analysis again reveals three main sources, which are clearly marked
off from one another both by their linguistic features and by their
difference of representation. The principal source is J, from which
are derived six plagues, viz. killing of the fish in the river (vii.
14, 16, 17a, 18, 21a, 24, 25), frogs (viii. 1-4, 8-150), insects
(viii. 20-32), murrain (ix. 1-7), hail (ix. 13-18, 23b, 24b, 25b-34),
locusts (x. 1a, 3-11, 13b, 14b, 15a, c-19, 24-26, 28, 29), the threat
to slay all the first-born (xi. 4-8). The most striking characteristic
of this narrative is that the plagues are represented as mainly due to
natural causes and follow a natural sequence. Thus Yahweh smites the
river so that the fish die and render the water undrinkable. This is
succeeded by a plague of frogs. The swarms of flies and insects, which
next appear, are the natural outcome of the decaying masses of frogs,
and these, in turn, would form a natural medium for the spread of
cattle disease. Destructive hailstorms, again, though rare, are not
unknown in Egypt, while the locusts are definitely stated to have been
brought by a strong east wind. Other distinctive features of J's
narrative are: (1) Moses alone is bidden to interview Pharaoh (vii. 14
f.; viii. 1 f., 20 f.; ix. 1 f., 13 f.; x. 1 f.); (2) on each occasion
he makes a formal demand; (3) on Pharaoh's refusal the plague is
announced, and takes place at a fixed time without any human
intervention; (4) when the plague is sent, Pharaoh sends for Moses and
entreats his intercession, promising in most cases to accede in part
to his request; when the plague is removed, however, the promise is
left unfulfilled, the standing phrase being "and Pharaoh's heart was
heavy ([Hebrew: kaved])," or "and Pharaoh made heavy ([Hebrew:
hihbid]) his heart"; (5) the plagues do not affect the children of
Israel in Goshen. E's account (water turned into blood, vii. 15, 17b,
20b, 23; hail, ix. 22, 23a, 24a, 25a, 35; locusts, x. 12, 13a, 14a,
15b) is more fragmentary, having been doubtless superseded in most
cases by the fuller and more graphic narrative of J, but the plague of
darkness (x. 20-23, 27) is found only in this source. As contrasted
with J the narrative emphasizes the miraculous character of the
plagues. They are brought about by "the rod of God," which Moses
wields, the effect being instantaneous and all-embracing. The
Israelites are represented as living among the Egyptians, and enjoy no
immunity from the plagues, except that of darkness. Their departure
from Egypt is deliberate; the people have time to borrow raiment and
jewels from their neighbours. E regularly uses the phrase "and
Pharaoh's heart was strong ([Hebrew: hazak])," or "and Yahweh made
strong ([Hebrew: hizek]) Pharaoh's heart" and "he would not let the
children of Israel (or, them) go." In the priestly narrative (P) the
plagues assume the form of a trial of skill between Aaron, who acts at
Moses' command, and the Egyptian magicians, and thus connect with vii.
8-13. The magicians succeed in turning the Nile water into blood (vii.
19, 20a, 21b, 22), and in bringing up frogs (viii. 5-7), but they fail
to bring forth lice (viii. 15b-19), and are themselves smitten with
boils (ix. 8-12): the two last-named plagues have no parallel either
in J or E. Throughout the P sections Aaron is associated with Moses,
and the regular command given to the latter is "Say unto Aaron": no
demand is ever made to Pharaoh, and the description of the plague is
quite short. The formula employed by P is "and Pharaoh's heart was
strong ([Hebrew: hazak])," or, "and Pharaoh made strong ([Hebrew:
hizek]) his heart," as in E, but it is distinguished from E's phrase
by the addition of "and he hearkened not unto them as Yahweh had
spoken."
(3) xii. i-xiii. 16. _The Last Plague, the Deliverance from Egypt, the
Institution of the Passover and of the Feast of Unleavened Cakes, the
Consecration of the First-born._--This section presents the usual
phenomena of a composite narrative, viz. repetitions and
inconsistencies. Thus J's regulations for the Passover (xii. 21-23,
27b) seem at first sight simply to repeat the commands given to Moses
and Aaron in xii. 1-13 (P), but in reality they are a parallel and
divergent account. In vv. 1-13 the choice of the lamb and the manner
in which it is to be eaten constitute the essential feature, the
smearing with the blood being quite secondary; in vv. 21 f. the latter
point is all-important, and no regulations are given for the paschal
meal (which, possibly, formed no part of J's original account).
Similarly the institution of the Feast of _Mazzoth_, or Unleavened
Cakes (xiii. 3-10J), does not form the sequel to the regulations laid
down in xii. 14-20 (P), but is independent of them: it omits all
reference to the "holy convocations" and to the abstinence from
labour, and is obviously simpler and more primitive. J's account,
again, makes important exceptions (xiii. 11-13) to the severe
enactment of P with reference to the first-born (xiii. 1). The
description of the smiting of the first-born of Egypt is derived from
J (xii. 29-34, 37-39), who clearly sees in the Feast of _Mazzoth_ a
perpetual reminder of the haste with which the Israelites fled from
Egypt; the editor of JE, however, has included some extracts from E
(xii. 31, 35, 36), which point to a more deliberate departure. The
section has been worked over by a Deuteronomistic editor, whose hand
can be clearly traced in the additions xii. 24-27a; xiii. 3b, 5, 8, 9,
14-16.
(4) xiii. 17-xv. 21. _The Crossing of the Red Sea._--According to J
the children of Israel departed from Egypt under the guidance of
Yahweh, who leads them by day in a pillar of cloud and by night in a
pillar of fire (xiii. 21, 22). On hearing of their flight Pharaoh at
once starts in pursuit. The Israelites, terrified by the approach of
the Egyptians, upbraid Moses, who promises them deliverance by the
hand of Yahweh (xiv. 5, 6,-7b, 10a, 11-14, 19b). Yahweh then causes a
strong east wind to blow all that night, which drives back the waters
from the shallows, and so renders it possible for the host of Israel
to cross over. The Egyptians follow, but the progress of their
chariots is hindered by the soft sand, and in the morning they are
caught by the returning waters (xiv. 21b, 24, 25, 27b, 28b, 30). The
story, however, has been combined with the somewhat different account
of E, which doubtless covered the same ground, and also with that of
P. According to the former, Elohim did not permit the Israelites to
take the shorter route to Canaan by the Mediterranean coast, for fear
of the Philistines, but led them southwards to the Red Sea, whither
they were pursued by the Egyptians (xiii. 17-19). The remainder of E's
account has only been preserved in a fragmentary form (xiv. 7aa, 10b,
15a, 19a, 20a), from which it may be gathered that Moses divided the
waters by stretching out his rod, thus presupposing that the crossing
took place by day, and that the dark cloud which divided the two hosts
was miraculously caused by the angel of God. P also represents the sea
as divided by means of Moses' rod, but heightens the effect by
describing the crossing as taking place between walls of water (xiii.
20; xiv. 1-4, 8, 9, 15b, 16b-18, 21a, c, 22, 23, 26, 27a, 28a, 29).
J's version of the Song of Moses probably does not extend beyond xv.
1, and has its counterpart in the very similar song of Miriam (E), in
vv. 20, 21. The rest of the song (vv. 2-18) is probably the work of a
later writer; for these verses set forth not only the deliverance from
Egypt, but also the entrance of Israel into Canaan (vv. 13-17), and
further presuppose the existence of the temple (vv. 13b, 17b). These
phenomena have been explained as due to later expansion, but the poem
has all the appearance of being a unity, and the language, style and
rhythm all point to a later age. Verse 19 is probably the work of the
redactor (R^P) who inserted the song.
(5) xv. 22-xviii. 27. _Incidents in the Wilderness._--The narrative of
the first journeying in the wilderness (xv. 22-xvii. 7) presents a
series of difficulties which probably owe their origin to the
editorial activity of R^P, who appears to have transferred to the
beginning of the wanderings a number of incidents which rightly belong
to the end. The concluding verses of ch. xv. contain J's account of
the sweetening of the waters of Marah, with which has been
incorporated a fragment of E's story of Massah (xv. 25b) and a
Deuteronomic expansion in v. 26. Then follows (ch. xvi.) P's version
of the sending of the manna and quails. In its present form, this
narrative contains a number of conflicting elements, which can only be
the result of editorial activity. Thus vv. 6, 7 must originally have
preceded vv. 11, 12, though the redactor has attempted to evade the
difficulty by inserting v. 8. Again, the account of the quails, which
is obviously incomplete, is undoubtedly derived from Num. xi.; but the
latter account, which admittedly belongs to JE, places the incident at
the end of the wanderings. Closer examination also of P's narrative of
the manna shows that its true-position is _after_ the departure from
Mt. Sinai; cf. the expressions used in vv. 9, 10, 33, 34, implying the
existence of the ark and the tabernacle. P's account of the manna,
however, can hardly have stood originally in close juxtaposition with
his account of the quails (cf. Num. xi. 6), but the two narratives
were probably combined by R^P before they were transferred to their
present position. The same redactor doubtless added v. 8 (and possibly
vv. 17, 18) by way of explanation, and vv. 5 and 22-30, which imply
that the law of the Sabbath was already known, and introduce a fresh
element into the story. A plausible explanation of R^P's action is
supplied by the theory that an earlier account of the giving of the
manna already existed at this point of the narrative. We know from
Deuteronomy viii. 2 f., 16 that JE contained an account of the manna,
which included the explanation of Ex. xvi. 15, and also emphasized, as
the motive for the gift, Yahweh's desire "to prove thee (i.e. test thy
disposition) ... whether thou wouldst keep his commandments, or no."
Fragments of this early story of Massah (testing) were incorporated by
R^P in his story of the manna and the quails, viz. xv. 25b; xvi. 4,
15, 16a, 19b-21. These verses must be assigned to E, for in xvii. 3,
2c (wherefore do ye tempt the Lord?), 7a (to _Massah_), c (because
they tempted ..., &c.), we find yet another version (J) of the same
incident, according to which the people tempted (tested) Yahweh. It
was owing to the combination of this latter account with E's further
description of the striving of the people for water at Meribah that
the double name Massah-Meribah arose, xvii. 1b-7 (1a belongs to P),
though Deut. xxxiii. 8 makes it clear that Massah and Meribah were
separate localities (cf. Deut. ix. 22, 2 f., 16, where Massah occurs
alone): P's version of striving at Meribah, in which traces of J's
account have been preserved, is given at Num. xx. 1-13.
xvii. 8-16. _The Battle with Amalek at Rephidim._--This incident is
derived from E, but is clearly out of place in its present context.
Its close connexion with the end of the wanderings is shown by (a) the
description of Moses as an infirm old man; (b) the role played by
Joshua in contrast with xxiv. 13, xxxiii. 11, where he is introduced
as a young man and Moses' minister; and (c) the references elsewhere
to the home of the Amalekites: according to Num. xiii. 29, xiv. 25,
xliii. 45, they dwelt in the S. or S.W. of Judah near Kadesh (cf. 1
Sam. xv. 6 f., 30; Gen. xiv. 7; xxxvi. 12).
Ch. xviii. _The visit of Jethro to Moses and the appointment of
judges._--This story, like the preceding one, is mainly derived from E
and is also out of place. Allusions in the chapter itself point
unmistakably to a time just before the departure from Sinai-Horeb, and
this date is confirmed both by Deut. i. 9-16 and by the parallel
account of J in Num. x. 29-32. The narrative, however, displays signs
of compilation, and it is not improbable that R^JE has incorporated in
vv. 7-11 part of J's account of the visit of Moses' father-in-law (cf.
the use of Yahweh).
(b) Ch. xix.-xxiv., xxxii., xxxiv.--The contents of these chapters,
which, owing to their contents, form the most important section in the
book of Exodus, may be briefly analysed as follows. In ch. xix. we
have a twofold description of the theophany on Mt. Sinai (or Horeb),
followed by the Decalogue in xx. 1-17. Alongside of this code we find
another, dealing in part with the civil and social (xxi. 2-xxii. 17),
in part with the religious life of Israel, the so-called Book of the
Covenant, xx. 22-xxiii. 19. Ch. xxiv. contains a composite narrative
of the ratification of the covenant. In chs. xxxii. and xxxiii. we
have again two narratives of the sin of the people and of Moses'
intercession, while in ch. xxxiv. we are confronted with yet another
early code, which is practically identical with the religious
enactments of xx. 22-26; xxii. 29, 30; xxiii. 10-19.
With but few exceptions the _provenance_ of the individual sections
may be said to have been finally determined by the labours of the
critics, but even a cursory examination of their contents makes it
evident that the sequence of events, which they now present, cannot be
original, but is rather the outcome of a long process of revision,
during which the text has suffered considerably from alterations,
omissions, dislocations and additions. Yet owing to the method of
composition employed by Hebrew editors, or revisers, it is possible in
this case, as in others, not only to determine the source of each
individual passage, but also to trace with considerable confidence the
various stages in the process by which it reached its final form and
position. It must, however, be admitted that the evidence at our
disposal is, in some cases, capable of more than one interpretation.
Hence a final conclusion can hardly be expected, but with certain
modifications in detail the following solution of the problem may be
accepted as representing the point of view of recent criticism.
Ch. xix. contains two parallel accounts of the theophany on
Horeb-Sinai, from E and J respectively, which differ materially from
one another. According to the former, Moses is instructed by God
(Elohim) to sanctify the _people_ against the third day (vv. 9a, 10,
11a). This is done and the people are brought by Moses to the foot of
the mountain (Horeb), where they hear the divine voice (14-17, 19). A
noticeable feature of this narrative, of which xx. 18-21 forms a
natural continuation, is the fact that the theophany is addressed to
the _people_, who are too frightened to remain near the mountain
itself. In J, on the other hand, it is the _priests_ who are
sanctified, and great care must be taken to prevent the people from
"breaking through to gaze" (20-22). In this account the mountain is
called "Sinai" throughout, and "Yahweh" appears instead of "Elohim"
(11b, 18, 20 f.). Moreover, Moses and Aaron and the priests are
summoned to the top of the mount (in v. 24b render "thou and Aaron
with thee, and the priests: but let not the people," &c.). Vv. 3b-8,
which have been expanded by a Deuteronomic editor, have been
transferred from their original context after xx. 21; the introductory
verses 1, 2a form part of P's itinerary.
Of the succeeding legislation in xx.-xxiii., xxxii.-xxxiv.,
undoubtedly the earlier sections are xx. 22-26; xxii. 29, 30; xxiii.
10-19, and xxxiv. 10-26, which contain regulations with regard to
worship and religious festivals, and form the basis of the covenant
made by Yahweh with Israel on Sinai-Horeb, as recorded by E and J
respectively. The narrative which introduces the covenant laws of J
has been preserved partly in its present context, ch. xxxiv., partly
in xxiv. 1, 2, 9-11; the narrative of E, on the other hand, has in
part disappeared owing to the interpolation of later material, in part
has been retained in xxiv. 3-8. J's narrative xxiv. 1 f., 9-11 clearly
forms the continuation of xix. 20 f., 11b, 13, 25, but the
introductory words of v. 1, "and unto Moses he said," point to some
omission. Originally, no doubt, it included the recital of the divine
instructions to the people in accordance with xix. 21 f., 11b-13, the
statement that Yahweh came down on the third day, and that a long
blast was blown on the trumpet (or ram's horn [[Hebrew: yovel], as
opposed to [Hebrew: shofar] E]). From xxiv. 1 f. we learn that Moses
and Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, and seventy of the elders were summoned to
the top of the mountain, but that Moses alone was permitted to
approach Yahweh. Then followed the theophany, and, as the text stands,
the sacrificial meal (9-11).[5] The conclusion of J's narrative is
given in ch. xxxiv.,[6] which describes how Moses hewed two tables of
stone at Yahweh's command, and went up to the top of the mountain,
where he received the words of the covenant and wrote them on the
tables. As it stands, however, this chapter represents the legislation
which it contains as a renewal of a former covenant, also written on
tables of stone, which had been broken (1b, 4a). But the document from
which the chapter, as a whole, is derived, is certainly J, while the
previous references to tables of stone and to Moses' breaking them
belong to the parallel narrative of E. Moreover, the covenant here set
forth (v. 10 f.) is clearly a new one, and contains no hint of any
previous legislation, nor of any breach of it by the people. In view
of these facts we are forced to conclude that 1b ("like unto the first
... brakest"), 4a ("and he hewed ... the first") and v. 28 ("the ten
words") formed no part of the original narrative,[7] but were inserted
by a later Deuteronomic redactor. In the view of this editor the
Decalogue alone formed the basis of the covenant at Sinai-Horeb, and
in order to retain J's version, he represented it as a renewal of the
tables of stone which Moses had broken.[8]
The legislation contained in xxxiv. 10-26, which may be described as
the oldest legal code of the Hexateuch, is almost entirely religious.
It prohibits the making of molten images (v. 17), the use of leaven in
sacrifices (25a), the retention of the sacrifice until the morning
(25b),[9] and the seething of a kid in its mother's milk (26b); and
enjoins the observance of the three annual feasts and the Sabbath
(18a, 21-23), and the dedication of the first-born (19, 20, derived
from xiii. 11-13) and of the first-fruits (26a).
The parallel collection of E is preserved in xx. 24-26, xxiii. 10-19,
to which we should probably add xxii. 29-31 (for which xxiii. 19a was
afterwards substituted). The two collections resemble one another so
closely, both in form and extent, that they can only be regarded as
two versions of the same code. E has, however, preserved certain
additional regulations with regard to the building of altars (xx.
24-26) and the observance of the seventh year (xxiii. 10, 11), and
omits the prohibition of molten images (xx. 22, 23, appear to be the
work of a redactor); xxiii. 20-33, the promises attached to the
observance of the covenant, probably formed no part of the original
code, but were added by the Deuteronomic redactor; cf. especially vv.
23-25a, 27, 28, 31b-33. The narrative of E relative to the delivery of
these laws has disappeared,[10] but xxiv. 3-8 (which manifestly have
no connexion with their immediate context) clearly point back to some
such narrative. These verses describe how Moses wrote all the words of
the Lord in a book and recited them to the _people_ (v. 7) as the
basis of a covenant, which was solemnly ratified by the sprinkling of
the blood of the accompanying sacrifices.
In the existing text the covenant laws of E (xx. 24-26, xxii. 29-31,
xxiii. 10-19) are combined with a mass of civil and other legislation;
hence the title "Book of the Covenant" (referred to above, xxiv. 7)
has usually been applied to the whole section, xx. 22-xxiii. 33. But
this section includes three distinct elements: (a) the "words"
([Hebrew: hadvarim]) found in xx. 24-26, xxii. 29-31, xxiii. 1-10; (b)
the "judgments" ([Hebrew: hamishpatim]), xxi. 2-xxii. 17; and (c) a
group of moral and ethical enactments, xxii. 18-28, xxiii. 1-9; and an
examination of their contents makes it evident that, though the last
two groups are unmistakably derived from E, they cannot have formed
part of the original "Book of the Covenant"; for the "judgments,"
which are expressed in a hypothetical form, consist of a number of
legal decisions on points of civil law. The cases dealt with fall into
five divisions: (1) The rights of slaves, xxi. 2-11; (2) capital
offences, xxi. 12-16 (v. 17 has probably been added later); (3)
injuries inflicted by man or beast, xxi. 18-32; (4) losses incurred by
culpable negligence or theft, xxi. 33-xxii. 6; (5) cases arising out
of deposits, loans, seduction, xxii. 7-17. It is obvious, from their
very nature, that these legal precedents could not have been included
in the covenant which the _people_ (xxiv. 3) promised to observe, and
it is now generally admitted that the words "and the judgments"
(which are missing in c. 1 b) have been inserted in xxiv. 3a by the
redactor to whom the present position of the "judgments" is due.[11]
The majority of critics, therefore, adopt Kuenen's conjecture that the
"judgments" were originally delivered by Moses on the borders of Moab,
and that when D's revised version of Ex. xxi.-xxiii. was combined with
JE, the older code was placed alongside of E's other legislation at
Horeb. The third group of laws (xxii. 18-28, xxiii. 1-9) appears to
have been added somewhat later than the bulk of xxi.-xxiii. Some of
the regulations are couched in hypothetical form, but their contents
are of a different character to the "judgments," e.g. xxii. 25 f.,
xxiii. 4 f.; others, again, are of a similar nature, but differ in
form, e.g. xxii. 18 f. Lastly, xxii. 20-24, xxiii. 1-3 set forth a
number of moral injunctions affecting the individual, which cannot
have found place in a civil code. At the same time, these additions
must for the most part be prior to D, since many of them are included
in Deut. xii.-xxvi., though there are traces of Deuteronomic revision.
Now it is obvious that the results obtained by the foregoing analysis
of J and E have an important bearing on the history of the remaining
section of E's legislation, viz. the Decalogue (q.v.), Ex. xx. 1-17 (=
Deut. v. 6-21). At present the "Ten Words" stand in the forefront of
E's collection of laws, and it is evident that they were already found
in that position by the author of Deuteronomy, who treated them as the
sole basis of the covenant at Horeb. The evidence, however, afforded
(a) by the parallel version of Deuteronomy and (b) by the literary
analysis of J and E not only fails to support this tradition, but
excites the gravest suspicions as to the originality both of the
_form_ and of the _position_ in which the Decalogue now appears. For
when compared with Ex. xx. 1-17 the parallel version of Deut. v. 6 ff.
is found to exhibit a number of variations, and, in particular,
assigns an entirely different reason for the observance of the
Sabbath. But these variations are practically limited to the
explanatory comments attached to the 2nd, 4th, 5th and 10th
commandments; and the majority of critics are now agreed that these
comments were added at a later date, and that all the commandments,
like the 1st and the 6th to the 9th, were originally expressed in the
form of a single short sentence. This view is confirmed by the fact
that the additions, or comments, bear, for the most part, a close
resemblance to the style of D. They can scarcely, however, have been
transferred from Deuteronomy to Exodus (or vice versa), owing to the
variations between the two versions: we must rather regard them as the
work of a Deuteronomic redactor. But the expansion and revision of the
Decalogue were not limited to the Deuteronomic school. Literary traces
of J and E in the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 10th commandments point to earlier
activity on the part of R^JE, while the addition of v. 11, which bases
the observance of the Sabbath on P 's narrative of the Creation (Gen.
ii. 1-3), can only be ascribed to a priestly writer: its absence from
Deut. v. 6 ff. is otherwise inexplicable. Thus the Decalogue, as given
in Exodus, would seem to have passed through at least three stages
before it assumed its present form. But even in its original form it
could hardly have formed part of E's Horeb legislation; for (a) both J
and E have preserved a different collection of laws (or "words")
inscribed by Moses, which are definitely set forth as the basis of the
covenant at Sinai-Horeb (Ex. xxxiv. 10, xxiv. 3 f.), and (b) the
further legislation of E in ch. xx.-xxiii. affords close parallels to
all the commandments (except the 7th and the 10th), and a comparison
of the two leaves no doubt as to which is the more primitive. Hence we
can only conclude that the Decalogue, in its original short form, came
into existence during the period after the completion of E, but before
the promulgation of Deuteronomy. Its present position is, doubtless,
to be ascribed to a redactor who was influenced by the same conception
as the author of Deuteronomy. This redactor, however, did not limit
the Horeb covenant to the Decalogue, but retained E's legislation
alongside of it. The insertion of the Decalogue, or rather the point
of view which prompted its insertion, naturally involved certain
consequential changes of the existing text. The most important of
these, viz. the harmonistic additions to ch. xxxiv., by means of which
J's version of the covenant was represented as a renewal of the
Decalogue, has already been discussed; other passages which show
traces of similar revision are xxiv. 12-15a, 18b, and xxxiv. 1-6.
The confusion introduced into the legislation by later additions, with
the consequent displacement of earlier material, has not been without
effect on the narratives belonging to the different sources. Hence the
sequence of events after the completion of the covenant on Sinai-Horeb
is not always easy to trace, though indications are not wanting in
both J and E of the probable course of the history. The two main
incidents that precede the departure of the children of Israel from
the mountain (Num. x. 29 ff.) are (1) the sin of the people, and (2)
the intercession of Moses, of both of which a double account has been
preserved.
(1) _The Sin of the People._--According to J (xxxii. 25-29) the
people, during the absence of Moses, "break loose," i.e. mutiny. Their
behaviour excites the anger of Moses on his return, and in response to
his appeal the sons of Levi arm themselves and slay a large number of
the people: as a reward for their services they are bidden to
consecrate themselves to Yahweh. The fragmentary form of the
narrative--we miss especially a fuller account of the "breaking
loose"--is doubtless due to the latter editor, who substituted the
story of the golden calf (xxxii. 1-6, 15-24, 35), according to which
the sin of the people consisted in direct violation of the 2nd
commandment. At the instigation of the people Aaron makes a molten
calf out of the golden ornaments brought from Egypt; Moses and Joshua,
on their return to the camp, find the people holding festival in
honour of the occasion; Moses in his anger breaks the tables of the
covenant which he is carrying: he then demolishes the golden calf, and
administers a severe rebuke to Aaron. The punishment of the people is
briefly recorded in v. 35. This latter narrative, which is obviously
inconsistent with the story of J, shows unmistakable traces of E. In
its present form, however, it can hardly be original, but must have
been revised in accordance with the later Deuteronomic conception
which represented the sin committed by the people as a breach of the
2nd commandment. Possibly vv. 7-14 are also to be treated as a
Deuteronomic expansion (cf. Deut. ix. 12-14). Though they show clear
traces of J, it is extremely difficult to fit them into that narrative
in view of Moses' action in vv. 25-29 and of his intercession in ch.
xxxiii.; in any case, vv. 8 and 13 must be regarded as redactional.
(2) _Moses' Intercession._--The time for departure from the Sacred
Mount had now arrived, and Moses is accordingly bidden to lead the
people to the promised land. Yahweh himself refuses to accompany
Israel owing to their disobedience, but in response to Moses'
passionate appeal finally consents to let his presence go with them.
The account of Moses' intercession has been preserved in J, though the
narrative has undergone considerable dislocation. The true sequence of
the narrative appears to be as follows: Moses is commanded to lead the
people to Canaan (xxxiii. 1-3); he pleads that he is unequal to the
task (Num. xi. 10c, 11, 12, 14, 15), and, presumably, asks for
assistance, which is promised (omitted). Moses then asks for a fuller
knowledge of Yahweh and his ways (xxxiii. 12, 13): this request also
is granted (v. 17), and he is emboldened to pray that he may see the
glory of Yahweh; Yahweh replies that his prayer can only be granted in
part, for "man shall not see me and live"; a partial revelation is
then vouchsafed to Moses (xxxiii. 18-23, xxxiv. 6-8): finally, Moses
beseeches Yahweh to go in the midst of his people, and is assured that
Yahweh's presence shall accompany them (xxxiv. 9, xxxiii. 14-16). The
passage from Numbers xi., which is here included, is obviously out of
place in its present context (the story of the quails), and supplies
in part the necessary antecedent to Ex. xxxiii. 12, 13; the passage is
now separated from Ex. xxxiii. by Ex. xxxiv. (J), which has been
wrongly transferred to the close of the Horeb-Sinai incidents (see
above), and by the priestly legislation of Ex. xxxv.-xl., Leviticus
and Num. i.-x.; but originally it must have stood in close connexion
with that chapter. A similar displacement has taken place with regard
to Ex. xxxiv. 6-9, which clearly forms the sequel to xxxiii. 17-23.
The latter passage, however, can hardly represent the conclusion of
the interview, which is found more naturally in xxxiii. 14-16. E's
account of Moses' intercession seems to have been retained, in part,
in xxxii. 30-34, but the passage has probably been revised by a later
hand; in any case its position _before_ instead of _after_ the
dismissal would seem to be redactional.
It is a plausible conjecture that the original narratives of J and E
also contained directions for the construction of an ark,[12] as a
substitute for the personal presence of Yahweh, and also for the
erection of a "tent of meeting" outside the camp, and that these
commands were omitted by R^P in favour of the more elaborate
instructions given in ch. xxv.-xxix. (P). The subsequent narrative of
J (Num. x. 33-36, xiv. 44) implies an account of the making of the
ark, while the remarkable description in Ex. xxxiii. 7-11 (E) of
Moses' practice in regard to the "tent of meeting" points no less
clearly to some earlier statement as to the making of this tent.
The history of Exodus in its original form doubtless concluded with
the visit of Moses' father-in-law and the appointment of judges (ch.
xviii.), the departure from the mountain and the battle with Amalek
(xvii. 8-16).
(c) _The Construction of the Tabernacle and its Furniture_ (ch.
xxv.-xxxi., xxxv.-xl.).--It has long been recognized that the
elaborate description of the Tabernacle and its furniture, and the
accompanying directions for the dress and consecration of the priests,
contained in ch. xxv.-xxxi., have no claim to be regarded as an
historical presentment of the Mosaic Tabernacle and its service. The
language, style and contents of this section point unmistakably to the
hand of P; and it is now generally admitted that these chapters form
part of an ideal representation of the post-exilic ritual system,
which has been transferred to the Mosaic age. According to this
representation, Moses, on the seventh day after the conclusion of the
covenant, was summoned to the top of the mountain, and there received
instructions with regard to (a) the furniture of the sanctuary, viz.
the ark, the table and the lamp-stand (ch. xxv.); (b) the Tabernacle
(ch. xxvi.); (c) the court of the Tabernacle and the altar of
burnt-offering (ch. xxvii.); (d) the dress of the priests (ch.
xxviii.); (e) the consecration of Aaron and his sons (xxix. 1-37); and
(f) the daily burnt-offering (xxix. 38-42): the section ends with a
formal conclusion (xxix. 43-46). The two following chapters contain
further instructions relative to the altar of incense (xxx. 1-10), the
payment of the half-shekel (11-16), the brazen laver (17-21), the
anointing oil (22-33), the incense (34-38), the appointment of
Bezaleel and Oholiab (xxxi. 1-11) and the observance of the Sabbath
(12-17). It is hardly doubtful, however, that these two chapters
formed no part of P's original legislation, but were added by a later
hand.[13] For (1) the altar of incense is here mentioned for the first
time, and was apparently unknown to the author of ch. xxv.-xxix. Had
he known of its existence, he could hardly have failed to include it
with the rest of the Tabernacle furniture in ch. xxvi., and must have
mentioned it at xxvi. 34 f., where the relative positions of the
contents of the Tabernacle are defined: further, the ritual of the Day
of Atonement (Lev. xvi. referred to in xxx. 10) ignores this altar,
and mentions only _one_ altar (cf. "_the_ altar," xxvii. 1), viz. that
of burnt-offering; (2) the command as to the half-shekel presupposes
the census of Num. i., and appears to have been unknown in the time of
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 32) (Heb. 33); (3) the instructions as to the brazen
laver would naturally be expected alongside of those for the altar of
burnt-offering in ch. xxvii.; (4) the following section relating to
the anointing oil presupposes the altar of incense (v. 28), and
further extends the ceremony of anointing to Aaron's sons, though,
elsewhere, the ceremony is confined to Aaron (xxix. 7, Lev. viii. 12),
cf. the title "anointed priest" applied to the high priest (Lev. iv.
3, &c.); (5) the directions for compounding the incense connect
naturally with xxx. 1-10, while (6) the appointment of Bezaleel and
Oholiah cannot be separated from the rest of ch. xxx.-xxxi. The
concluding section on the Sabbath (xxxi. 12-17) shows marks of
resemblance to H (Lev. xvii.-xxvi.), especially in vv. 12-14a, which
appear to have been expanded, very possibly by the editor who inserted
the passage. The continuation of P's narrative is given in xxxiv.
29-35, which describe Moses' return from the mount. The subsequent
chapters (xxxv.-xl.), however, can hardly belong to the original
stratum of P, if only because they presuppose ch. xxx., xxxi., and
were probably added at a later stage than the latter chapters. They
narrate how the commands of ch. xxv.-xxxi. were carried out, and
practically repeat the earlier chapters _verbatim_, merely the tenses
being changed, the most noticeable omissions being xxvii. 20 f. (oil
for the lamps), xxviii. 30 (Urim and Thummim), xxix. 1-37 (the
consecration of the priests, which recurs in Lev. viii.) and xxix.
38-42 (the daily burnt-offering). Apart from the omissions the most
striking difference between the two sections is the variation in
order, the different sections of ch. xxv.-xxxi. being here set forth
in their natural sequence. The secondary character of these concluding
chapters receives considerable confirmation from a comparison of the
Septuagint text. For this version exhibits numerous cases of
variation, both as regards _order_ and _contents_, from the Hebrew
text; moreover the translation, more particularly of many technical
terms, differs from that of ch. xxv.-xxxi., and seems to be the work
of different translators. Hence it is by no means improbable that the
final recension of these chapters had not been completed when the
Alexandrine version was made.
AUTHORITIES.--In addition to the various English and German
commentaries on Exodus included under the head of the Pentateuch, the
following English works are especially worthy of mention: S.R. Driver,
_Introd. to the Literature of the O.T._, and "Exodus" in the _Camb.
Bible_; B.W. Bacon, _The Triple Tradition of the Exodus_ (Hartford,
U.S.A., 1894), and A.H. McNeile, _The Book of Exodus_ (Westminster
Commentaries) (1908); also the articles on "Exodus" by G.
Harford-Battersby (Hastings, _Dict. Bib._ vol. i.) and by G.F. Moore,
_Ency. Biblica_, vol. ii. (J. F. St.)
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The fact that the father-in-law of Moses is called Reuel in v.
18, as contrasted with the name Jethro, which occurs in iii. 1 f. and
in all subsequent passages from E, cannot be taken as conclusive on
this point, since critics are agreed that "Reuel" in this verse is a
later addition: had it been original we should have expected the name
to be given at v. 16 rather than at v. 18. But, if no argument can be
based on the discrepancy between the two names, we may at least
assume that the namelessness of the priest in v. 16 f. points to a
different source for those verses from that of iii. 1 f. Elsewhere J
speaks of "Hobab, the son of Reuel the Midianite, Moses'
father-in-law" (Num. x. 29); the addition, "the priest of Midian,"
only occurs in the (secondary) passages iii. 1, xviii. 1 (E).
Probably RJE omitted the name in ii. 16 and added "the priest of
Midian" in iii. 1, xviii 1, from harmonizing motives. Further, vv.
15^B-22 speak of _one_ son being born to Moses at this period, a
statement which is borne out by iv. 20, 25 ("sons" in iv. 20 is
obviously a correction), whereas ch. xviii. (E) mentions _two_ sons.
The original order of events in J seems to have been as follows:
after the death of Pharaoh (ii. 23a; the Septuagint repeats this
notice before iv. 19) Moses returns to Egypt with his wife and son
(iv. 19, 20) in obedience to Yahweh's command. On the way he is
seized with a sudden illness, which Zipporah attributes to the fact
that he has not been circumcised and seeks to avert by circumcising
her son (iv. 24-26). The scene of the theophany, therefore, according
to J, is to be placed on the way from Midian to Goshen. Probably the
displacement of iv. 19, 20, 24-26 is due to the editor of JE, who was
thus enabled to combine the two narratives of the theophany.
[2] Cf. iv. 30; Aaron had received no command to do the signs, and
the words "and he did the signs" are most naturally referred to
Moses.
[3] The expansion in iii. 8c, 15, 17b; iv. 22, 23, are probably the
work of a Deuteronomistic redactor.
[4] The genealogy of Moses and Aaron (vv. 14-27) appears to be a
later addition.
[5] Unless we follow Riedel and read simply "and worshipped"
([Hebrew: vaishtahavu]) instead of "and drank" ([Hebrew: vaishtu]),
treating "and ate" ([Hebrew: vaiohlu]) as a later addition; cf. HDB,
extra vol. p. 631 note.
[6] Vv. 6-9 are out of place here: they belong to the story of Moses'
intercession in ch. xxxiii.
[7] This view is confirmed by (a) a comparison of v. lb ("and I will
write") with vv. 27, 28; according to the latter, _Moses_ wrote the
words of the covenant; and (b) the tardy mention of Moses in 4b; the
name would naturally be given at the beginning of the verse.
[8] Others suppose that the present position of ch. xxxiv. is due, in
the first instance, to RJE, but in view of the other Deuteronomic
expansions in vv. 10b-16, 23, 24, it is more probable that J's
version was discarded by RJE in favour of E's, and was afterwards
restored by RD.
[9] Reading "the sacrifice of my feasts" for "the sacrifice of the
feast of the Passover."
[10] Unless, with Bacon, we are to regard xxiv. 12-14, 18b as
original. More probably a later editor has worked up old material of
E (of which there are unmistakable traces) in order to include the
whole of xx.-xxiii. in the covenant: xxiv. 15-18a are an addition
from P.
[11] The present text of xxiv. 12 also has probably been transposed
in accordance with the view that the "judgment" formed part of the
covenant, cf. Deut. v. 31. Originally the latter part of the verse
must have run, "That I may give thee the tables of stone which I have
written, and may teach thee the law and the commandment." For further
details see Bacon, _Triple Tradition of Exodus_, pp. 111 f., 132 f.
[12] According to Deut. x. 1 f., which is in the main a _verbal_
excerpt from Ex. xxxiv. 1 f., Yahweh ordered Moses to make an ark of
acacia wood _before_ he ascended the mountain.
[13] To the same hand are to be ascribed also xxvii. 6, 20, 21;
xxviii. 41; xxix. 21, 38-41.
EXODUS, THE, the name given to the journey (Gr. [Greek: exodos]) of the
Israelites from Egypt into Palestine, under the leadership of Moses and
Aaron, as described in the books of the Bible from Exodus to Joshua.
These books contain the great national epic of Judaism relating the
deliverance of the people from bondage in Egypt, the overthrow of the
pursuing Pharaoh and his army, the divinely guided wanderings through
the wilderness and the final entry into the promised land. Careful
criticism of the narratives[3] has resulted in the separation of later
accretions from the earliest records, and the tracing of the elaboration
of older traditions under the influence of developing religious and
social institutions. In the story of the Exodus there have been
incorporated codes of laws and institutions which were to be observed by
the descendants of the Israelites in their future home, and these,
really of later origin, have thus been thrown back to the earlier period
in order to give them the stamp of authority. So, although a certain
amount of the narrative _could_ date from the days of Moses, the Exodus
story has been made the vehicle for the aims and ideals of subsequent
ages, and has been adapted from time to time to the requirements of
later stages of thought. The work of criticism has brought to light
important examples of fluctuating tradition, singular lacunae in some
places and unusual wealth of tradition in others, and has demonstrated
that much of that which had long been felt to be impossible and
incredible was due to writers of the post-exilic age many centuries
after the presumed date of the events.
The book of Genesis closes with the migration of Jacob's family into
Egypt to escape the famine in Canaan. Jacob died and was buried in
Canaan by his sons, who, however, returned again to the pastures which
the Egyptian king had granted them in Goshen. Their brother Joseph on
his death-bed promised that God would bring them to the land promised to
their forefathers and solemnly adjured them to carry up his bones (Gen.
1.). In the book of Exodus the family has become a people.[2] The
Pharaoh is hostile, and Yahweh, the Israelite deity, is moved to send a
deliverer; on the events that followed see EXODUS, BOOK OF; MOSES. It
has been thought that dynastic changes occasioned the change in Egyptian
policy (e.g. the expulsion of the Hyksos), but if the Israelites built
Rameses and Pithom (Ex. i. 11), cities which, as excavation has shown,
belong to the time of Rameses II. (13th century B.C.), earlier dates are
inadmissible. On these grounds the Exodus may have taken place under one
of his successors, and since Mineptah or Merneptah (son of Rameses), in
relating his successes in Palestine, boasts that _Ysiraal_ is desolated,
it would seem that the Israelites had already returned. On the other
hand, it has been suggested that when Jacob and his family entered
Egypt, some Israelite tribes had remained behind and that it is to these
that Mineptah's inscription refers. The problem is complicated by the
fact that, from the Egyptian evidence, not only was there at this time
no remarkable emigration of oppressed Hebrews, but Bedouin tribes were
then receiving permission to enter Egypt and to feed their flocks upon
Egyptian soil. It might be assumed that the Israelites (or at least
those who had not remained behind in Palestine) effected their departure
at a somewhat later date, and in the time of Mineptah's successor, Seti
II., there is an Egyptian report of the pursuit of some fugitive slaves
over the eastern frontier. The value of all such evidence will naturally
depend largely upon the estimate formed of the biblical narratives, but
it is necessary to observe that these have not yet found Egyptian
testimony to support them. Although the information which has been
brought to bear upon Egyptian life and customs substantiates the general
accuracy of the local colouring in some of the biblical narratives, the
latter contain several inherent improbabilities, and whatever future
research may yield, no definite trace of Egyptian influence has so far
been found in Israelite institutions.
No allusions to Israelites in Egypt have yet been found on the
monuments; against the view that the Aperiu (or Apury) of the
inscriptions were Hebrews, see S.R. Driver in D.G. Hogarth, _Authority
and Archaeology_, pp. 56 sqq.; H.W. Hogg, _Ency. Bib._ col. 1310. The
plagues of Egypt have been shown to be those to which the land is
naturally subject (R. Thomson, _Plagues of Egypt_), but the
description of the relations of Moses and Aaron to the court raises
many difficult questions (H.P. Smith, _O.T. Hist._ pp. 57-60). Those
who reject Ex. i. 11 and hold that 480 years elapsed between the
Exodus and the foundation of the temple (I Kings vi. 1, see BIBLE:
Chronology) place the former about the time of Tethmosis (Thothmes)
III., and suppose that the hostile Habiri (Khabiri) who troubled
Palestine in the 15th century are no other than Hebrews (the equation
is philologically sound), i.e. the invading Israelites.[3] But
although the evidence of the Amarna tablets might thus support the
biblical tradition in its barest outlines, the view in question, if
correct, would necessitate the rejection of a great mass of the
biblical narratives as a whole.
In the absence of external evidence the study of the Exodus of the
Israelites must be based upon the Israelite records, and divergent or
contradictory views must be carefully noticed. Regarded simply as a
journey from Egypt into Palestine it is the most probable of
occurrences: the difficulty arises from the actual narratives. The first
stage is the escape from the land of Goshen (q.v.), the district
allotted to the family of Jacob (Gen. xlvi. 28-34, xlvii. 1, 4, 6).[4]
As to the route taken across the Red Sea (_Yam Suph_) scholars are not
agreed (see W.M. Muller, _Ency. Bib._ col. 1436 sqq.); it depends upon
the view held regarding the second stage of the journey, the road to the
mountain of Sinai or Horeb and thence to Kadesh. The last-mentioned
place is identified with Ain Kadis, about 50 m. south of Beersheba; but
the identification of the mountain is uncertain, and it is possible that
tradition confused two distinct places. According to one favourite view,
the journey was taken across the Sinaitic peninsula to Midian, the home
of Jethro. Others plead strongly for the traditional site Jebel Musa or
Serbal in the south of the peninsula (see J.R. Harris, _Dict. Bible_,
iv. pp. 536 sqq.; H. Winckler, _Ency. Bib._ col. 4641). The latter view
implies that the oppressed Israelites left Egypt for one of its
dependencies, and both theories find only conjectural identifications in
the various stations recorded in Num. xxxiii. But this list of forty
names, corresponding to the years of wandering, is from a post-exilic
source, and may be based merely upon a knowledge of caravan-routes; even
if it be of older origin, it is of secondary value since it represents a
tradition differing notably from that in the earlier narratives
themselves, and these on inspection confirm Judg. xi. 16 seq., where the
Israelites proceed immediately to Kadesh.
Ex. xvi.-xviii. presuppose a settled encampment and a law-giving, and
thus belong to a stage _after_ Sinai had been reached (Ex. xix. sqq.).
They are closely related, as regards subject matter, &c., to the
narratives in Num. x. 29-xi., xx. 1-13 (Sinai to Kadesh), and the
initial step is the recognition that the latter is their original
context (see G.F. Moore, _Ency. Bib._ col. 1443 v). Further, internal
peculiarities associating events now at Sinai-Horeb with those at
Kadesh support the view that Kadesh was their true scene, and it is to
be noticed that in Ex. xv. 22 seq. the Israelites already reach the
wilderness of Shur and accomplish the three days' journey which had
been their original aim (cf. Ex. iii. 18, v. 3, viii. 27). The
wilderness of Shur (Gen. xvi. 7, xx. 1; 1 Sam. xv. 7, xxvii. 8) is the
natural scene of conflicts with Amalekites (Ex. xvii. 8 sqq.), and its
sanctuary of Kadesh or En Mishpat ("well of judgment," Gen. xiv. 7)
was doubtless associated with traditions of the giving of statutes and
ordinances. The detour to Sinai-Horeb appears to belong to a later
stage of the tradition, and is connected with the introduction of laws
and institutions of relatively later form. It is foreshadowed by the
injunction to avoid the direct way into Palestine (see Ex. xiii.
17-19), since on reaching Kadesh the Israelites would be within reach
of hostile tribes, and the conflicts which it was proposed to avoid
actually ensued.[5] The forty years of wandering in the wilderness is
characteristic of the Deuteronomic and post-exilic narratives; in the
earlier sources the fruitful oasis of Kadesh is the centre, and even
after the tradition of a detour to Sinai-Horeb was developed, only a
brief period is spent at the holy mountain.
From Kadesh spies were sent into Palestine, and when the people were
dismayed at their tidings and incurred the wrath of Yahweh, the penalty
of the forty years' delay was pronounced (Num. xiii. seq.). Originally
Caleb alone was exempt and for his faith received a blessing; later
tradition adds Joshua and in Deut. i. 37 seq. alludes to some unknown
offence of Moses. According to Num. xxi. 1-3 the Israelites (a
generalizing amplification) captured Hormah, on the way to Beersheba,
and subsequently the clan Caleb and the Kenites (the clan of Moses'
father-in-law) are found in Judah (Judg. i. 16). Although the traditions
regard their efforts as part of a common movement (from Gilgal, see
below), it is more probable that these (notably Caleb) escaped the
punishment which befell the rest of the Israelites, and made their way
direct from Kadesh into the south of Palestine.[6] On the other hand,
according to the prevailing tradition, the attempt to break northwards
was frustrated by a defeat at Hormah (Num. xiv. 40-45), an endeavour to
pass Edom failed, and the people turned back to the _Yam Suph_ (here at
the head of the Gulf of Akabah) and proceeded up to the east of Edom and
Moab. Conflicting views are represented (on which see MOAB), but at
length Shittim was reached and preparations were made to cross the
Jordan into the promised land. This having been effected, Gilgal became
the base for a series of operations in which the united tribes took
part. But again the representations disagree, and to the overwhelming
campaigns depicted in the book of Joshua most critics prefer the account
of the more gradual process as related in the opening chapter of the
book of Judges (see JEWS: _History_, S 8).
Thus, whatever evidence may be supplied by archaeological research, the
problem of the Exodus must always be studied in the light of the
biblical narratives. That the religious life of Israel as portrayed
therein dates from this remote period cannot be maintained against the
results of excavation or against the later history, nor can we picture a
united people in the desert when subsequent vicissitudes represent the
union as the work of many years, and show that it lasted for a short
time only under David and Solomon. During the centuries in which the
narratives were taking shape many profound changes occurred to affect
the traditions. Developments associated with the Deuteronomic reform and
the reorganization of Judaism in post-exilic days can be unmistakably
recognized, and it would be unsafe to assume that other vicissitudes
have not also left their mark. Allowance must be made for the shifting
of boundaries or of spheres of influence (Egypt, Edom, Moab), for the
incorporation of tribes and of their own tribal traditions, and in
particular for other movements (e.g. from Arabia).[7] If certain clans
moved direct from Kadesh into Judah, it is improbable that others made
the lengthy detour from Kadesh by the Gulf of Akabah, but this may well
be an attempt to fuse the traditions of two distinct migrations. Among
the Joseph-tribes (Ephraim and Manasseh), the most important of
Israelite divisions, the traditions of an ancestor who had lived and
died in Egypt would be a cherished possession, but although most writers
agree that not all the tribes were in Egypt, it is impossible to
determine their number with any certainty. At certain periods,
intercourse with Egypt was especially intimate, and there is much in
favour of the view that the name Mizraim (Egypt) extended beyond the
borders of Egypt proper. Reference has already been made to other cases
of geographical vagueness, and one must recognize that in a body of
traditions such as this there was room for the inclusion of the most
diverse elements which it is almost hopeless to separate, in view of the
scantiness of relevant evidence from other sources, and the literary
intricacy of the extant narratives. That many different beliefs have
influenced the tradition is apparent from what has been said above, and
is especially noticeable from a study of the general features. Thus,
although the Israelites possessed cattle (Ex. xvii. 3, xix. 13, xxiv. 5,
xxxii. 6, xxxiv. 3; Num. xx. 19), allusion is made to their lack of meat
in order to magnify the wonders of the journey, and among divinely sent
aids to guide and direct the people upon the march not only does Moses
require the assistance of a _human_ helper (Jethro or Hobab), but the
angel, the ark, the pillar of cloud and of fire and the mysterious
hornet are also provided.
In addition to the references already given, see J.W. Colenso,
_Pentateuch and Book of Joshua_ (on internal difficulties); A.
Jeremias, _Alte Test. im Lichte d. alt. Orients_[2] (pp. 402 sqq., on
later references in Manetho, &c., with which cf. also R.H. Charles,
_Jubilees_, p. 245 seq.); art. "Exodus" in _Ency. Bib._; Ed. Meyer,
_Israeliten_ (_passim_); Bonhoff, _Theolog. Stud. u. Krit._ (1907),
pp. 159-217; the histories of Israel and commentaries on the book of
Exodus. Among the numerous special works, mention may be made of G.
Ebers, _Durch Gosen zum Sinai_; E.H. Palmer, _Desert of the Exodus_;
O.A. Toffteen, _The Historic Exodus_; fuller information is given in
L.B. Paton, _Hist. of Syria and Palestine_, p. 34 (also ch. viii.);
and C.F. Kent, _Beginnings of Heb. Hist._ p. 355 seq. (S. A. C.)
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See the articles on the books in question.
[2] There is a lacuna between the oldest traditions in Genesis and
those in Exodus: the latter beginning simply "and there arose a new
king over Egypt which knew not Joseph." The interval between Jacob's
arrival in Egypt and the Exodus is given varyingly as 400 or 430
years (Gen. xv. 13, Ex. xii. 40 seq., Acts vii. 6); but the Samaritan
and Septuagint versions allow only 215 years (Ex. loc. cit.), and a
period of only four generations is presupposed in Gen. xv. 16 (cf.
the length of the genealogies between the contemporaries of Joseph
and those of Moses in Ex. vi. 16-20).
[3] Sec, e.g., J. Orr, _Problem of the O.T._ pp. 422 sqq.; Ed. Meyer,
_Die Israeliten_, pp. 222 sqq. Some, too, find in the Amarna tablets
the historical background for Joseph's high position at the Egyptian
court (see Cheyne, _Ency. Bib._ art. "Joseph").
[4] For the varying traditions regarding the number of the people and
their residence (whether settled apart, cf., e.g., Gen. xlvi. 34, Ex.
viii. 22, ix. 26, x. 23, or in the midst of the Egyptians) see the
recent commentaries.
[5] See further J. Wellhausen, _Prolegomena_, pp. 342 sqq.; G.F.
Moore, Ency. Bib. col. 1443; S.A. Cook, _Jew. Quart. Rev._ (1906),
pp. 741 sqq. (1907), p. 122, and art. MOSES. Ex. xiii. 17-19 forbids
the compromise which would place Sinai-Horeb in the neighbourhood of
Kadesh (A.E. Haynes, _Pal. Explor. Fund, Quart. Statem._ (1896), pp.
175 sqq.; C.F. Kent [see _Lit._ below], p. 381).
[6] So B. Stade, Steuernagel, Guthe, G.F. Moore, H.P. Smith, C.F.
Kent, &c. See CALEB; JERAHMEEL; JUDAH; KENITES; LEVITES; and JEWS:
_History_, SS 5, 20 (end).
[7] An instructive parallel to the last-mentioned is afforded by
Dissard's account of the migration of Arab tribes into Palestine in
the 18th century A.D. (_Revue biblique_, July 1905).
EXOGAMY (Gr. [Greek: exo], outside; and [Greek: gamos], marriage), the
term proposed by J.F. McLennan for the custom compelling marriage "out
of the tribe" (or rather "out of the totem"); its converse is endogamy
(q.v.). McLennan would find an explanation of exogamy in the prevalence
of female infanticide, which, "rendering women scarce, led at once to
polyandry within the tribe, and the capturing of women from without."
Infanticide of girls is, and no doubt ever has been, a very common
practice among savages, and for obvious reasons. Among tribes in a
primitive stage of social organization girl-children must always have
been a hindrance and a source of weakness. They had to be fed and yet
they could not take part in the hunt for food, and they offered a
temptation to neighbouring tribes. Infanticide, however, is not proved
to have been so universal as McLennan suggests, and it is more probable
that the reason of exogamy is really to be found in that primitive
social system which made the "captured" woman the only wife in the
modern sense of the term. In the beginnings of human society children
were related only to their mother; and the women of a tribe were common
property. Thus no man might appropriate any female or attempt to
maintain proprietary rights over her. With women of other tribes it
would be different, and a warrior who captured a woman would doubtless
pass unchallenged in his claim to possess her absolutely. Infanticide,
the evil physical effects of "in-and-in" breeding, the natural strength
of the impulse to possess on the man's part, and the greater feeling of
security and a tendency to family life and affections on the woman's,
would combine to make exogamy increase and marriages within the tribe
decrease. A natural impulse would in a few generations tend to become a
law or a custom, the violation of which would be looked on with horror.
Physical capture, too, as soon as increasing civilization and tribal
intercommunication removed the necessity for violence, became symbolic
of the more permanent and individual relations of the sexes. An
additional explanation of the prevalence of exogamy may be found in the
natural tendency of exogamous tribes to increase in numbers and strength
at the expense of those communities which moved towards decadence by
in-breeding. Thus tradition would harden into a prejudice, strong as a
principle of religion, and exogamy would become the inviolable custom it
is found to be among many races. In Australia, Sir G. Grey writes: "One
of the most remarkable facts connected with the natives is that they are
divided into certain great families, all the members of which bear the
same name ... these family names are common over a great portion of the
continent and a man cannot marry a woman of his own family name." In
eastern Africa, Sir R. Burton says: "The Somal will not marry one of the
same, or even of a consanguineous family," and the Bakalahari have the
same rule. Paul B. du Chaillu found exogamy the rule and blood marriages
regarded as an abomination throughout western Equatorial Africa. In
India the Khasias, Juangs, Waralis, Otaons, Hos and other tribes are
strictly exogamous. The Kalmucks are divided into hordes, and no man may
marry a woman of the same horde. Circassians and Samoyedes have similar
rules. The Ostiaks regard endogamy (marriage within the clan) as a
crime, as do the Yakuts of Siberia. Among the Indians of America severe
rules prescribing exogamy prevail. The Tsimsheean Indians of British
Columbia are divided into tribes and totems, or "crests which are
common to all the tribes," says one writer. "The crests are the whale,
the porpoise, the eagle, the coon, the wolf and the frog.... The
relationship existing between persons of the same crest is nearer than
that between members of the same tribe.... Members of the same tribe may
marry, but those of the same crest are not allowed to under any
circumstances; that is, a whale may not marry a whale, but a whale may
marry a frog, &c." The Thlinkeets, the Mayas of Yucatan and the Indians
of Guiana are exogamous, observing a custom which is thus seen to exist
throughout Africa, in Siberia, China, India, Polynesia and the Americas.
AUTHORITIES.--J.F. McLennan, _Primitive Marriage_ (1865), and _Studies
in Anc. Hist._ (1896); Lord Avebury, _Origin of Civilization_ (1902);
Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_ (1894); A. Lang, _Social
Origins_ (1903); L.H. Morgan, _Ancient Society_ (1877); J.G. Frazer,
_Totemism and Exogamy_ (1910); see also TOTEM.
EXORCISM (Gr. [Greek: exorkizein], to conjure out), the expulsion of
evil spirits from persons or places by incantations, magical rites or
other means. As a corollary of the animistic theory of diseases and of
belief in Possession (q.v.), we find widely spread customs whose object
is to get rid of the evil influences. These customs may take the form of
a general expulsion of evils, either once a year or at irregular
intervals; the evils, which are often regarded as spirits, sometimes as
the souls of the dead, may be expelled, according to primitive
philosophy, either immediately by spells, purifications or some form of
coercion; or they may be put on the back of a scapegoat or other
material vehicle. Among the means of compelling the evil spirits are
assaults with warlike weapons or sticks, the noise of musical
instruments or of the human voice, the use of masks, the invocation of
more powerful good spirits, &c.; both fire and water are used to drive
them out, and the use of iron is a common means of holding them at bay.
The term exorcism is applied more especially to the freeing of an
individual from a possessing or disease-causing spirit; the means
adopted are frequently the same as those mentioned above; in the East
Indies the sufferer sometimes dances round a small ship, into which the
spirit passes and is then set adrift. The patient may be beaten or means
may be employed whose efficiency depends largely on their suggestive
nature. Among the Dakota Indians the medicine-man chants _hi-le-li-lah!_
at the bed of the sick man and accompanies his chant with the rattle; he
then sucks at the affected part till the possessing spirit is supposed
to come out and take its flight, when men fire guns at it from the door
of the tent. The Zulus believe that they can get rid of the souls of the
dead, which cause diseases, by sacrifices of cattle, or by expostulating
with the spirits; so too the _shaman_ or magician in other parts of the
world offers the possessing spirit objects or animals.
The professional exorcist was known among the Jews; in Greece the art
was practised by women, and it is recorded that the mothers of Epicurus
and Aeschines belonged to this class; both were bitterly reproached, the
one by the Stoics, the other by Demosthenes, with having taken part in
the practices in question. The prominence of exorcism in the early ages
of the Christian church appears from its frequent mention in the
writings of the fathers, and by the 3rd century there was an order of
exorcists (see EXORCIST). The ancient rite of exorcism in connexion with
baptism is still retained in the Roman ritual, as is also a form of
service for the exorcising of possessed persons. The exorcist signs the
possessed person with the figure of the cross, desires him to kneel, and
sprinkles him with holy water; after which the exorcist asks the devil
his name, and abjures him by the holy mysteries of the Christian
religion not to afflict the person possessed any more. Then, laying his
right hand on the demoniac's head, he repeats the form of exorcism as
follows: "I exorcise thee, unclean spirit, in the name of Jesus Christ;
tremble, O Satan, thou enemy of the faith, thou foe of mankind, who hast
brought death into the world, who hast deprived men of life, and hast
rebelled against justice, thou seducer of mankind, thou root of evil,
thou source of avarice, discord and envy." Houses and other places
supposed to be haunted by unclean spirits are likewise to be exorcised
with similar rites, and in general exorcism has a place in all the
ceremonies for consecrating and blessing persons or things (see
BENEDICTION).
See Tylor, _Primitive Culture_; Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 427 seq.;
Frazer, _Golden Bough_, vol. iii. 189; Krafft, _Ausfuhrliche Historie
von Exorcismus_; Koldeweg, _Der Exorcismus im Herzogthum
Braunschweig_; Brecher, _Das Transcendentale, Magie, etc. im Talmud_,
pp. 195-203: _Zeitschr. fur Assyriologie_ (Dec. 1893, April 1894);
Herzog, _Realencykl., s.v._ "Exorcismus"; Waldmeier, _Autobiography_,
p. 64; L.W. King, _Babylonian Magic_; Maury, _La Magie_; R.C.
Thompson, _Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia_.
EXORCIST (Lat. _exorcista_, Gr. [Greek: exorkistes]), in the Roman
Catholic church, the third grade in the minor orders of the clergy,
between those of acolyte and reader. The office, which involves the
right of ceremonially exorcising devils (see Exorcism), is actually no
more than a preliminary stage of the priesthood. The earliest record of
the special ordination of exorcists is the 7th canon of the council of
Carthage (A.D. 256). "When they are ordained," it runs, "they receive
from the hand of the bishop a little book in which the exorcisms are
written, receiving power to lay hands on the _energumeni_, whether
baptized or catechumens." Whatever its present position, the office of
exorcist was, until comparatively recent times, by no means considered a
sinecure. "The exorcist a terror to demons" (Paulinus, _Epist._ 24)
survived the Reformation among Protestants, with the belief, expressed
by Firmilianus in his epistle to St Cyprian, that "through the
exorcists, by the voice of man and the power of God, the devil may be
whipped, and burnt and tortured."
EXOTIC (Gr. [Greek: exotikos], foreign, from [Greek: exo], outside), of
foreign origin, or belonging to another country. The term is now used in
the restricted sense of something not indigenous or native, and is
mostly applied to plants introduced from foreign countries, which have
not become acclimatized. Figuratively, "exotic" is used to convey the
sense of something rare, delicate or extravagant.
EXPATRIATION (from Late Lat. _expatriare_, to exile, and _patria_,
native land), a term used in a general sense for the banishment of a
person from his own country. In international law expatriation is the
renunciation or change of allegiance to one's native or adopted country.
It may take place either by a voluntary act or by operation of law. Some
countries, as France and England, disclaim their subjects if they become
naturalized in another country, others, again, passively permit
expatriation whether a new nationality has been acquired or not; others,
as Germany, make expatriation the consequence of continued absence from
their territory. (See ALIEN; ALLEGIANCE; NATURALIZATION.)
EXPERT (Lat. _expertus_, from _experiri_, to try), strictly, skilled, or
one who has special knowledge; as used in law, an expert is a person,
selected by a court, or adduced by a party to a cause, to give his
opinion on some point in issue with which he is peculiarly conversant.
In Roman law questions of disputed handwriting were referred to experts;
and in France, whenever the court considers that a report by experts is
necessary, it is ordered by a judgment clearly setting forth the objects
of the _expertise_ (Code Proc. Civ. art. 302). Three experts are then to
be appointed, unless the parties agree upon one only (art. 303). The
experts are required to take an oath (art. 305), but in practice this
requirement is frequently dispensed with. They may be challenged on the
same grounds as witnesses (art. 310). The necessary documentary and
other evidence is laid before them (art. 317), and they make a single
report to the court, even if they express different opinions: in that
case the grounds only of the different opinions are to be stated, and
not the personal opinion of each of the experts (art. 318). If the court
is not satisfied with the report, new experts may be appointed (art.
322); the judges are not bound to adopt the opinion of the experts (art.
323). "This procedure in regard to experts is common to both the civil
and commercial courts, but it is much more frequently resorted to in the
commercial court than in the civil court, and the investigation is
usually conducted by special experts officially attached to each of
these courts" (Bodington, _French Law of Evidence_, London, 1904, p.
102). A similar system is to be found in force in many other European
countries; see e.g. Codes of Civil Procedure of Holland, arts. 222 et
seq.; Belgium, arts. 302 et seq.; Italy, arts. 252 et seq.; as well as
in those colonies where French law has been followed (Codes of Civil
Procedure of Quebec, arts. 392 et seq.; St Lucia, arts. 286 et seq.). In
Mauritius the articles of the French law, summarized above, are still
nominally in force; but in practice each side calls its own expert
evidence, as in England.
There is some evidence that in England the courts were in early times in
the habit of summoning to their assistance, apparently as assessors,
persons specially qualified to advise upon any scientific or technical
question that required to be determined. Thus "in an appeal of maihem
(i.e. wounding) ... the court did not know how to adjudge because the
wound was new, and then the defendant took issue and prayed the court
that the maihem might be examined, on which a writ was sent to the
sheriff to cause to come _medicos chirurgieos de melioribus London, ad
informandum dominum regem el curiam de his quae eis ex parte domini
regis injungerentur_" (Year Book, 21 Hen. VII. pl. 30, p. 33). The
practice of calling in expert assistance in judicial inquiries was not
confined to medico-legal cases. "If matters arise," said Justice
Saunders in _Buckley_ v. _Rice Thomas_ (1554, Plowden, 124 a), "which
concern other faculties, we commonly apply for the aid of that science
or faculty which it concerns." English procedure, however, being
_litigious_, and not, like continental European procedure,
_inquisitorial_, in its character, the expert soon became, and still is,
simply a witness to speak to matters of opinion.
There is a considerable body of law in England as to expert evidence.
Only a few points can be touched upon here. (1) An expert is permitted
to refresh his memory in regard to any fact by referring to anything
written by himself or under his direction at the time when the fact
occurred or at a time when it was fresh in his memory. This is also law
generally in the United States (see e.g. New York Civil Code, s. 1843).
In Scotland, medical and other scientific reports are lodged in process
before the trial, and the witness reads them as part of his evidence and
is liable to be examined or cross-examined on their contents. (2) In
strictness, an expert will not be allowed, in cases of alleged insanity,
to say that a litigating or incriminated party is insane or the reverse,
and so to usurp the prerogative of the court or jury. But he may be
asked whether certain facts or symptoms, _assuming them to be proved_,
are or are not indicative of insanity. But in practice this rule is
relaxed both in England and in Scotland, and (where it exists) to a
still greater extent in America. (3) Foreign law can only be proved in
English courts--and the same rule applies in Scotland--(a) by obtaining
an opinion on the subject from a superior court of the country whose
laws are in dispute under the Foreign Law Ascertainment Act 1861 or the
British Law Ascertainment Act 1859, or (b) by the evidence of a lawyer
of the country whose law is in question, or who has studied it _in that
country_, or of an official whose position requires, and therefore
presumes, a sufficient knowledge of that law. (4) The weight of
authority both in England and in America supports the view that an
expert is not bound to give evidence as to matters of opinion unless
upon an undertaking by the party calling him to pay a reasonable
remuneration for his evidence.
Statutory provision has been made in England for the summoning of expert
assistance by the legal tribunals in various cases. In the county courts
the judge may, if he thinks fit, on the application of either party,
call in as assessor one or more persons of skill and experience as to
the matters in dispute (County Courts Act 1888, s. 103), and special
provision is made for calling in an assessor in employers' liability
cases (act of 1880, s. 6) and admiralty matters (see County Courts
Admiralty Jurisdiction Acts of 1868 and 1869). In the High Court and
court of appeal one or more specially qualified assessors may be called
in to assist in the hearing of any cause or matter except a criminal
proceeding by the crown (Judicature Acts 1873, s. 56), and a like power
is given to both these courts and the judicial committee of the privy
council in patent cases (Patents, &c., Act 1883., s. 28). Maritime
causes, whether original or on appeal from county courts, are usually
taken in the presence of Elder Brethren of the Trinity House, who advise
the judge without having any right to control or any responsibility for
his decision (see the "Beryl," 1884, 9 P.D. 1), and on appeal in
maritime causes nautical assessories are usually called in by the court
of appeal, and may be called in by the House of Lords (Judicature Act
1891, s. 3); a like provision is made as to maritime causes in Scottish
courts (Nautical Assessors [Scotland] Act 1894). The judicial committee
of the privy council, besides its power to call in assessors in patent
cases, is authorized to call them in in ecclesiastical causes (Appellate
Jurisdiction Act 1876, s. 14).
In addition to the authorities cited in the text, see Taylor, _Law of
Evidence_ (9th ed., London, 1895); J.D. Lawson, _Law of Expert and
Opinion Evidence_ (1900).
EXPLOSIVES, a general term for substances which by certain treatment
"explode," i.e. decompose or change in a violent manner so as to
generate force. From the manner and degree of violence of the
decomposition they are classified into "propellants" and "detonators,"
but this classification is not capable of sharp delimitation. In some
cases the same substance may be employed for either purpose under
altered external conditions; but there are some substances which could
not possibly be employed as propellants, and others which can scarcely
be induced to explode in the manner known as "detonation." A propellant
may be considered as a substance that on explosion produces such a
disturbance that neighbouring substances are thrown to some distance; a
detonator or disruptor may produce an extremely violent disturbance
within a limited area without projecting substances to any great
distance. Time is an important, perhaps the most important, factor in
this action. A propellant generally acts by _burning_ in a more or less
rapid and regular manner, producing from a comparatively small volume a
large volume of gases; during this action heat is also developed, which,
being expended mostly on the gaseous products, causes a further
expansion. The noise accompanying an explosion is due to an air wave,
and is markedly different in the case of a detonator from a real
propellant. Some cases of ordinary combustion can be accelerated into
explosions by increasing the area of contact between the combustible and
the oxygen supplier, for instance, ordinary gas or dust explosions.
Neither temperature nor quantity of heat energy necessarily gives an
explosive action. Some metals, e.g. aluminium and magnesium, will, in
oxidizing, produce a great thermal effect, but unless there be some
gaseous products no real explosive action.
Explosives may be mechanical mixtures of substances capable of chemical
interaction with the production of large volumes of gases, or definite
chemical compounds of a peculiar class known as "endothermic," the
decomposition of which is also attended with the evolution of gases in
large quantity.
All chemical compounds are either "endothermic" or "exothermic." In
endothermic compounds energy, in some form, has been taken up in the
act of formation of the compound. Some of this energy has become
potential, or rather the compound formed has been raised to a higher
potential. This case occurs when two elements can be united only under
some compulsion such as a very high temperature, by the aid of an
electric current, or spark, or as a secondary product whilst some
other reactions are proceeding. For example, oxygen and nitrogen
combine only under the influence of an electric spark, and carbon and
calcium in the electric furnace. The formation of chlorates by the
action of chlorine on boiling potash is a good instance of a complex
compound (potassium chlorate), being formed in small quantity as a
secondary product whilst a large quantity of primary and simpler
products (potassium chloride and water) is forming. In chlorate
formation the greater part of the reaction represents a running down
of energy and formation of exothermic compounds, with only a small
yield of an endothermic substance. Another idea of the meaning of
endothermic is obtained from acetylene. When 26 parts by weight of
this substance are burnt, the heat produced will warm up 310,450 parts
of water 1 deg. C. Acetylene consists of 24 parts of carbon and 2 of
hydrogen by weight. The 24 parts of carbon will, if in the form of
pure charcoal, heat 192,000 parts of water 1 deg., and the 2 parts of
hydrogen will heat 68,000 parts of water 1 deg., the total heat
production being 260,000 heat units. Thus 26 grams of acetylene give
an excess of 50,450 units over the amount given by the constituents.
This excess of heat energy[1] is due to some form of potential energy
in the compound which becomes actual heat energy at the moment of
dissolution of the chemical union. The manner in which a substance is
endothermic is of importance as regards the practical employment of
explosives. Some particular endothermic state or form results from the
mode of formation and the consequent internal structure of the
molecule. Physical structure alone can be the cause of a relative
endothermic state, as in the glass bulbs known as Rupert's drops, &c.,
or even in chilled steel. Rupert's drops fly in pieces on being
scratched or cut to a certain depth. The cause is undoubtedly to be
ascribed to the molecular state of the glass brought about by chilling
from the melted state. The molecules have not had time to separate or
arrange themselves in easy positions. In steel when melted the carbide
of iron is no doubt diffused equally throughout the liquid. When
cooled slowly some carbide separates out more or less, and the steel
is soft or annealed. When chilled the carbides are retained in solid
solution. The volume of chilled glass or steel differs slightly from
that in the annealed state.
Superfused substances are probably in a similar state of physical
potential or strain. Many metallic salts, and organic compounds
especially, will exhibit this state when completely melted and then
allowed to cool in a clean atmosphere. On touching with a little of
the same substance in a solid state the liquids will begin to
crystallize, at the same time becoming heated almost up to their
melting-points. The metal gallium shows this excellently well, keeping
liquid for years until touched with the solid metal, when there is a
considerable rise of temperature as solidification takes place.
All carbon compounds, excepting carbon dioxide, and many if not all
compounds of nitrogen, are endothermic. Most of the explosives in
common use contain nitrogen in some form.
Exothermic compounds are in a certain sense the reverse of
endothermic; they are relatively inert and react but slowly or not at
all, unless energy be expended upon them from outside. Water, carbon
dioxide and most of the common minerals belong to this class.
The explosives actually employed at the present time include mixtures,
such as gunpowders and some chlorate compositions, the ingredients of
which separately may be non-explosive; compounds used singly, as
guncotton, nitroglycerin (in the form of dynamite), picric acid (as
lyddite or melinite), trinitrotoluene, nitrocresols, mercury fulminate,
&c.; combinations of some explosive compounds, such as cordite and the
smokeless propellants in general use for military purposes; and,
finally, blasting and detonating or igniting compositions, some of which
contain inert diluting materials as well as one or more high explosives.
Many igniting compositions are examples of the last type, consisting of
a high explosive diluted with a neutral substance, and frequently
containing in addition a composition which is inflamed by the explosion
of the diluted high explosive, the flame in turn igniting the actual
propellant.
_Explosive Mixtures._--The explosive mixture longest known is
undoubtedly gunpowder (q.v.) in some form--that is, a mixture of
charcoal with sulphur and nitre, the last being the oxygen provider.
Besides the nitrates of metals and ammonium nitrate, there is a limited
number of other substances capable of serving in a sufficiently
energetic manner as oxygen providers. A few chlorates, perchlorates,
permanganates and chromates almost complete the list. Of these the
sodium, potassium and barium chlorates are best known and have been
actually tried, in admixture with some combustible substances, as
practical explosives. Most other metallic chlorates are barred from
practical employment owing to instability, deliquescence or other
property.
Of the chlorates those of potassium and sodium are the most stable, and
mixtures of either of these salts with sulphur or sulphides, phosphorus,
charcoal, sugar, starch, finely-ground cellulose, coal or almost any
kind of organic, i.e. carbon, compound, in certain proportions, yield an
explosive mixture. In many cases these mixtures are not only fired or
exploded by heating to a certain temperature, but also by quite moderate
friction or percussion. Consequently there is much danger in manufacture
and storage, and however these mixtures have been made up, they are
quite out of the question as propellants on account of their great
tendency to explode in the manner of a detonator. In addition they are
not smokeless, and leave a considerable residue which in a gun would
produce serious fouling.
Mixtures of chlorates with aromatic compounds such as the nitro- or
dinitro-benzenes or even naphthalene make very powerful blasting agents.
The violent action of a chlorate mixture is due first to the rapid
evolution of oxygen, and also to the fact that a chlorate can be
detonated when alone. A drop of sulphuric acid will start the combustion
of a chlorate mixture. In admixture with sulphur, sulphides and
especially phosphorus, chlorates give extremely sensitive compositions,
some of which form the basis of friction tube and firing mixtures.
Potassium and sodium perchlorates and permanganates make similar but
slightly less sensitive explosive mixtures with the above-mentioned
substances. Finely divided metals such as aluminium or magnesium give
also with permanganates, chlorates or perchlorates sensitive and
powerful explosives. Bichromates, although containing much available
oxygen, form but feeble explosive mixtures, but some compounds of
chromic acid with diazo compounds and some acetylides are extremely
powerful as well as sensitive. Ammonium bichromate is a self-combustible
after the type of ammonium nitrate, but scarcely an explosive.
_Explosive Compounds._--Nearly all the explosive compounds in actual use
either for blasting purposes or as propellants are nitrogen compounds,
and are obtained more or less directly from nitric acid. Most of the
propellants at present employed consist essentially of nitrates of some
organic compound, and may be viewed theoretically as nitric acid, the
hydrogen of which has been replaced by a carbon complex; such compounds
are expressed by M.O.NO2, which indicates that the carbon group is in
some manner united by means of oxygen to the nitrogen group. Guncotton
and nitroglycerin are of this class. Another large class of explosives
is formed by a more direct attachment of nitrogen to the carbon complex,
as represented by M.NO2. A number of explosives of the detonating type
are of this class. They contain the same proportions of oxygen and
nitrogen as nitrites, but are not nitrites. They have been termed
nitro-derivatives for distinction. One of the simplest and longest-known
members of this group is nitrobenzene, C6H5NO2, which is employed to
some extent as an explosive, being one ingredient in rack-a-rock and
other blasting compositions. The dinitro-benzenes, C6H4(NO2)2, made from
it are solids which are somewhat extensively employed as constituents of
some sporting powders, and in admixture with ammonium nitrate form a
blasting powder of a "flameless" variety which is comparatively safe in
dusty or "gassy" coal seams.
Picric acid or trinitrophenol, C6H2.OH.(NO2)3 is employed as a high
explosive for shell, &c. It requires, however, either to be enclosed and
heated, or to be started by a powerful detonator to develop its full
effect. Its compounds with metals, such as the potassium salt,
C6H2.OK.(NO2)3, are when dry very easily detonated by friction or
percussion and _always_ on heating, whereas picric acid itself will burn
very quietly when set fire to under ordinary conditions.
Trinitrotoluene, C6H2.CH3.(NO2)3, is a high explosive resembling picric
acid in the manner of its explosion (to which in fact it is a rival),
but differs therefrom in not forming salts with metals. The
nitronaphthols, C10H6.OH.NO2, and higher nitration products may be
counted in the list. Their salts with metals behave much like the
picrates.
All these nitro compounds can be reduced by the action of nascent
hydrogen to substances called amines (q.v.), which are not always
explosive in themselves, but in some cases can form nitrates of a
self-combustible nature. Aminoacetic acid, for instance, will form a
nitrate which burns rapidly but quietly, and might be employed as an
explosive. By the action of nitrous acid at low temperatures on aromatic
amines, e.g. aniline, C6H5NH2, diazo compounds are produced. These are
all highly explosive, and when in a dry state are for the most part also
extremely sensitive to friction, percussion or heat. As many of these
diazo compounds contain no oxygen their explosive nature must be
ascribed to the peculiar state of union of the nitrogen. This state is
attempted to be shown by the formulae such as, for instance, C6H5.N :
N.X, which maybe some compound of diazobenzene. Probably the most
vigorous high explosive at present known is the substance called
hydrazoic acid or azoimide (q.v.). It forms salts with metals such as
AgN3, which explode in a peculiar manner. The ammonium compound, NH4N3,
may become a practical explosive of great value.
Mercuric fulminate, HgC2N2O2, is one of the most useful high explosives
known. It is formed by the action of a solution of mercurous nitrate,
containing some nitrous acid, on alcohol. It is a white crystalline
substance almost insoluble in cold water and requiring 130 times its
weight of boiling water for solution. It may be heated to 180 deg. C.
before exploding, and the explosion so brought about is much milder than
that produced by percussion. It forms the principal ingredient in cap
compositions, in many fuses and in detonators. In many of these
compositions the fulminate is diluted by mixture with certain quantities
of inert powders so that its sensitiveness to friction or percussion is
just so much lowered, or slowed down, that it will fire another mixture
capable of burning with a hot flame. For detonating dynamite, guncotton,
&c., it is generally employed without admixture of a diluent.
_Smokeless Propellants._--Gunpowders and all other explosive mixtures or
compounds containing metallic salts must form smoke on combustion. The
solids produced by the resolution of the compounds are in an extremely
finely-divided state, and on being ejected into the atmosphere become
more or less attached to water vapour, which is so precipitated, and
consequently adds to the smoke. The simplest examples of propellants of
the smokeless class are compressed gases. Compressed air was the
propellant for the Zalinski dynamite gun. Liquefied carbon dioxide has
also been proposed and used to a slight extent with the same idea. It is
scarcely practical, however, because when a quantity of a gas liquefied
by pressure passes back again into the gaseous state, there is a great
absorption of heat, and any remaining liquid, and the containing vessel,
are considerably cooled. Steam guns were tried in the American Civil War
in 1864; but a steam gun is not smokeless, for the steam escaping from
the long tube or gun immediately condenses on expansion, forming white
mist or smoke.
At the earliest stage of the development of guncotton the advantage of
its smokeless combustion was fully appreciated (see GUNCOTTON). That it
did not at once take its position as _the_ smokeless propellant, was
simply due to its physical state--a fibrous porous mass--which burnt too
quickly or even detonated under the pressure required in fire-arms of
any kind. In the early eighties of the 19th century it was found that
several substances would partly dissolve or at least gelatinize
guncotton, and the moment when guncotton proper was obtained as a
colloid or jelly was the real start in the matter of smokeless
propellants.
Guncotton is converted into a gelatinous form by several substances,
such as esters, e.g. ethyl acetate or benzoate, acetone and other
ketones, and many benzene compounds, most of which are volatile liquids.
On contact with the guncotton a jelly is formed which stiffens as the
evaporation of the gelatinizing agent proceeds, and finally hardens when
the evaporation is complete. Whilst in a stiff pasty state it may be
cut, moulded or pressed into any desired shape without any danger of
ignition. In fact guncotton in the colloid state may be hammered on an
anvil, and, as a rule, only the portion struck will detonate or fire.
Guncotton alone makes a very hard and somewhat brittle mass after
treatment with the gelatinizing agent and complete drying, and small
quantities of camphor, vaseline, castor oil and other substances are
incorporated with the gelatinous guncotton to moderate this hard and
brittle state.
All the smokeless powders, of which gelatinized guncottons or nitrated
celluloses are the base, are moulded into some conveniently shaped
grain, e.g. tubes, cords, rods, disks or tablets, so that the rate of
burning may be controlled as desired. The Vieille powder, invented in
1887 and adopted in France for a magazine rifle, consisted of
gelatinized guncotton with a little picric acid. Later a mixture of two
varieties of guncotton gelatinized together was used. In addition to
guncottons other explosive or non-explosive substances are contained in
some of these powders. Guncotton alone in the colloid state burns very
slowly if in moderate-sized pieces, and when subdivided or made into
thin rods or strips it is still very mild as an explosive, partly from a
chemical reason, viz. there is not sufficient oxygen in it to burn the
carbon to dioxide. Many mixtures are consequently in use, and many more
have been proposed, which contain some metallic salt capable of
supplying oxygen, such as barium or ammonium nitrate, &c., the idea
being to accelerate the rate of burning of the guncotton and if possible
avoid the production of smoke.
The discovery by A. Nobel that nitroglycerin could be incorporated with
collodion cotton to form blasting gelatin (see DYNAMITE) led more or
less directly to the invention of ballistite, which differs from
blasting gelatin only in the relative amounts of collodion, or soluble
nitrated cotton, and nitroglycerin. Ballistite was adopted by the
Italian government in 1890 as a military powder. Very many substances
and mixtures have been proposed for smokeless powder, but the two
substances, guncotton and nitroglycerin, have for the most part kept the
field against all other combinations, and for several reasons.
Nitroglycerin contains a slight excess of oxygen over that necessary to
convert the whole of the carbon into carbon dioxide; it burns in a more
energetic manner than guncotton; the two can be incorporated together in
any proportion whilst the guncotton is in the gelatinous state; also all
the liquids which gelatinize guncotton dissolve nitroglycerin, and, as
these gelatinizing liquids evaporate, the nitroglycerin is left
entangled in the guncotton jelly, and then shares more or less its
colloidal character. In burning the nitroglycerin is protected from
detonation by the gelatinous state of the guncotton, but still adds to
the rate of burning and produces a higher temperature.
_Desirable Qualities._--Smokelessness is one only of the desirable
properties of a propellant. All the present so-called smokeless
powders produce a little fume or haze, mainly due to the condensation
of the steam which forms one of the combustion products. There is
often also a little vapour from the substances, such as oils, mineral
jelly, vaseline or other hydrocarbon added for lubrication or to
render the finished material pliable, &c. The gases produced should
neither be very poisonous nor exert a corrosive action on metals, &c.
The powder itself should have good keeping qualities, that is, not be
liable to chemical changes within ordinary ranges of temperature or in
different climates when stored for a few years. In these powders
slight chemical changes are generally followed by noticeable ballistic
changes. All the smokeless powders of the present day produce some
oxide of nitrogen, traces of which hang about the gun after firing and
change rapidly into nitrous and nitric acids. Nitrous acid is
particularly objectionable in connexion with metals, as it acts as a
carrier of oxygen. The fouling from modern smokeless powders is a
slight deposit of acid grease, and the remedy consists in washing out
the bore of the piece with an alkaline liquid. The castor oil, mineral
jelly or camphor, and similar substances added to smokeless powders
are supposed to act as lubricants to some extent. They are not as
effective in this respect as mineral salts, and the rifling of both
small-arms and ordnance using smokeless powders is severely gripped by
the metal of the projectile. The alkaline fouling produced by the
black and brown powders acted as a preventive of rusting to some
extent, as well as a lubricant in the bore.
_Danger in Manufacture._--In the case of the old gunpowders, the most
dangerous manufacturing operation was incorporation. With the modern
colloid propellants the most dangerous operations are the chemical
processes in the preparation of nitroglycerin, the drying of
guncotton, &c. After once the gelatinizing solvent has been added, all
the mechanical operations can be conducted, practically, with perfect
safety. This statement appears to be correct for all kinds of nitrated
cellulose powders, whether mixed with nitroglycerin or other
substances. Should they become ignited, which is possible by a rise of
temperature (to say 180 deg.) or contact with a flame, the mixture
burns quickly, but does not detonate.
As a rule naval and military smokeless powders are shaped into flakes,
cubes, cords or cylinders, with or without longitudinal perforations.
All the modifications in shape and size are intended to regulate the
rate of burning. Sporting powders are often coloured for trade
distinction. Some powders are blackleaded by glazing with pure
graphite, as is done with black powders. One object of this glazing is
to prevent the grains or pieces becoming joined by pressure; for rods
or pieces of some smokeless powders might possibly unite under
considerable pressure, producing larger pieces and thus altering the
rate of burning. Most smokeless powders are fairly insensitive to
shock. All these gelatinized powders are a little less easily ignited
than black powders. A slightly different cap composition is required
for small-arm cartridges, and cannon cartridges generally require a
small primer or starter of powdered black gunpowder.
It is desired that a propellant shall produce the maximum velocity
with the minimum pressure. The pressure should start gently so that
the inertia of the projectile is overcome without any undue local
strain on the breech near the powder chamber, and more especially that
as more and more space is given to the gases by the movement of the
projectile up the gun to the muzzle, gas should be produced with
sufficient rapidity to keep the pressure nearly uniform or slightly
increasing along the bore. The leading idea for improvements in
relation to propellants is to obtain the greatest possible pressure
regularly developed, and at the same time the lowest temperatures.
(W. R. E. H.)
_Law._--In 1860 an act was passed in England "to amend the law
concerning the making, keeping and carriage of gunpowder and
compositions of an explosive nature, and concerning the manufacture and
use of fireworks" (23 & 24 Vict. c. 139), whereby previous acts on the
same subject were repealed, and minute and stringent regulations
introduced. Amending acts were passed in 1861 and 1862. In 1875 was
passed the Explosives Act (38 & 39 Vict. c. 17), which repealed the
former acts, and dealt with the whole subject in a more comprehensive
manner. This act, containing 122 sections, and applying to Scotland and
Ireland, as well as to England, constitutes, with various orders in
council and home office orders, a complete code. The act of 1875 was
based on the report of a committee of the House of Commons, public
opinion having been greatly excited on the subject by a terrible
explosion on the Regent's Canal in 1874. Explosives are thus defined:
(1) Gunpowder, nitroglycerin, dynamite, guncotton, blasting powders,
fulminate of mercury or of other metals, coloured fires, and every other
substance, whether similar to those above-mentioned or not, used or
manufactured with a view to produce a practical effect by explosion or a
pyrotechnic effect, and including (2) fog-signals, fireworks, fuses,
rockets, percussion caps, detonators, cartridges, ammunition of all
descriptions, and every adaptation or preparation of an explosive as
above defined. Part i. deals with gunpowder, providing that it shall be
manufactured only at factories lawfully existing or licensed under the
act; that it shall be kept (except for private use) only in existing or
new magazines or stores, or in registered premises, licensed under the
act. Private persons may keep gunpowder for their own use to the amount
of thirty pounds. The act also prescribes rules for the proper keeping
of gunpowder on registered premises. Part ii. deals with nitroglycerin
and other explosives; part iii. with inspection, accidents, search, &c.;
part iv. contains various supplementary provisions. By order in council
the term "explosive" may be extended to any substance which appears to
be specially dangerous to life or property by reason of its explosive
properties, or to any process liable to explosion in the manufacture
thereof, and the provisions of the act then extend to such substance
just as if it were included in the term "explosive" in the act. The act
lays down minute and stringent regulations for the sale of gunpowder,
restricting the sale thereof in public thoroughfares or places, or to
any child apparently under the age of thirteen; requiring the sale of
gunpowder to be in closed packages labelled; it also lays down general
rules for conveyance, &c. The act also gives power by order in council
to define, from time to time, the composition, quality and character of
any explosive, and to classify explosives, and such orders in council
are frequently made including new substances; those in force will be
found in the _Statutory Rules and Orders_, tit. "explosive substance."
The Merchant Shipping Act 1894 imposes restrictions on the carriage of
dangerous goods in a British or foreign vessel, "dangerous goods"
meaning aquafortis, vitriol, naphtha, benzine, gunpowder, lucifer
matches, nitroglycerin, petroleum and any explosive within the meaning
of the Explosives Act 1875. The act is administered by the home office,
and an annual report is published containing the proceedings of the
inspectors of explosives and an account of the working of the act. Each
annual report gives a list of explosives at the time authorized for
manufacture or importation, and appendices containing information as to
accidents, experiments, &c.
Practically every European country has legislated on the lines of the
English act of 1875, Austria taking the lead, in 1877, with an
explosives ordinance almost identical with the English act. The United
States and the various English colonies also have explosives acts
regulating the manufacture, storage and importation of explosives. (See
also PETROLEUM.) (T. A. I.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY.--M. Berthelot, _Sur la force des matieres explosives_
(Paris, 1883); P.F. Chalon, _Les Explosifs modernes_ (Paris, 1886);
W.H. Wardell, _Handbook of Gunpowder and Guncotton_ (London, 1888);
J.P. Cundill, _A Dictionary of Explosives_ (London, 1889 and 1897); M.
Eissler, _A Handbook of Modern Explosives_ (London, 1896, new ed.
1903); J.A. Longridge, _Smokeless Powder and its Influence on Gun
Construction_ (London, 1890); C. Napier Hake and W. Macnab,
_Explosives and their Power_ (London, 1892); G. Coralys, _Les
Explosifs_ (Paris, 1893); A. Ponteaux, _La Poudre sans fumee et les
poudres anciennes_ (Paris, 1893); F. Salvati, _Vocabolario di polveri
ed explosivi_ (Rome, 1893); C. Guttmann, _The Manufacture of
Explosives_ (London, 1895 and later); S.J. von Romocki, _Geschichte
der Sprengstoffchemie, der Sprengtechnik und des Torpedowesens bis zum
Beginn der neusten Zeit_ (Berlin, 1895); _Geschichte der
Explosivstoffe, die rauchschwachen Pulver_ (Berlin, 1896); P.G.
Sanford, _Nitro-explosives_ (London, 1896); L. Gody, _Traite theorique
et pratique des matieres explosives_ (Namur, 1896); R. Wille, _Der
Plastomerite_ (Berlin, 1898); E. Sarrau, _Introduction a la theorie
des explosifs_ (1893); _Theorie des explosifs_ (1896); O. Guttmann,
_Manufacture of Explosives_ (London, 1895); E.M. Weaver, _Notes on
Military Explosives_ (New York, 1906); M. Eissler, _The Modern High
Explosives_ (New York, 1906); _Treatise on Service Explosives_,
published by order of the secretary of state for war (London, 1907).
Most of the literature on modern explosives, e.g. dynamite, &c., is to
be found in papers contributed to scientific journals and societies.
An index to those which have appeared in the _Journal of the Society
of Chemical Industry_ is to be found in the decennial index (1908)
compiled by F.W. Renant.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Not necessarily heat energy entirely. A number of
substances--acetylides and some nitrogen compounds, such as nitrogen
chloride--decompose with extreme violence, but _little heat_ is
produced.
EXPRESS (through the French from the past participle of the Lat.
_exprimere_, to press out, by transference used of representing objects
in painting or sculpture, or of thoughts, &c. in words), a word
signifying that which is clearly and definitely set forth or
represented, explicit, and thus used of a meaning, a law, a contract and
the like, being specially contrasted with "implied." Thus in law,
malice, for which there is actual evidence, as apart from that which may
be inferred from the acts of the person charged, is known as "express."
The word is most frequently used with the idea of something done with a
definite purpose; the term "express train," now meaning one that travels
at a high speed over long distances with few intermediate stoppages,
was, in the early days of railways, applied to what is now usually
called a "special," i.e. a train not running according to the ordinary
time-tables of the railway company, but for some specific purpose, or
engaged by a private person. About 1845 this term became used for a
train running to a particular place without stopping. Similarly in the
British postal service, express delivery is a special and immediate
delivery of a letter, parcel, &c., by an express messenger at a
particular increased rate. The system was adopted in 1891.