both by its

enemies and friends; but the King of France was engaged in a

serious dispute with the Pope; his kingdom had just been placed

under an interdict; he concluded peace with John, sacrificing,

without remorse, the interests of Arthur, who found himself

completely disinherited through the mutual understanding between

his uncle and the King of France.

Meanwhile John had started out for Aquitaine, there to receive

the homage of his subjects. He met, at one of the _fêtes_

which were celebrated, Isabel, daughter of the Count of Angoulême

and wife of the Count of Marche; she was remarkably beautiful,

and as ambitious as she was beautiful. Her beauty attracted the

king, and the ambition of the countess prompting her, she

abandoned her husband to marry John Lackland, who himself had

been married for ten years to the daughter of the Earl of

Gloucester. An insurrection soon broke out in Aquitaine; it was

insignificant at first, but at the beginning of the year 1202

Philip-Augustus, delivered from his quarrels with Pope Innocent

III., stirred the flame of the rebellion in the southern

provinces, organized an insurrection in Brittany, and suddenly

took up Arthur's cause again, who had recently lost his mother.

"You are aware of your rights," he said to the young prince, "do

you wish to become king?" "Decidedly I do," said Arthur. "Very

well then," said Philip, "there are two hundred knights, take

them and march against your own provinces whilst I enter into

Normandy." The Bretons rallied round their young duke, who

advanced with his little army against the town of Mirebeau in

Poitou, where his grandmother Eleanor was staying, whom his

mother had taught him to hate.

{203}

He hoped, by capturing her, to obtain better conditions from his

uncle; but the old queen defended herself valiantly, and held the

castle sufficiently long to allow her son to come to her

assistance. A nobleman of the country delivered up the town to

him on the night of the 31st of July, 1202, on King John's

promising not to do any harm to his nephew. All the noblemen who

supported the young duke, amongst whom was the Count of Marche,

were made prisoners, and Prince Arthur himself was imprisoned in

the Castle of Falaise, whence he was transported a short time

afterwards to Rouen. There all trace of him is lost in history,

and no information concerning him exists except vague and

contradictory tradition. The most probable story relates that the

king arrived by night with his esquire, Peter of Maulac, to see

the unfortunate young prince in his dungeon, and that he took the

latter with him in a little boat upon the Seine. The young man

was in fear, and begged his uncle to spare his life; but John

made a sign and De Maulac, after plunging his dagger into the

prisoner's heart, threw his body overboard; but it is also said

that De Maulac conceived a horror of the crime beforehand and

refused to commit it, and that the king himself struck the fatal

blow. It was on the 3rd of April, 1203. Rumors of the murder

spread throughout France and England, adding fresh indignation to

the hatred which John already inspired. The Bretons proclaimed

Alice of Thouars, daughter of the Duchess Constance by her third

husband, instead of Prince Arthur's sister, Eleanor, the Pearl of

Brittany, who was in the power of her uncle, and was shut up by

him in a convent at Bristol. The appeal of the Bretons to the

liege-lord was listened to by Philip-Augustus; he summoned John,

Duke of Normandy, to appear in Paris to be judged by his peers.

Queen Eleanor had retired to Fontevraud, where she had taken the

veil, overcome, it is said, with despair in consequence of her

son's crime.

{204}

John had not answered Philip's summons: he was at Rouen, occupied

with the festivities, while the King of France had entered

Poitou, supported by the nobility, who had generally revolted in

his favor, and was marching from there into Normandy. The Bretons

had commenced the attack, and were advancing, pillaging the

country. Many Normans joined them, so great was the horror

inspired by the murder of Prince Arthur. The people had also

organized an insurrection in Anjou and Maine, and Philip had

taken possession of all the towns on his way when he effected a

junction with the Bretons at Caen. "Let them go where they

please," John would say in the midst of his revels, "I will take

back in one day all that they have acquired with so much

trouble." But the French army having appeared at Rodepont, in the

neighborhood of Rouen, the King of England fled in great haste

and recrossed the Channel in the month of December, 1203, in

order to seek for succor.

The English reinforcements did not arrive; Rouen had defended

itself valiantly; but the citizens had at length yielded in

consequence of a famine; Verneuil had just been taken; Castle

Gaillard, fortified by Richard Cœur-de-Lion, capitulated after a

siege of seven months. The garrison had defended tower after

tower; there no longer remained a single French knight, when the

French soldiers at length destroyed the last portion of the

ramparts. John had not lifted a finger to defend his dominions,

and the King of France was regaining possession of his duchy of

Normandy, which had been separated from his dominions for two

hundred and ninety-two years. Brittany, Touraine, Anjou, Maine,

and Poitou slipped from the grasp of the King of England;

Aquitaine alone remained to him. King Philip, who was now

satisfied, allowed himself to be persuaded by a legate sent by

the Pope and concluded a truce of two years' duration with King

John, which was to commence in the month of December, 1206.

{205}

The arms of his temporal enemies had triumphed. John Lackland was

about to bring down upon himself the spiritual thunders; a

conflict had arisen between the king and the chapter of

Canterbury about the election of an archbishop. The Pope settled

the question by nominating Cardinal Stephen Langton, who was then

at Rome, and whose merit was known to the pontiff. The monks of

Canterbury recognized him, and John caused them to be driven from

their cloisters by two knights, sword in hand. The Pope

instructed the three bishops to pronounce an interdict in

England, authorizing at the same time the English barons, who

were, he knew, secretly discontented, to aid him in snatching

their country from ruin. The bishops pronounced the terrible

sentence, and at once left King John's dominions. The barons did

not dare to rebel; the king had taken possession of a large

number of children of the noblest families as hostages. He had

sent Peter of Maulac to demand the sons of William of Braose,

Lord of Bramber in Sussex. "By my faith," said the lady of the

castle, "he did not take such care of his nephew that I should

trust my children to him." Peter of Maulac made prisoners of the

lady and her children, who died of hunger in their prison; Lord

Bramber died of grief in consequence.

The interdict had lasted one year; the churches were closed. No

more bell-ringing, no religious services, no marriages, no

prayers over the graves; the baptism of newly born children and

the administration of extreme unction were the only concessions

made by the Church.

{206}

In 1209, the Pope sent a bull of excommunication against the

king; the blow was foreseen, and the approaches were so zealously

guarded that the papal missive could not gain admission; but John

knew that a sentence of deposition would follow that of

excommunication; and this proceeding, although unproductive of

practical results in itself, assumed a terrible degree of

importance when it was known that King Philip-Augustus was ready

to carry it into execution. It is related that at this time John,

in despair at his struggle against the Church, conceived the idea

of begging the assistance of the Mussulmans, and that he sent an

embassy to the Emir El-Hassiz in Spain, proposing to embrace the

religion of Islamism and to become the vassal of the Emir, if the

latter would cross the Pyrenees, enter into France, and thus draw

off the forces of King Philip. The Emir listened gravely, only

giving vague answers. When the emissaries had retired, the

Mussulman called back one of them, a priest "Tell me," he asked

him, "in the name of the Lord, from whom you expect your

salvation, what kind of man your king really is." "He is a tyrant

who will soon feel the effects of his subjects' anger," replied

the monk; and the Emir refused all King John's offers.

In spite of the Pope's discontent and John's terror thereat, the

latter had carried on successfully some expeditions against the

insurgents in Ireland and Wales, when, in 1213, Innocent III. at

length proclaimed his deposition, absolving all his vassals from

their oath of allegiance, and making an appeal to all Christian

princes to dethrone an impious tyrant. Stephen Langton was sent

to King Philip to promise forgiveness of all the latter's sins if

he would carry out the sentence of the Holy See. The French army

was already being formed; King John had obtained a signal success

over his adversary's fleet, and he was at Dover surrounded by an

army of sixty thousand men, ready to encounter the invaders if

their sovereign would lead them; but John was afraid of his

subjects, mistrusting their fidelity; and he shrank as usual from

giving battle to the enemy.

{207}

The Pope's legate, Pandulph, came and met him at Dover. He

represented to the king in the most terrible colors the strength

of the French army, the discontent of the barons, and the anger

of the exiles; the little courage that remained to the degenerate

Plantagenet faded away from his heart. He was, besides, pursued

by the recollection of a prediction of Peter the Hermit of

Wakefield, which ran: "Before the day of the Ascension the king

will have lost his crown." John resolved rather to drag it

through the mire than to relax his hold of it.

The legate was a skilful diplomatist; before making public the

result of his negotiations with the king, he demanded that all

the exiled priests should be allowed to return with Langton at

their head; and he also exacted an assurance that the clergy and

laity would be indemnified for the losses which they had

sustained through the interdict. The king signed this agreement

on the 13th of May, 1213, and four barons affixed their seals to

it. On the 14th John was engaged all day in private conference

with the legate.

On the morning of the 15th of May the king rose early and went to

the church of the Templars at Dover; a great crowd had already

assembled there, and John, kneeling and clasping the hand of the

legate in his own, swore in a loud clear voice an oath of

allegiance to the Holy See. At the same time he placed in the

hands of the pontiff's ambassador a document declaring that he,

John, king of England and Ireland, in expiation of his sins

against God and the Holy Church, without being constrained

thereto by force or by the fear of the interdict, but of his own

free will and with the consent of his barons, ceded to the Holy

Pope Innocent and to his heirs and successors forever, the

kingdom of England and dependency of Ireland, to be held by

himself John and by his successors as a fief of the Holy Church,

by paying an annual sum of a thousand marks of silver.

{208}

At the same time the king offered a purse as an earnest of his

submission. Pandulph threw it on the ground, trampling the money

disdainfully under foot, but he accepted the crown which John had

relinquished, and for five days it remained in his keeping. The

feast of the Ascension had passed,--the king caused the Hermit of

Wakefield to be tied to the tail of an untamed horse as a

punishment for his predictions; but the people maintained that

Peter had not been mistaken, because King John himself gave up

his crown.

Scarcely had the legate accomplished his mission in England when

he recrossed the sea to Philip's camp at Boulogne, announcing to

the latter that the states of his enemy would for the future form

part of the dominions of St. Peter, and that the King of France

no longer had permission to invade them. "But," said Philip, "I

have spent enormous sums of money in the preparations for war at

the Pope's bidding, and on his having granted remission of my

sins." He resolved to carry on the expedition, and was preparing

to set sail, when a quarrel with the Count of Flanders caused him

to turn his arms in that direction. The English fleet came to the

assistance of the Count, and gained a brilliant victory over the

vessels of Philip, who, finding himself deprived of the means of

transport and revictualling, was obliged to renounce, for the

time being, his expedition against England.

{209}

John had called all his subjects to arms; but when the barons met

him at Portsmouth they refused to embark in the ships until the

king had allowed the exiles whom he had called back to re-enter

the country. Langton was hateful in the eyes of John, who looked

upon him as the cause of the first dispute with Rome; but he was

obliged to yield, and the archbishop and the monks of Canterbury

once more set foot on English soil; the kiss of peace was

exchanged, and John embarked, reckoning on the support of the

barons. He arrived at Jersey, but the noblemen had not followed

him, pleading that the period of their service was at an end, and

they met at St. Alban's under the presidency of Chief-Justicier

Fitz-Piers, a man of low origin, whose marriage with the Countess

of Essex had placed him in a position which he maintained by

reason of his ability. They had already published a series of

royal declarations demanding the observance of the old laws, when

John, furious at the desertion of his vassals, returned,

pillaging and burning down everything on his way. The Archbishop

of Canterbury came to him. "You are not fulfilling your oath,

Sire," said he; "your vassals should be judged by their peers,

and not coerced by arms." "Pay attention to your Church," cried

the king angrily, "and leave me to govern the kingdom." Langton

threatened to excommunicate all the agents of the royal

vengeance, and John ended by summoning the barons to appear

before him.

Langton, on the other hand, had convoked them at London. When the

king entered the audience chamber, the cardinal held in his hand

a parchment document. It was the charter of King Henry I.; this

was neither the first nor the last charter which England received

since the Conquest. William the Conqueror, in 1071, had

guaranteed to his barons, by a charter, the performance of a

contract entered into between them, promising to reform the

abuses which had been pointed out to him, and securing to the

Saxons the maintenance of the laws of Edward the Confessor.

{210}

In 1101, King Henry I. had lately been proclaimed King of

England; the Duke Robert was claiming the throne by virtue of his

seniority. In order to secure the support of the Norman, as well

as the Saxon barons, Henry had convoked in London a general

assembly and signed a fresh charter, almost similar to his

brother's. It was this document which Archbishop Langton had

found, and which he was bringing to the barons assembled in

London, like their ancestors, not, as of old, to receive a

charter, but to force one upon the king.

King Stephen had also made the same promises, endowing the Church

likewise with a charter setting forth its rights. Finally, Henry

II., in 1154, had renewed the charters of King Stephen, and had

caused a copy of the document to be deposited in all the

churches; there is one of them remaining now. Cœur-de-Lion did

not sign any charter, but that of John Lackland was destined to

be glorious and powerful for ever afterwards under the title of

Magna Charta. The barons swore to observe the injunctions of

Henry I.'s charter, which had been presented to them by Langton,

to remain faithful to one another, and to secure their liberties

or to die defending them. This was on the 25th of August, 1213.

The Pope had abandoned the cause of English liberty on receiving

homage from King John; the interdict had been raised, and the

hostile forces of King Philip were gathering in all directions.

The Emperor of Germany, the Count of Flanders, and the Count of

Boulogne called the King of England to their aid. John sent

William Longsword, earl of Salisbury, his half-brother, to the

camp of the allies, and marched in person against Brittany, but

he did not come to blows with the heir to the throne of France,

Prince Louis, who had been sent forward by his father, on the

27th of July, while the latter was waging war against the

confederates at Bouvines.

{211}

On the 19th of October, John signed a five years' truce, and

returned to England furious, humiliated, and resolved to revenge

himself upon his English subjects for all the reverses of fortune

which he had suffered on the Continent. Fitz-Piers, whom John

feared and detested, was dead. The king burst into laughter on

learning this news. "God's teeth!" he cried; "this is the first

time that I have felt myself king and sovereign of England." But

Langton was the real chief of the conspiracy; the support which

the Pope lent to King John had not for a single moment shaken the

fidelity of the archbishop to the cause of the barons: they again

met, on the 20th of November, at Bury St. Edmund's, and, placing

their hands upon the altar, they swore one after another, that if

the king refused to grant the just rights which they claimed,

they would withhold their allegiance, and wage war against him

until he should have granted their demands by a charter sealed

with the royal seal.

Christmas-day arrived; the king found himself alone at Worcester,

his barons not having presented themselves to do homage to him.

John retired in great haste to London, and took refuge in the

fortress of the Templars. The barons followed him there this time

in larger numbers than he cared for, and on the day of the

Epiphany they haughtily presented their requests to him. John

eyed the faces which surrounded him, and which bore an inflexible

and resolute expression, both in the case of the priests and the

warriors. He turned pale. "Give me until Easter to reflect upon

all this," he said. Before consenting, the barons stipulated that

Cardinal Langton, the Bishop of Ely, and the Earl of Pembroke

should become sureties that the king would satisfy their claims

upon the day mentioned by him. They knew the value of John

Lackland's promises.

{212}

Scarcely had they left, when he threw himself under the

protection of the Church, renouncing all the prerogatives of the

throne in the choice of ecclesiastical dignitaries, and begging

the assistance of the Pope, who wrote to Langton, but with no

result. At length, John formally assumed the cross, on the 2nd of

February, hoping thus to avoid fulfilling his promises to the

English barons. He did not yet fully understand his subjects.

On Easter-day, the confederates had met together in large numbers

at Stamford; they sent a deputation to the king, who was at

Oxford. When Langton read aloud the claims of the barons, John

angrily exclaimed, "And why do they not also ask for my crown? By

God's teeth! I will not grant liberties which would make a slave

of me." The Pope's legate, who was there, maintained that Langton

ought to excommunicate the confederates. "The intentions of the

Holy Father have been misunderstood," said the archbishop calmly;

"if the mercenary followers of the king do not soon leave the

kingdom, whose ruin they are accomplishing, it is they whom I

will excommunicate." The barons then styled themselves the army

of God and of the Holy Church, and, placing Robert Fitz-Walter at

their head, they marched against Northampton Castle. The

resistance there was so actively carried on that the siege had to

be raised, and the barons advanced towards Bedford. The position

of affairs at this time was critical, and it was imperatively

necessary to know whether the citizens of the towns would support

the noble insurrectionists. Bedford opened its gates, and the

confederates took the road to London; they arrived there on the

morning of the 24th of May. The people received them joyfully,

and good order was maintained in the Army of the Holy Church. The

barons issued a proclamation, calling under their banners all the

knights who had hitherto remained aloof from the contest.

{213}

The king found himself unsupported, all the nobility of the

kingdom having risen against him. He yielded therefore, at least

for a time, to urgent necessity; he sent the Earl of Pembroke to

the barons assembled in London to assure them that he was quite

ready to grant the privileges and liberties which they claimed,

and asking on what day and at what place they would arrange

matters with him. "On the 15th of June, at Runnymede," replied

the barons.

On the 15th of June all the noblemen of England were there. "It

is not necessary to name them," says the chronicle, "for they

consisted of all the nobility of the country." Fitz-Walter was at

their head; the king was accompanied by the legate, by the

Grand-Master of the Templars, by eight bishops brought by

Langton, and by twelve barons, of whom the Earl of Pembroke was

the chief. The king's followers, with the exception of the legate

and the Templar, were as devoted to the liberties of England as

the confederate noblemen.

John did not put in any claim or make any objection; with an

amount of alacrity, which must have appeared suspicious to

far-seeing observers, he signed the charter which was presented

to him, and the great seal was affixed to it. The first real

token of English liberty had been acquired; the first stone of

the noble edifice of the Constitution was laid; the conditions

were well defined; and the rights and interests of the clergy as

well as those of the feudal nobility and of the merchants and

citizens who had supported the barons in their enterprise were

carefully provided for. Effectual guarantees were secured; the

necessity for causing persons who were arrested or punished to be

tried first of all in a court of justice, the establishment of

regular assizes, the maintenance of the integrity of justice, all

formed part of the fundamental rights claimed by the barons, who

also required the disbanding of the mercenary troops, and the

formation of a committee of twenty-five members entrusted with

the task of seeing to the fulfilment of all the clauses of the

compacts, the non-fulfilment of which gave the barons the right

of waging war with the king until their grievances should be

completely redressed. During two months the barons were to retain

possession of the city of London.

{214}

All these precautions were powerless, however, against treachery;

scarcely had the triumphant confederates left Runnymede when King

John flew into a terrible passion, rolling on the ground and

cursing the traitors who had dared to reduce him to slavery. The

mercenary troops, whom he was obliged, according to Magna Charta,

to disband, encouraged him in his anger and his plans for

revenge. John called fresh reinforcements to his aid. After the

treaties had been violated war broke out; the barons prepared for

it; a tournament, which had been announced, was decided to be

held nearer to London, and several gatherings had already taken

place when the thunderbolt which John had invoked fell upon the

heads of the English nobility. The Pope declared Magna Charta to

be void, holding that it was illegitimate, having been obtained

by force, and he commanded Langton to dissolve any confederation

under pain of being excommunicated. The archbishop set out for

Rome, in order to obtain a revocation of this sentence, and the

war commenced in England with the siege of Rochester. The place

was defended by D'Albiney, a member of the council of the

twenty-five. After a resistance, which lasted during two months,

the garrison, having come to the end of their resources, at

length opened the gates. John desired to hang the brave defenders

of the town; the chief of his free bands, Sauvery of Mauléon,

surnamed the Bloody, opposed his determination. "The war is only

beginning, Sire," said he, "if you commence by hanging your

barons, your barons will end by hanging us." The knights' lives

were spared, and the men-at-arms only were executed.

[Image]

King John's Anger After Signing Magna Charta.

{215}

Langton had failed in his mission at Rome, and had been deposed

from his see; the barons were excommunicated, and the city of

London placed under an interdict, but the confederates took no

notice of the two sentences. "The Pope had been misguided," they

said, "and had meddled in the temporal affairs of England, which

do not concern him, as the spiritual domain alone belongs to St.

Peter and his successors."

John however had become possessed of two large armies of

mercenary troops of Brabantines and of freelances, who willingly

executed the sanguinary orders of their chief; one corps was sent

to pursue their work of ravaging the counties of the East and the

Centre, the other marched towards the North under the command of

the king, repulsed into Scotland the young King Alexander, who

had crossed the frontier to lend his aid to the barons, and burnt

down and desolated the buildings in York, Northumberland, and

Cumberland. Everywhere the barons, in retiring, would lay waste

their houses and fields; everywhere the king burnt down whatever

he found standing; but he was still advancing, while the

confederates were retreating. They at length found themselves

shut up in the city of London; all their castles had fallen into

the hands of the tyrant, who had made a present of them to his

followers, to Satan's guards, as the people called them. The

families of the confederates were at the mercy of King John. The

barons resolved upon their course of action, a bitter one, that

of seeking aid abroad, and accordingly sent a deputation to

Philip-Augustus, proposing to give the crown of England to his

son Prince Louis, if he would come to their help with an army.

His arrival, it was thought, would immediately thin the ranks of

King John's supporters, for they were mostly Frenchmen, and would

be unwilling to fight against their own countrymen.

{216}

Philip-Augustus only wanted a pretext to meddle in the affairs of

England. He agreed to the proposals of the barons, not, however,

without requiring hostages as a guarantee of good faith; and in

spite of threats from the Pope, who forbade either the father or

the son to invade a fief of the Holy Church, Prince Louis set

sail in the month of July with a large army, raised chiefly

through the personal efforts of his wife, Blanche of Castile, a

niece of King John, in whose name Louis put forth his claim to

the crown of England. John's fears did not wait for the landing

of the French troops; he had left Dover, and had repaired to

Bristol, where the legate awaited him. Prince Louis landed at

Sandwich, and, almost without striking a blow, he marched to

London, which city he entered on the 2nd of June, 1216. The

entire population came to meet him, and, after having offered up

a prayer to St. Paul, he received homage from the barons and

citizens, promising to govern them according to their laws, to

protect their rights, and to restore their property to them. The

satisfaction was universal: the counties surrounding London

submitted willingly to Prince Louis; the oppressed inhabitants of

the North revolted. A large number of John's mercenary troops

deserted him, to return to their homes or to rally round the

standard of France; the nobility who had become reconciled to the

king, in the presence of the reverses sustained by the national

cause, abandoned him to join their old friends; and, lastly, Pope

Innocent III. was just dead (16th July), and hence the powerful

support of Rome was taken from him. John had only the fortresses

defended by his partisans remaining to him.

{217}

Meanwhile, Prince Louis was stopped at Dover Castle, and the

English barons at Windsor Castle. In vain did they attack the

massive walls with a machine which came from France, and which

was called the "Malvoisine." Hubert de Burgh held his ground

firmly at Dover, and the siege of Windsor had been raised; the

confederates had hoped to surprise the king at Cambridge; but

John had eluded them, and had proceeded to Lincoln, of which city

he took possession. The prospects of the confederation were not

flourishing; the reinforcements, which had been sent from France,

were checked by the English sailors who remained faithful to King

John. Prince Louis displayed little activity, and treated his

English allies in a haughty manner. He had already presented

several estates to the noblemen who had accompanied him from

France; one of them, the Viscount of Melun, was dead; and he had,

it was said, confessed, when dying, that the intention of the

French people, when their prince should be on the throne, was to

treat the English like men who had shown themselves untrustworthy

by reason of their treachery to their sovereign. Distrust and

discord had entered into the allied camps; several barons opened

negotiations with King John. The latter's position was

ameliorating; he had just left Wisbeach, and desired to proceed

to Cross-Keys, on the south of the Wash, when, on arriving at the

ford, he beheld the rising tide suddenly engulf the long line of

wagons which were carrying his luggage, his treasures, and his

provisions. The troops had already crossed the river, and were in

safety, but the king became furious at witnessing such an

irreparable loss; he arrived, exhausted with rage, at the convent

of the Cistercian monks at Swineshead.

{218}

No event, however dreadful, troubled King John while at table; he

ate some peaches and drank some new ale--so immoderately in fact,

that he fell ill on the morrow, and, thinking that he was

poisoned by the monks, he caused himself to be taken to Newark.

Death, the only enemy that John could not escape from, awaited

him there. He sent for a priest, nominated his son Henry as his

successor, and dictated a letter to the new Pope, Honorius, to

recommend his children to the care of the Holy Church. The

remembrance of his crimes did not seem to trouble him on his

death-bed; perhaps he held himself absolved from all his sins by

his allegiance to the Holy See. "I commit my soul to God and my

body to St. Wulstan," he said. He then expired on the 18th of

October, 1216. He was buried at Worcester, in the church of Saint

Wulstan. Death had at length delivered England of the cowardly

and faithless tyrant whom she had for a long while submitted to,

then vanquished, and against whom the country was still

struggling in defence of Magna Charta, which, after the lapse of

more than six centuries, remains the basis of English liberties.

A Popular History of England, From the Earliest Times to the Reign of Queen Victoria; Vol. I · 第 8 / 12 章