43. THE CONFEDERATION DEBATES (1865).

(1) _For Confederation_: (a) _J. A. Macdonald_.

=Source.=--_Debates in the Parliament of Canada on the

Confederation of British North America, 1865._

The colonies are now in a transition state. Gradually a different

colonial system is being developed--and it will become year by

year less a case of dependence on our part, and of overruling

protection on the part of the Mother-country, and more a case of

a healthy and cordial alliance. Instead of looking upon us as

a merely dependent colony, England will have in us a friendly

nation--a subordinate but still a powerful people--to stand by her

in North America in peace or in war. The people of Australia will

be such another subordinate nation. And England will have this

advantage, if her colonies progress under the new colonial system,

as I believe they will, that, though at war with all the rest of

the world, she will be able to look to the subordinate nations in

alliance with her, and owning allegiance to the same sovereign,

who will assist in enabling her again to meet the whole world in

arms, as she has done before. And if, in the great Napoleonic war,

with every port in Europe closed against her commerce, she was yet

able to hold her own, how much more will that be the case when she

has a colonial empire rapidly increasing in power, in wealth, in

influence, and in position? It is true that we stand in danger,

as we have stood in danger again and again in Canada, of being

plunged into war and suffering all its dreadful consequences, as

the result of causes over which we have no control, by reason of

this connection. This, however, did not intimidate us. At the

very mention of the prospect of a war some time ago, how were

the feelings of the people aroused from one extremity of British

America to the other, and preparations made for meeting its worst

consequences! Although the people of this country are fully aware

of the horrors of war--should a war arise, unfortunately, between

the United States and England, and we all pray it never may--they

are still ready to encounter all perils of that kind, for the sake

of the connection with England. There is not one adverse voice, not

one adverse opinion on that point. We all feel the advantages we

derive from our connection with England. So long as that alliance

is maintained, we enjoy, under her protection, the privileges

of constitutional liberty according to the British system. We

will enjoy here that which is the great test of constitutional

freedom--we will have the rights of the minority respected. In

all countries the rights of the majority take care of themselves,

but it is only in countries like England, enjoying constitutional

liberty, and safe from the tyranny of a single despot or of an

unbridled democracy, that the rights of minorities are regarded.

So long, too, as we form a portion of the British Empire, we shall

have the example of her free institutions, of the high standard of

the character of her statesmen and public men, of the purity of

her legislation, and the upright administration of her laws. In

this younger country one great advantage of our connection with

Great Britain will be, that, under her auspices, inspired by her

example, a portion of her empire, our public men will be actuated

by principles similar to those which actuate the statesmen at

home. These, although not material, physical benefits, of which

you can make an arithmetical calculation, are of such overwhelming

advantage to our future interests and standing as a nation, that to

obtain them is well worthy of any sacrifices we may be called upon

to make, and the people of this country are ready to make them.

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