CHAPTER XIV.

In a former chapter I have attempted to show the manner in which we have

suffered in the past from the effects of an unwarranted prejudice

against us, due not so much to our color as to our condition, and from

the mistakes we have made in mapping out the course best suited for us

to follow. We are a peculiar people, hitherto unknown to the laws of the

United States. We have been made citizens by these laws, but are still

regarded as a distinct people. In this chapter I shall try to give my

views as to the best course for us, as a class, to pursue in order to

succeed in the race of life as newly made citizens, and this advice is

intended wholly for the Colored people.

Above every other consideration we must get money, and to do that, we

must engage in business of some kind, however small, and then support it

with our undivided patronage. By so doing we shall not only build up

business houses, but create places for our boys and girls when they

leave the schools, fitted for higher callings than the mudhod or the

washtub. We can do this without any sacrifice, as we are compelled to

spend a large portion of our earnings for the necessaries of life any

way, and when it comes to the question as to whether we shall spend it

with a white or a Colored tradesman, other things being equal, the

question itself ought to suggest the answer.

We would do well, in my opinion, to take a few lessons from the Hebrews

in this country, as to the way in which to accumulate money, for they

have been sorely pressed by all Christian nations for centuries, and

notwithstanding have steadily, and in the face of great prejudice,

accumulated vast wealth. By turning their attention entirely to trade,

they have been enabled to command respect by reason of their money

solely, so that to-day, especially in this country, they have a very

high standing in the commercial business of the country, and are

gradually increasing it each year, so that it is only a matter of time,

when they will be able to control such business. They give their

children a common school course, then a business course, and then put

them to work as salesmen, rarely ever sending them to college.

We are the real producers of the wealth of the country, especially of

the southern portion, and have that advantage over the Hebrews, who

never produce anything at any time, and yet they strive to control the

business of the entire country. As an evidence of the fact that we are

the real producers, note the large number of mercantile failures when

there is a shortage in the crop. Now then, since we are the producers of

the wealth, why not spend it in a way to benefit ourselves? So long as

the merchant can get our trade without recognition, he will not give

employment to our young men and women, in consideration of that class of

trade, and is sometimes bold enough to say so.

As a case in point, I will state this: A few years ago, a certain

merchant on Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D. C., who had and still

has a large trade with the Colored people, especially the better class,

including the families of clerks in the several departments and school

teachers, there being over three hundred of them, was applied to by a

delegation of Colored citizens for a position for a respectable and

well-educated girl, wanting employment. They called his attention to the

fact that he had a very large Colored patronage and that he had

employees representing nearly every other class of people, and that it

would be nothing more than fair to give employment to one Colored

saleswoman. He refused. They gave him to understand that an effort would

be made to withdraw the Colored trade from him, since he would not

recognize it in a substantial way. His reply was: “Gentlemen, you may

make all the efforts you please, but you cannot do it; good day”.

Are we prepared to say that this merchant did not state the fact? I

think not, because he knew our disorganized condition, our inability to

concentrate our strength in a way to make it effective, and therefore

felt free to tell the delegation to their faces, “You cannot do it.” He

spoke the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, because

they could not do it then, and cannot do it now, and never will until

the Colored people are educated to it by force of self-defence.

As parents we are partly responsible for the idleness and unemployed

condition of our young men and women, after they have reached maturity

and left the schools, by neglecting to utilize the means in our hands

for the benefit of our children. After having given them an education

which fits them for higher callings than mere ordinary laborers, we fail

to create these higher places for them, and the children, as a matter of

fact, have been injured rather than benefited by our misdirected

kindness and parental love. To a very large extent this accounts for

the great number of young men and women marching the streets in

idleness, for which we are directly and morally responsible. We have no

just cause for censuring the white people for their conduct toward us in

refusing us recognition. They have done no wrong; they have only taken

advantage of the opportunities we have given them and nothing more. They

know that we are a disorganized people, and while in that condition are

certainly not in a position to strike back when pressed, and therefore

they press us with impunity.

It is not enough to say that the prejudice against us is due to color;

while in part that might be true, there is another and a greater cause,

which in my opinion, fans and keeps alive that hydra-headed monster, and

that is our penniless condition. We are a class of people who represent,

comparatively speaking, nothing, and in the business world absolutely

nothing, although we are the producers of the wealth in several States,

as has already been stated, we have no voice in the barter and sale of

it.

The laws are made by and for the business men of all countries and not

in the interest of the laboring classes. The business men are the

law-makers in this Country and of course shape the laws to suit their

own interests. My candid belief is, that more respect will be shown us,

when we are represented in the business world, and I think we should

make an effort to be represented in the various lines of business as

other Americans. We have tried various plans, looking to success, and

have not attained it to a very satisfactory degree, and I think the time

has come for us to try something new. If we were a distinct race, as

some writers who have not given the subject much thought assert, the

advice to make an effort would be superfluous, because being a race we

would necessarily be a united people, aiding one another in efforts to

rise. Circumstances compel us to be a distinct class of Americans,

without regard to shades of color; because we have many among us who are

as white as any Caucasian, but when the fact is known that they have in

their veins the slight admixture of African blood, whether they are of

light or dark hue, they are all classed as Colored people, treated as

such, and might as well mingle as such, allowing character only to be

the dividing line. The fact is this, we are all Colored people and must

hold together as such, if we expect to succeed, remembering that in

union there is strength, and the old adage which is a good one, that it

is better to be a king among dogs than a dog among kings.

I have thus far tried to show some of the causes operating against our

progress and the part we have acted or taken against our own best

interests, in our blind efforts to succeed. And now as to the remedy.

Our ministers see the necessity of our being more closely united in a

business way. They picture the good results that will follow such

action, and like Rev. Dr. Seaton, of Georgetown, D. C., heartily approve

such a course, and at the same time lay the blame for non-action at the

doors of our political leaders, by saying that they should have been

advising, urging and educating our people, up to this essential

necessity long ago. Our political leaders also see the necessity of such

action on our part, and have advised us, whenever they had a chance to

be heard, to be more closely united, but they insist that little good

can be accomplished until our ministers become interested in the

matter. Here it is seen that both classes of leaders see the need of and

admit the necessity for such action, and yet both remain comparatively

inactive. Not being a minister or a political leader, I feel myself

competent to decide this question without prejudice and therefore state

that, in my opinion, it is the failure of our spiritual advisers to

discharge their whole duty towards their congregations, and I will

mention some of my reasons for making this assertion. In the first place

our ministers wield a greater influence over the people than any other

class of men, and can if they choose, lead them into almost any measure

they may wish them to adopt. They have led them to contribute of their

meagre earnings, the large sums of money invested in church property,

located in every State. It was raised by the untiring efforts of our

spiritual advisers, a little at a time; so that it is claimed that the

Colored people of the United States, own over two hundred million

dollars worth in church property, and support fifteen thousand

ministers, at an annual cost of seven and a half million dollars a

year.[A]

[A] The above figures are furnished by Rev. F. J. Grimke, of the

Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church, Washington, D. C., from which I

make the estimate of five hundred dollars as the average cost of each

minister, which I think very reasonable.

By the payment of such a large sum annually, without a murmur on our

part, it would seem quite reasonable that we are entitled to and should

have not only the spiritual, but the temporal advice as well, for we

need it badly. Again, our ministers are always in touch with their

congregations and see their needs, have their undivided attention

whenever desired, talk to them, selecting their own subjects every

week, about saving souls, and the course they should pursue to

accomplish that desirable result. All this is very good, and they love

their pastors for showing them the way to eternal life, but it seems to

me that while the ministers have their ears, confidence and continued

attention, and knowing their divided and thereby weakened condition,

should, if they have any genuine pride in them, take advantage of their

position and give them some instruction as to the caring for the body,

as well as the soul. If they will do this, as though it were really a

religious duty, advising them mutually to aid one another with their

patronage, they will have rendered their people a lasting service.

There is hardly a doubt, that our ministers have an advantage over our

political leaders in this; they have the people before them every week,

and therefore have a better opportunity to advise and urge them towards

united action, than the political leader, who may not have a chance to

address his people more than once or twice in a year, and that at some

celebration. I am decidedly of the opinion that the various religious

bodies in this country, supported by us, should instruct their ministers

and see that they carry it out, to devote more time to the temporal care

of their congregations, by teaching and urging upon them the necessity

of being more closely united as a people; that in union there is

strength; that a house divided against itself cannot stand. Our

ministers can unite us, and they alone can. Will they make the effort?

Those among us who have accumulated wealth have done so single-handed

and alone, and against great odds, and in nearly every case by dealing

with white men, rarely with a majority of Colored customers. I cannot

recall a single instance where a Colored merchant, relying solely upon

the patronage of his own people, has succeeded. That old idea drilled

into them during slavery, that white people are better than Colored

people, is still in them, notwithstanding their denial of the fact, for

it is shown in their actions, in the purchase of what they need and in

the employment of skilled workmen. If the job is a small one, amounting

to a few dollars, we may give it to a colored workman, but if it is a

large one, we give it to a white man, who will then send, probably, the

Colored bidder to do the work, and we are satisfied. And as to our

purchases, we act as though the white man’s goods were better than those

of the Colored man. In this respect the upper as well as the lower

classes of Colored people need training badly, a fact which many of us,

who are now or have been in business will confirm.

When we are ripe for it, there will appear Colored men with means ready

to enter nearly every line of business, who are now afraid to do so,

because of the fact that they cannot rely upon their own people for

support.

We recognize three distinct grades among us; namely, the wealthy or

those who have acquired money, supporting their families in the style

that aristocratic Americans do; the working class including those

engaged in business, professors, tradesmen, and the daily laborers; the

third and last class includes the shiftless, worthless, and thoroughly

degraded. Many prejudiced white people affect to know but one grade, and

that the lowest always, and promptly charge all crimes committed by that

class to the Colored people generally, taking that class as a criterion

by which to judge the entire people, placing men like Frederick Douglass

on a par with this degraded class, in speaking to him about them as

“your people.” They know as well as they know anything, that Mr.

Douglass has no more dealings or association with that class of Colored

people, than Chauncey M. Depew has with the roughs and thugs of New

York. It really makes me feel hurt to hear white men who, I believe,

know better than to talk that way, men who will never reach Mr.

Douglass’s standing, if they live to be old as Methuselah.

It would be well for us to remember, that we cannot always be considered

as little helpless babes, and therefore objects of charity by the white

philanthropists of this country. They have been very liberal towards us

in their donations to establish institutions of learning, not only in

the common branches, but the higher as well, so that we have a large

number of colleges and universities sustained by donations from the

white people, regardless of politics. We own many million dollars worth

of school property, located in the South, which came to us by donation,

besides a large amount invested in church property, much of which came

in the same way. The charitably-disposed white people of this country

have been very good to us, but we are now nearly thirty-year old

children, and these philanthropists will find that out some day and

cease their liberality upon the ground, that we are old enough to take

care of ourselves. Can we dispute this fact? I think not. We will have

to meet the obstacles I have referred to at no distant day, and should

be paving the way to that end, so as to be prepared for them when the

time comes. If there is a better plan than the one I have suggested, one

more practical, let it not be only stated, but adopted and put into

active operation, for we cannot expect to succeed with so many

difficulties, as we are now forced to encounter, unless we unite

ourselves more closely.

In addition to present obligations as members of our several religious

creeds, we should have one obligation, pledging our support and

patronage to each other in preference to any other class. As already

stated, we are morally and religiously responsible for the conduct and

character assumed by our children in after life. If as parents, we have

discharged our whole duty towards them, and have complied with divine

instruction in accordance with Proverbs xxii. 6: “Train up a child in

the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it,” we

need have no fear as to our childrens’ success in after life.

One almost neglected field of labor in which our ministers should spend

more time and attention in their efforts for reform, and one which is in

the line of their special calling, is this: A very large number of

supposed Christian people, members of churches, in most cases in good

standing, entertain and practice a false idea of the virtue of prayer,

believing honestly that it is the panacea for every evil, and cure for

ever wrong committed, even intentionally. They believe that any crime

committed against the law of the land, or any violation of the laws of

God, can be atoned for by prayer; or in other words, they believe that

they can steal the goods and chattels of another, and without making

restitution go to the Lord in prayer, and that he will forgive them and

allow them to retain the stolen goods. Among the illiterate class of

Colored people, this false idea or misconception of divine law is

practiced entirely too much. Our ministers should turn their attention

to the eradication of this evil practice or false conception of the word

of God. In a large degree, in my opinion, this accounts for the great

number of church members, in good standing, before the police and other

courts, charged with petty larceny.

There is another evil practice which is closely allied to the one above

described, and needs the attention of our teachers and preachers badly.

It is this, religion without morality. We have too many immoral

religionists in our churches. There are members of our churches

apparently filled with religion, as it were, and at the same time

totally devoid of morality. I can conceive of a moral man without

religion, but I cannot conceive of a religious man devoid of morality.

Among the illiterate and also the shiftless class of Colored people

these seeming incongruities exist, and herein lies work for our educated

ministers and our Christian teachers to show the right. We want pure men

and women, honest, upright, reliable, and trustworthy in every station,

and to obtain them we must raise up our children correctly, or in other

words, we must raise them up to be truthful and self-respecting. The

young man or young woman possessing these qualities will succeed even in

adversity, for these traits of character will be of incalculable benefit

to them in obtaining and filling responsible positions.

With the aid of our ministers, the reforms I have mentioned can be

obtained, and our ministers will have made themselves our leaders in

fact, and we will have been placed under renewed obligation to them, and

will also be placed in a better condition to respond to their support

than we have been in the past. Will they undertake this great reform,

and continue to persevere until their efforts shall be crowned with

success? I hope and pray they will.

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