Crossing the Dhioliba. — Abode at Jenné. — Description of the
town. — Manners and customs of the inhabitants. — Trade. —
English and French goods. — Buildings. — Population. —
Schools. — Religion. — Food and clothing. — Geographical
details. — Course of the river. — The Massina. — Residence
of the sherif of Jenné. — A dinner. — Use of tea, sugar and
porcelain. — Preparations for my departure for Timbuctoo.
On the morning of the 11th of March we prepared to leave Cougalia. We
crossed the river in frail canoes, about thirty feet long and
very narrow, made of a single trunk of the bombax. They were
very inconvenient and every moment threatened to upset. However,
we succeeded in getting the asses on board; for the river was too
wide for them to swim across. I should imagine that its breadth in
this part is five hundred feet, or two hundred and fifty ordinary
paces. I thought it narrow in comparison with its width at Couroussa,
in the country of Amana, which is much nearer to its source. At first,
I supposed that what I saw at Cougalia was only an arm of the river,
forming the island of Jenné. It is very deep, for in the middle our
people were obliged to use oars, their poles not being long enough
to reach the bottom. It was noon when we landed on the right bank,
and several musket-shots were fired in token of rejoicing. The heat
was intense. I walked a short distance along the bank of the river,
where I saw many mimosas, of the same kind as that which grows in the
water on the banks of the Senegal, and which is also very abundant
in the interior. On inundated ground, however, it does not exceed
the height of five feet. It is thorny, the branches are slender and
the pod is hairy; it contracts its leaves on being touched.
On leaving the banks of the Dhioliba, we proceeded six miles W.N.W. We
crossed a dry marsh, on which there was not a single tree to shade
us. On this marsh rice is grown during the inundations. The ground
consists of grey argillaceous earth, mixed with a good deal of sand
and numerous veins of red clay, like that which I had seen on the
banks of the Dhioliba. I observed several slaves who were engaged
in agricultural labour. They used large hoes like those employed in
the Wassoulo.
A little before we reached the island of Jenné, the soil changed to
a hard sand, over which the inundation does not appear to extend. Some
shrubs were growing upon it.
About half past two we arrived on the bank of a secondary branch of
the Dhioliba, which comes from the north in this part, and forms
the island on which is situated the town of Jenné. In fording it
the water was up to our waists. Its current is very rapid, and its
bed is wide and sandy. We saw a great number of traders crossing the
water. They were coming from Jenné and returning to their respective
countries with merchandise.
Having crossed this branch of the river, I thought myself on the island
of Jenné, but, before we could reach the town, I found that we had
to cross a second branch as deep as the other. After crossing the
first branch we found ourselves at the extremity of a large island,
separated by this marigot, and formed by an arm of the river, which
branches off at Ségo and rejoins it at Isaca, a village situated at
the distance of a day and a half’s journey from Cougalia. Within this
large island is situated the island of Jenné, which is surrounded by
a secondary arm of the river. I saw in the port, many large canoes:
some afloat waiting for their cargoes and others ashore, to undergo
repair. I was astonished at the size of these canoes, of which I
shall say more hereafter.
When we landed, there were several negroes assembled at the
water-side. My guide addressed himself to one of them, a good-looking
Mandingo, and asked him whether he could give us a lodging. He
conducted us to his habitation, the outside of which was well enough,
but the inside did not correspond with its external appearance. From
consideration to me in my assumed character of an Arab, I was lodged
in an upper room, where I should not be so much exposed to damp as
in the lower part of the house. The room was exceedingly wretched
and dirty. It might be about twelve feet long, five wide, and of a
proportionate height. The floor, which consisted of planks of rough
wood, was better made than any I have seen among the Bambaras. It was,
however, very uneven, and covered with rubbish, a heap of which lay
in one corner of the room, as the floor was undergoing repair. The
only furniture the apartment contained was a mat spread upon the
floor. The steps, which led from this room to the yard were of earth,
and so narrow and steep as to be very dangerous to descend. My old
guide and his people were lodged in the store-room on the ground-floor.
When we were fairly settled in our new abode, Kai-mou called
together the master of the house and two or three old men who lived
in the neighbourhood, to whom he related the circumstances which had
occasioned my journey to Jenné. They listened to his story with
great attention, and seemed to be much interested about me. On my
expressing a wish to become acquainted with the Arabs who were settled
in the town, and to place myself under their protection, they agreed
to conduct me in the evening to sherif Sidy-Oulad-Marmou, a Moor of
Tafilet, who was reputed to be very rich. This interview being ended,
my old guide asked me to go up to my chamber; he ascended before
me and seated himself on the mat. He began by congratulating me,
and then addressed me in a long speech, in which he assured me that
I ought to consider myself very fortunate, in having reached Jenné
without experiencing any serious disaster or being ill-treated by
the infidels. He said it was very astonishing that, considering
my white colour, which was so strange to the people, I should have
travelled over so large a tract of country without being robbed. He
added that I was in a great measure indebted to him for my safety,
and that he trusted I would reward him for his important services. He
then paused and looked me stedfastly in the face, as much as to ask
me what I thought of his speech. I saw that he wished to be paid
without further delay, and I immediately gave him a pair of scissors,
two yards of coloured calico, three sheets of paper, and a string of
thirty red glass beads for his wives. In France these trifles might
have been worth about five francs, but at Jenné their value was at
least three times as great.
The old man had partly supplied me with provisions on my journey, for
which I made him some little compensation by presents, consisting of
bits of cloth. At all events, it would have been difficult to travel
cheaper in Africa. Poor Kai-mou was however perfectly satisfied;
indeed, my generosity seemed to have exceeded his expectations, and
he joyfully overwhelmed me with blessings. I wished to go immediately
to the Arab sherif; but he insisted on my staying to dine with him,
observing that next day we should have time enough to go and see the
Moor, to whom he promised to speak in my behalf. He ordered one of
his women to buy some fresh fish and rice, to make amends for our bad
living the few preceding days. Our host, who was already prepossessed
in my favour, came to accompany me to the mosque, to attend the six
o’clock prayer. I saw there several Moors, all of whom were very
well dressed. They took no notice of me.
On my return home my guide sent for me, and we sat down together with
his people in the middle of the yard, to partake of a supper which
we found exceedingly savoury, for it was seasoned with salt. I did
not pass a very tranquil night, owing to my anxiety respecting the
reception I might experience from my new countrymen.
On the 12th of March, about eight o’clock in the morning, my guide
and I went to visit the Moors. Our host, by whom we were accompanied,
went first to call on one of his friends. He entered the house and left
us at the door, where we remained at least an hour. I was, at first,
rather uneasy at this strange conduct, but was afterwards informed
that the people of the house were at their breakfast. When the repast
was ended, they came to invite us in, and gave to each of us half a
colat-nut. After this they presented to us a calabash of couscous,
which they had had the politeness to set aside for us. The want of
lalo (the bruised leaf of the baobab which is put into the couscous)
rendered it very unpalatable. They put on the top of the couscous some
bones which they had themselves been gnawing. We afterwards went all
together to the sherif. As I was passing through the market, which
appeared to be abundantly supplied with all kinds of merchandise, I
was accosted by a well-dressed negro. The man knew by my countenance
and by my tattered dress that I was a stranger. He asked me whence
I had come and who I was. He told me that he himself was a native
of Adrar. As my companions were going on first, we had not time for
further conversation, and I saw no more of the man. On reaching the
sherif’s house, which was near the market-place, I saw four Moors
sitting in the street upon a mat and some little round cushions,
made of badly tanned sheep-skin with the wool still remaining on
it. One of them, a man of about forty, was much whiter than myself.
My companions, without any ceremony, told them who I was and whence I
had come, adding that my resources were exhausted and that I appealed
to them for hospitality. Their astonishment was extreme. They gazed
at me with curiosity and said one to another: _Aich kount hadé?_
(what means this?) I saluted them: they returned my salutation and
gave me their hands. They then again asked me who I was. I told them
as well as I could, for I spoke their language very imperfectly, that
I was an Arab and a native of Alexandria. I added that my father,
a zealous Musulman and a very rich merchant, had ships like those
of the christians; that I had been made prisoner when very young by
the French; but that I had escaped from them, with the determination
of returning to my country and embracing the religion of my fathers;
that I was almost destitute and had come to claim their protection to
enable me to reach Timbuctoo, whence I should proceed to Alexandria,
my native city. They paid great attention to all that I said; but they
did not appear to be quite convinced of the truth of my story. They
observed that Alexandria lay to the east, and that I had come from
the west, and they asked me how I had effected my escape from among
the christians. Fortunately, I was prepared with an answer: I related
a long story in which I said that the christians, having captured me
at Alexandria, conveyed me to their country, which is in the north;
that they had educated me, and that when I grew up, the christian to
whom I belonged took me with him on board a ship, which, after two
months’ voyage, brought us to the coast of the negro country. “The
whites,” continued I, “possess little villages on the coast, where
they have commercial establishments, in one of which I remained a
considerable time. I had the care of a store-house and my master who
regarded me as his son, reposed entire confidence in me. Profiting
by my continual intercourse with the Foulahs, I endeavoured to learn
their language, and, after communicating to some of them the secret
of my birth, I was induced by their reiterated entreaties to leave
the christians and to retire to their country; but before I attempted
to execute this plan I wished to earn money sufficient to defray the
expenses of my long journey. This object I at length attained, and
one night I made my escape with some Foulahs, who conducted me to the
Fouta-Dhialon, where I was presented to the king of that country.”
I closed my narrative by a pompous eulogium on the sovereign of the
Fouta, mentioning in high terms of praise his generosity and his zeal
for the religion of Mahomet. My story appeared plausible enough, and
its veracity was no longer doubted. Having left my country so young,
there appeared nothing extraordinary in my being imperfectly acquainted
with its language. I also mentioned that what little Arabic I knew had
been picked up on my journey. The Moors asked me numerous questions
about the christians and the way in which they had treated me. They
all inquired whether I had been beaten and treated like a slave;
whether I had been prevented from praying; and whether I had eaten
pork and drunk brandy. I answered that the christians were a humane
people; that they treated their prisoners kindly, but that they did
not tolerate among them the exercise of the Mahometan religion,[61]
“in which,” said I, “they place no more faith, than we do in
christianity.” On hearing this they all exclaimed: _Allah akbar!_
(great God!) “What! did you not pray among the christians?”
continued they. “No; I left my country so young that I had not
learned our prayers, and the christians of course did not teach
me them.”—“But did you not pray when you were in the Soudan
with the Mahometan Foulahs!” “Yes; but I took care not to be
observed.” “Did you sometimes pray to the prophet?”—“I did
so internally.”
When I confessed that I had eaten pork and drunk brandy they were
all horror-struck and exclaimed in Arabic: “Ah! great God, why
did you do that!”—“Because,” replied I, “my master obliged
me.” I observed that, had I been willing to continue such a life,
I should have remained among the christians; but that it was to avoid
the commission of such heinous sins, that I had undertaken my long
and perilous journey. “He is right; he speaks truly,” they then
repeated, looking at each other. Among other questions, I was asked
whether it was true that the christians eat their slaves. This absurd
question was not asked by the Moors of Tafilet, who appeared tolerably
well informed, but by some roving Moors, who happened to be passing
by and stopped, out of curiosity, to hear our conversation. The Moors
of Tafilet looked at them with an air of contempt and superiority,
and told them that the whites were not cannibals. Those who had
asked the question laughed too, and I suppose they had been merely
joking. I informed them that the Europeans had no slaves now. They
asked me why? “Because,” replied I, “they say that men are all
equal in the eye of God, and that there ought to be no slavery.”
They admitted that this was very true, and that it was very fine for
the christians to think so. “But why,” continued they, “were
you detained as a slave?” I replied that I was not detained, and
that if I had remained in France until the end of the war, I might,
like others of my countrymen, have returned home, but, being in the
Soudan with the christian, my master, the latter, who had no child,
regarded me as his son and would not part with me. “His fortune,”
added I, “could not tempt me. I despised it when I thought of a
future life and the paradise of Mahomet.” They congratulated me on
these praiseworthy feelings. They questioned me about the food of the
christians, in what direction they turn the heads of the bullocks
and sheep which they slaughter, whether they knock the animal down
or cut its throat, whether the christians eat with their fingers,
and sit on the ground. I should fill whole pages were I to repeat
all the questions that were put to me.
When the examination was ended, the sherif desired the negro,
my host, to conduct me to the chief of Jenné. Thither we went,
still accompanied by my guide. We entered the little corridor of
a mean-looking house, and were desired to wait in the first room
we entered, where many other persons were likewise waiting for an
audience. A bullock’s hide was brought for us to sit upon. At the
extremity of the corridor, there was a door, which opened upon an
inner staircase, leading to the first story. On my being announced,
the chief came down stairs and seated himself at the foot of the
staircase, the door still remaining closed. The chief did not speak
Arabic, and he desired that I should be asked whether I understood
the Mandingo language.
The man who stood guard at the door repeated the answer in a loud
voice, to enable the chief (who I suppose was somewhat deaf)
to hear. He then requested to know whether I spoke the Bambara
language. One of the Moors, whom I had seen with the sherif,
now joined me. On his being announced, the door of the staircase
was immediately opened, and all present had the gratification of
seeing this mysterious chief. He was advanced in years, very fat,
almost blind, and very simply dressed. The Moor eagerly advanced,
and giving him his hand by way of salutation, told me to do the same;
I immediately did so. It was a distinction of which I was not a little
proud, for it is not granted to every one. The Moor again informed the
chief what my intentions were; he added that, being very poor, I threw
myself on his hospitality. The chief, after listening attentively,
said that until an opportunity should occur for my going to Timbuctoo,
on my way to my native country, I should remain with the sherif
who, as a rich man and a descendant of the Prophet, would take care
that I should be well treated. Before I left him, this negro chief
requested that I would myself repeat the story I had related in the
morning, which I briefly did, the Moor who had joined me acting as
interpreter. Of all the Moors whom I had seen during the morning, the
sherif had given me the coolest reception. The chief sent one of his
people to conduct me to the residence of my new host, and I returned
among my new countrymen, whose presence had at first somewhat alarmed
me. I fancied that they could all read in my countenance the deception
which I was practising upon them; but fortunately this was not the
case. The man who accompanied me communicated the commands of the chief
to the sherif, who replied that he was very ready to obey them. He
made me sit down on the ground beside him, and he and the Moors who
were with him repeated all the questions which they had put to me
before. The sherif appeared to be a man of greater consequence than
the rest. He spoke but little, and retired into his house apparently
not very well pleased at being burthened with me. He said nothing to
me, but put a few questions to the Moors, who repeated them to me.
A numerous concourse collected around us; but it gradually dispersed,
and at length I was left alone with the two Moors, who were very
sociable. One of them, who was named Al-Haggi-Mohammed, called one of
his slaves, gave her some cowries, and sent her to purchase four small
loaves or cakes of rice, together with some butter and honey. She mixed
the butter and honey well together, and then brought it to us in a neat
pewter dish of European manufacture. The Haggi-Mohammed ordered her
to carry it into a corridor on the first floor, and then requested
me to go up to breakfast. I ate but little, and, when I went down
to thank him for his attention, he begged that I would lie down and
rest, saying that I must be much fatigued after my long journey. He
conducted me into a house, which served the two-fold purpose of a
lodging for his slaves and a magazine for his merchandise. He cleared
out a little corridor, and, having ordered a mat to be spread upon the
floor, told me that this was to be my chamber. He had a better house,
in which he himself resided with his children. My umbrella attracted
his attention; he asked me to let him see it: he opened and shut it
several times and showed it to those about him. He called the sherif
and shewed it to him. The sherif appeared to be a connoisseur in
curiosities of this kind, and he admired it exceedingly; many negroes
stopped to look at it, and seemed utterly lost in amazement. I told
the Moor that I had brought with me some other luggage. He desired
me to go and fetch it, and sent a person to conduct me. I went to
the residence of my old guide to get my baggage, which I had left in
my chamber; as there was no door to it, I might have had reason to
repent this imprudence; but, fortunately, I found every thing as I
had left it. Kai-mou asked me if I was pleased with my new hosts, for
I had two. I replied in the affirmative. On my return to my lodging,
the Haggi-Mohammed asked me what there was in my bag; he advised me
if I had merchandise to sell it before my departure, as I should not
dispose of it so advantageously at Timbuctoo, all the goods that are
sold at Jenné being brought from that city.
I took my bag to my new lodging and opened it in order to prepare for
the visit which I expected to receive from the Moors; I laid aside the
money which I had in my girdle, and mixed my notes in pencil with some
leaves of the Koran, so that, in case my portfolio should be opened,
the papers might be taken for a book of prayers. In the event of the
notes being discovered, I had determined to say that they contained
a narrative of the events which had occurred to me during my abode
among the christians, which I wished to communicate to my family. But,
in spite of all these precautions, I was not without anxiety.
I took a view of the house in which I was to reside for some days. The
first story consisted of several galleries, similar to those in which
I was lodged, two small closets containing earthen vessels filled
with water, a dirty water-closet, and a little court level with this
floor, which received light only on this side. The ground-floor,
which was distributed in the same way, consisted of store-rooms for
rice and millet, and a stable for a horse. These store-rooms received
light partly from a second court behind the house, and partly from
a grated opening in the court of the first story. The gallery which
I occupied was the most convenient and the cleanest apartment of
the whole. Two staircases led up to it. They were made of earth,
but were much better and more solid than that of the chamber which
I occupied on my first arrival at Jenné. One of these staircases
led to the entrance door, and the other to the lower court. Some of
the Haggi-Mohammed’s store-rooms which were filled with sacks of
merchandise, were fastened with padlocks of European manufacture.
The court on the first story was partly roofed at the four
corners. Pieces of wood, resting on the walls at little intervals
from each other and covered with earth, formed a sort of terrace
with a parapet running round it. On this terrace, to which there was
an ascent of about ten steps, the Moors and even the negroes were
accustomed to take their supper.
About noon a female slave brought me a large dish of very good rice,
seasoned with meat and small onions. The latter thrive well every where
in the neighbourhood of Jenné. The Haggi-Mohammed came to inquire
after my health. As I had eaten only a small portion of what he sent
to me, he supposed that I was ill. He desired me to make myself easy;
for now that I was among the Moors I should want nothing, and with
the grace of God I should soon return to my country. Then sitting down
beside me, he asked me what I should do when I went home, as I did not
know my parents. I told him that at first I should be somewhat at a
loss. “But,” said I, “if you had a son among strangers, should
you forget him?”—“Certainly not,” replied he.—“Neither
will my father forget me. When I get to Alexandria I shall find him
out; and, even if both my parents are dead, I have a brother who
will surely know me again.” As I was very ill with severe cold,
he procured, at my request, some dry gombo and had it boiled with
honey. This, I found to relieve me very much. The cold affected my
chest and I was quite hoarse, which was very inconvenient to me,
having to answer so many questions.
I mentioned to the Haggi-Mohammed my wish to repay the cowries
which he had expended on my account. He refused to accept payment,
and desired me to purchase nothing, observing that I had only to
ask for whatever I might want, and he would supply it. He sent for
a barber to shave my head. This man was an expert operator; he did
not hurt me in the least, though I certainly expected to suffer under
his hands. The handle of his razor was made according to the fashion
of the country, but the blade which was of European manufacture, was
good. The barbers carry their razors in a small copper sheath. They do
not use soap; a forbearance for which I was grateful, for the smell of
all the soap that I met with in the country was extremely offensive:
they merely wash the head with cold water. After resuming my turban,
I paid a visit to the market; I was surprised at the number of the
people I saw there. It is well supplied with all the necessaries of
life, and is constantly crowded by a multitude of strangers and the
inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, who attend it to sell their
produce, and to purchase salt and other commodities.
There are several rows of dealers both male and female. Some erect
little palisades of straw, to protect themselves from the excessive
heat of the sun; over these they throw a pagne and thus form a small
hut. Their goods are laid out in little baskets, placed on large
round panniers.
In going round the market, I observed some shops pretty well stocked
with European commodities, which sell at a very high price. There was
a great variety of cotton goods, printed muslins, calicoes, scarlet
cloth, hardware, flints, &c. Nearly the whole of these articles
appeared to be of English manufacture. I saw however some French
muskets, which are much esteemed. Among the other articles on sale,
were glass trinkets, false amber, false coral, sulphur in sticks, and
gunpowder which, I was informed, is manufactured in the country. I
am not acquainted with the materials of which their powder is made,
but it appears that they are pounded together in a mortar moistened
with water. They form this powder into lumps of the size of a man’s
fist, which they dry in the sun. The purchasers allow it to remain
in the same state until they are going to use it, when they crush
it and put it in a powder-horn. When they load their muskets with
home-made powder, they use a much greater quantity than they would
think necessary of the European kind, which they value far more
highly. Their powder produces but a weak explosion; it sometimes
issues from the musket like a fusee, without any report.
While descending the Dhioliba to Tercy, I saw at a village a large
calabash full of saltpetre which appeared very fine, but I cannot tell
how the people procured it. I questioned a Moor, who merely replied:
“It is powder,” and I could learn nothing more about it. The
dealers in colat-nuts occupy one end of the market. They are ranged
in two rows, with each a small pannier of colats before him, which
they sell retail at the rate of eight or ten cowries a-piece. The
low price proves the great abundance of this fruit in the country;
but the usual price is from fifteen to twenty cowries.
There are also butchers in the market, who lay out their meat
much in the same way as their brethren in Europe. They also thrust
skewers through little pieces of meat, which they smoke-dry and sell
retail. Great quantities of fish, fresh as well as dried, are brought
to this market, in which are also to be had earthen pots, calabashes,
mats, and salt; but the salt in the market is only sold retail;
that which is sold wholesale is kept in the warehouses.
There are great numbers of hawkers in the streets, who cry the
goods which they carry about with them, as in Europe. They sell
stuffs made in the country, cured provisions, colat-nuts, honey,
vegetable and animal butter, milk and fire-wood. The last article,
which is scarce, is brought by women from the distance of twelve or
fifteen miles round. Millet straw is sold in the market; and during
my residence in this town, I saw, every evening, negresses purchasing
each a certain quantity for ten cowries to cook their suppers: the
ordinary faggots cost one hundred and twenty cowries, which are equal
to twelve sous. Fortunately, this is not a cold country.
The Moors of Jenné do not keep shops. They employ confidential
agents, or even slaves, to sell goods on their account. It is their
custom to sit on mats before their doors, with some cakes of salt
placed beside them, and in this way they wait for customers to buy
their goods, or others who may wish to sell. Thus they accumulate,
without giving themselves much trouble, great quantities of ivory,
gold, rice, millet, honey, raw wax, cured provisions, and heaps
of small onions. These articles they deposit in their store-houses,
whence they forward them to Timbuctoo, where they have correspondents,
who send them in exchange salt, tobacco, and European merchandise.
There are also marabouts among the negroes of Jenné, but the trade
they carry on is not so considerable. The articles they deal in
are seldom of great value, but consist chiefly of the zambalas,
tamarinds, pimento, long pepper, leaves and fruit of the baobab,
gombos, leaves and fruit of Guinea sorrel, pistachios, beans, and a
number of small articles which are brought at Jenné by the people
of the caravans. They also send to Timbuctoo calabashes and earthen
pots for culinary purposes. The wax purchased at Jenné is used for
candles, which are made without moulds and generally consumed through
the country. Quantities are sent to Timbuctoo, where there is a great
demand for them.
The Moorish merchants resident in Jenné, about thirty or forty in
number, occupy the best houses, which have besides the advantage of
being situated near the market. The principal trade of the place is in
their hands. They form companies of several partners, and are owners
of large barges, which carry cargoes of native produce to Timbuctoo.
Jenné was called by the early travellers _the Land of Gold_. However,
that metal is not produced in the environs, but it is frequently
brought to Jenné by the Mandingoes of the Kong country and the
merchants of Bouré. It forms a principal branch of commerce for these
rich traders. They also deal in slaves, whom they send to Tafilet,
and to other quarters, as Mogador, Tunis, and Tripoli. I have seen
men leading these unfortunate beings about the streets, and crying
them for sale at the rate of twenty-five, thirty, or forty thousand
cowries, according to their age. I was grieved to see such an insult
offered to human nature. Such of these poor creatures as I observed
at Jenné in the families of Moors, who all keep a considerable
number of them, are not the most to be pitied; they are well fed,
well clothed, and not hard worked. Their lot would be preferable to
that of the peasantry of some countries of Europe, if any thing could
compensate for the loss of liberty. In general they become confidential
servants, who take care of the house in the absence of the master,
or pack the merchandise and ship it. I remarked that these masters
often gave them cowries to purchase what they liked. It was pleasing
to witness conduct so well calculated to promote fidelity adopted
towards them. They are indeed entrusted with whole sacks of cowries
to count, without any apprehension of their stealing them.
The town of Jenné is about two miles and half in circumference; it
is surrounded by a very ill constructed earth wall, about ten feet
high, and fourteen inches thick. There are several gates, but they are
small. The houses are built of bricks dried in the sun. The sand of
the isle of Jenné is mixed with a little clay, and it is employed
to make bricks of a round form which are sufficiently solid. The
houses are as large as those of European villages. The greater part
have only one story, like Haggi-Mohammed’s, which I have already
described. They are all terraced, have no windows externally, and
the apartments receive no air except from an inner court. The only
entrance, which is of ordinary size, is closed by a door made of wooden
planks, pretty thick, and apparently sawed. The door is fastened on the
inside by a double iron chain, and on the outside by a wooden lock made
in the country. Some however have iron locks. The apartments are all
long and narrow. The wails, especially the outer, are well plastered
with sand, for they have no lime. In each house there is a staircase
leading to the terrace; but there are no chimneys, and consequently
the slaves cook in the open air. The streets are not straight, but
they are broad enough for a country in which no carriages are used;
eight or nine persons may walk in them abreast; they are kept in good
order, being swept almost daily. The environs of Jenné are marshy
and entirely destitute of trees. Some clumps of ronniers are however
seen on slight elevations at very remote distances. Before the rains
set in, the plains receive some tillage, and are all sown with rice,
which grows with the increase of the water of the river; the slaves
are the cultivators of this grain. There was also on the banks of
the river some gombo, tobacco, and giraumons. I was told that in
the rainy season they grow cabbage, carrots, and European turnips,
the seed of which is brought from Tafilet. In the marshes is found
a kind of forage, which is cut and dried for the cattle. In places
not exposed to the inundation they cultivate only millet and maize.
The town of Jenné is full of bustle and animation; every day
numerous caravans of merchants are arriving and departing with all
kinds of useful productions. In Jenné there is a mosque built of
earth, surmounted by two massive but not high towers; it is rudely
constructed, though very large. It is abandoned to thousands of
swallows, which build their nests in it. This occasions a very
disagreeable smell, to avoid which, the custom of saying prayers in
a small outer court has become common. In the environs of the mosque,
to which I often went, I always observed a number of beggars, reduced
to mendicity by old age, blindness, or other infirmities.
The town is shaded by some baobabs, mimosas, date-trees, and
ronniers. I remarked another kind of tree, the name of which I do
not know.
The population of Jenné includes a number of resident strangers, as
Mandingoes, Foulahs, Bambaras, and Moors. They speak the languages
peculiar to their respective countries, besides a general dialect
called _Kissour_, which is the language currently adopted as far as
Timbuctoo. The number of the inhabitants may be computed at eight or
ten thousand. This town was formerly independent, but it now belongs
to a small kingdom, of which Ségo-Ahmadou is the sovereign. He is a
Foulah, and a fanatical Musulman, but a great conqueror. With a very
small number of followers, he has subdued several districts in the
south of Bambara, where he has introduced his religion and enforces
obedience. Jenné was his capital; but this zealous disciple of the
prophet, finding that the great trade of that town interfered with
his religious duties, and drew aside the true believers from their
devotions, founded another town on the right bank of the river. He
named it _el-Lamdou-Lillahi_ (to the praise of God), the first words
of a prayer in the Koran. At this place there are public schools in
which children are taught gratuitously. There are also schools for
adults, according to the degrees of their information. This devout
chief is brother to the king of Massina, a country situated on the
left bank of the Dhioliba.
Ségo-Ahmadou does not levy contributions on the merchants who resort
to Jenné for the purpose of trade. Foreign merchants settled in the
country are not subject to taxes any more than natives; but they send
presents to the king, as well as to his brother, the chief of Jenné. I
had often heard Ségo-Ahmadou extolled for his generosity; but the
Moors told me that he was generous only to his own subjects. The
inhabitants of Jenné are exceedingly active and industrious, and
very much like the savage negroes I had seen in the south. In short,
they are intelligent men, who speculate on the labour of their slaves;
while, among the freemen, the rich devote themselves to commerce,
and the poor to various trades and professions. At Jenné, there are
tailors who make clothes which are sent to Timbuctoo; smiths, founders,
masons, shoe-makers, porters, packers and fishermen: every one renders
himself useful in some way or other. Mats, made of the leaves of
the ronnier, are used for packing up goods; they are manufactured by
the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, who sell them in the
market. This matting is covered with a second envelope, consisting of
a bullock’s hide, that is to say, if the goods are worth it. The
smiths are no better provided with tools than those I saw on the
road: they execute the same work with the same scanty means. It is
the business of the packers to sack the grain, and, in order to force
as much as possible into the bag, they press it down with a piece of
wood. When their bag is full, they put a handful of straw above the
millet, and sew the bag. This is much more secure than simple packing.
All the inhabitants of Jenné are Mahometans. They do not permit
infidels to enter their town, and when the Bambara people come to
Jenné, they are obliged to repeat the Mahometan prayers, otherwise
they would be unmercifully beaten by the Foulahs, who form the majority
of the population. I found the inhabitants very civil to strangers,
at least to those of their own religion; and they put traders in the
way of disposing of their goods.
They have several wives, whom, however they do not ill-treat, like
the negroes further to the south. The women never go out unveiled,
and are not allowed to eat their meals with their husbands, or even
with their male children. The girls, when they attain a suitable
age, assist their mothers in cooking, washing and other household
business. They occupy their leisure moments in spinning cotton, which
they buy in the market, for in the marshy environs of the city it
is not cultivated; however, on the west side, I saw a little field
of cotton surrounded by a thorn hedge. It appeared to be of very
inferior quality, and does not thrive well.
The people of Jenné know no other writing than that of the Arabs:
almost all can read, though few understand it. There are schools for
youth, like those which I have already described. After the children
have learned every thing that is taught in these schools, they are
sent to El-Lamdou-Lillahi; and when they know the Koran by heart,
they are looked upon as learned men: they then return to their native
places, and enter into trade.
The inhabitants of Jenné live very well: they eat rice boiled with
fresh meat, which is to be procured every day in the market. With the
fine millet they make couscous; this is eaten with fresh or dried fish,
of which they have great abundance. Their dishes are highly seasoned;
they use a good deal of allspice, and salt is common enough to enable
every one to get it. The expense of maintenance for a single individual
is about twenty-five or thirty cowries per day. Meat is not dear
in this place: a piece which costs forty cowries (twenty centimes)
is enough to furnish a dinner for four persons. They generally make
two meals a day; all sitting round one dish, and each taking out a
portion with his hand, like all the inhabitants of the interior.
Their houses are not furnished. They have leather bags in which they
put their things; these bags are sometimes hung to a line put up
across the apartment. The people always sleep on bullocks’ hides, or
mats, spread upon the ground. Hence they are very subject to rheumatic
complaints, owing to the extreme dampness of the soil, for they cannot
keep fires during the night on account of the scarcity of wood. The
children, as well as grown persons, are very neatly dressed. They
wear a coussabe made of cloth of the Soudan, generally white, which
is the favourite colour; their trowsers reach to the ancle, and are
not so full as those worn by the Mandingoes in the south; they have a
hem at the waist in which is run a cotton string that ties above the
hips. The Mandingo traders buy these trowsers and carry them to their
country: I saw them at Sambatikila, Timé, and Tangrera. The people of
Jenné never go barefoot, not even the children of the slaves. Their
shoes, which are very neatly made, ressemble our European slippers;
they have them of various colours. Their shoe-makers use no lasts
they get thin leather from Timbuctoo, whither it is brought by the
Moors from Morocco. I saw no tanners in Jenné.
The most elegant head-dress worn in this place is a red cap, round
which a large piece of muslin is rolled in the form of a turban. Men of
inferior rank, like the saracolets, wear caps made in the country. The
dress of the women consists of a coussabe with a pagne under it. I saw
several females with sandals. They plat their hair and wear necklaces
of glass, amber, coral, and gold ear-rings. Some also wear about the
neck plates of that metal which are made in the country. I saw some
with nose-rings; they all have their noses pierced, and those who
are not rich enough to buy a ring have a piece of pink silk in its
stead. They wear silver bracelets of a round form, and their ancles
are encircled by flat rings of plated iron, four inches broad, which
cover them completely.
The price of an ordinary coussabe of cloth of native manufacture is two
thousand cowries; a pair of trowsers costs one thousand, and a pair of
slippers three hundred. They are to be had either cheaper or dearer,
according to the variety of form or colour. The Moors have magazines
well supplied with European merchandise; such as white Guinea cloth,
(for they have but little blue) calico, scarlet cloth, paper, muskets,
powder, hardware, needles, silk, and sulphur. They sell all these
things wholesale. They have also white sugar and tea; but it is only
the very rich who can afford such luxuries. I was pleased to find
at Jenné that one might use a pocket-handkerchief without being
ridiculed; for the inhabitants themselves use it, whereas, in the
countries through which I had previously passed, it would have been
dangerous to suffer such a thing to be seen. A cake of salt, of the
dimensions which I have described in a former part of this volume,
costs ten, fifteen, or even twenty thousand cowries, according to
the scarcity or abundance of the article; there are smaller cakes,
which cost seven or eight thousand cowries.
The Moorish merchants derive considerable profit from their trade in
salt. They have great influence over the negroes, who give them credit
for being richer than they really are. The poor Mandingo traders,
after travelling for two months with loads of colat-nuts on their
heads, are obliged to go through the streets of Jenné to sell them;
for, being merely articles of luxury, they are not easily disposed
of. It is true that a great many are consumed in the neighbourhood
of Jenné and on the banks of the river as far as Timbuctoo; but
the quantity which is brought from the south is immense, and they
are consequently sold at eight or ten cowries each. Certainly at
that price the poor Mandingoes can gain nothing; for the expenses
incurred on their journey and during the time they stay at Jenné,
the fares across the rivers, the passage-duties in the villages, and
the requisite presents, absorb all their profits. The cowries obtained
by the sale of their colats are appropriated to the purchase of salt,
which cannot be bought with their merchandise.
As there are no inns in this country, the strangers are obliged
to lodge in the houses of private persons, whom they pay in
merchandise. They buy wood in the market for their cooking, and
as provisions are dear in the town, they send their slaves to the
neighbouring villages, where it is procured somewhat cheaper. The
fishermen catch many small carp in the surrounding villages. They
dry them by laying them on straw and then setting fire to it. This
fish is bought by the poor people.
Ségo-Ahmadou, the chief of Jenné, maintains an active war against
the Bambaras of Ségo, whom he wishes to subject to the standard
of the prophet; but the Bambaras who are a warlike race, resist
him. This war is very injurious to the trade of Jenné, because
it interrupts all communications with Yamina, Sansanding, Bamako,
and Bouré, whence the gold is brought which is circulated in the
interior. The town of Jenné can no longer be considered as the central
point of commerce. Yamina, Sansanding, and Bamako are, in reality,
the entrepôts: those places are visited by trading Moors from all
parts of the desert, and by the negroes of the Soudan, from Kong to
Galam, Bondou, and the Fouta-Dhialon. Jenné cannot enjoy the same
advantage on account of its distance from Bouré. Previously to the
war, small canoes used to go from Jenné to Bouré, and return laden
with gold. The merchants of Jenné suffer considerably by this war;
but they are afraid to complain openly: indeed, they would not better
themselves if they did. Several negroes informed me that since the
war the Moors are forsaking this town, and taking up their abode
at Sansanding.
I often went up to the terrace of the house in which I lodged. As
far as the eye could reach, the country was open and marshy; there
were to be seen a few clumps of ronniers at a great distance and
some tamarind-trees on the most elevated parts of the banks of the
river. To the west I could distinctly see a branch of the Dhioliba,
which appeared tolerably large. I was told that it came from the
neighbourhood of Ségo, and that that town was five days’ journey
west, or rather S.S.W. of Jenné. This branch, as I have already
said, rejoins the river at Isaca. The island on which the town
of Jenné is situated is formed by an arm of this branch, which
comes from W.N.W. The island is about twelve or fifteen miles in
circumference. I did not go round it, but that appeared to be its
extent from my point of view. This secondary arm, or branch, is wide
but rather shallow. On the north of the town it cannot be crossed
but in canoes; in other places it may be forded; when the water is
low it is navigable for small canoes only, for its bed is full of
sand-banks; and the inhabitants are obliged to push their large empty
canoes down nearly to the river, where the branch is navigable at all
times. Thither the merchandise is conveyed in small canoes: this is
a long and toilsome process, but the traders are not obliged to hire
hands, having their own slaves to do the work. During inundations the
branch is easily navigable for large canoes. Round the town I saw a
great many canoes undergoing repair.
Jenné is situated in the eastern part of the island, on an elevation
of seven or eight feet, which preserves it from the periodical
inundations of the river. Its soil is composed of red argillaceous
earth, mixed with a great deal of grey sand, among which I saw not
a single stone.
Old Kai-mou, my guide, came to pay me a visit; he had been purchasing
a fine cotton wrapper of the manufacture of the country. It consisted
of narrow breadths sewed together like the pagnes. These wrappers
are much esteemed by the negroes, who are very chilly; the Moors do
not wear them: they have better which come from Morocco. My guide
told me that he had not yet found purchasers for his colats. I asked
him to go with me to Timbuctoo, where he could dispose of them more
advantageously. He laughed at this, and said he should spend all he
possessed before he got thither: I gave him some glass beads and he
left me in good humour.
I conversed every day with the Moors, who, as I perceived, regarded
the negroes as a race very inferior to themselves. They often used
to say to me: “The negroes are ignorant brutes; when they see a
Moor they think he is entirely covered with gold, however poor he
may be. They imagine that we have gold between our skin and flesh.”
At the distance of three days’ journey N.W. of Jenné is situated the
kingdom of Massina, inhabited by Mahometan Foulahs; almost all of them
wear their hair in small tresses. They often come to Jenné for the
purposes of trade, and sell oxen and sheep for the daily consumption of
the town. Their sheep are the finest that I have seen in the interior;
they are large and have wool like those of Europe. The fleece is used
for making wrappers, which sell at very good prices. These Foulahs
also bring milk and butter to Jenné. Massina is very productive in
rice, millet, pistachios, water-melons, giraumons, and onions. The
inhabitants rear a good deal of poultry, and have a fine breed
of horses. Every Moor on the island has his own horse. Massina is
governed by a king, who is the brother and ally of Ségo-Ahmadou. The
dress of the people is the same as that worn by the inhabitants of
Jenné, with the exception of the piece of muslin in the form of
a turban. The men of Massina whom I saw had round straw hats with
broad brims, and were armed with bows and arrows, and three or four
javelins which they always carry in their hands. They sometimes go
out without their bows and arrows; but never without their lances.
As I was one day sitting before my door with some Moors, several
Foulahs stopped to look at me. They seemed very gentle, and were
apparently much interested about me. One of them, perceiving a friend
at a little distance, called him, and told him he would give him ten
cowries. I was much astonished to see a man call to his comrade in the
street, for the purpose of offering him so trifling a present. The
man to whom the money was offered did not seem to be in want of it,
yet he received it very gratefully. Ten cowries are of about the
value of a French sou.
As I had been informed that I should depart for Timbuctoo, by the first
opportunity, I selected some articles of merchandise, which I wished
to dispose of at Jenné. Not knowing their value, I gave them to the
sherif and the Haggi-Mohammed to sell for me. They carefully counted
the glass beads, and measured the cloth in my presence, and the sherif
noted down the quantities of each on a bit of paper. They executed this
commission very well: they were to be sure the principal gainers by it,
for they bought the greatest part of the things themselves. Before the
bargain was concluded, they did indeed ask me whether I was satisfied
with the price they had offered. I was aware that it was too low; but
I readily gave my consent to all they proposed, feeling that I was
in a situation in which I might need their services. They certainly
took advantage of me, but they were merchants who bought merely
upon speculation. The Haggi-Mohammed, thinking that I had some other
things in reserve, came to my lodging, and tried to prevail on me to
shew him the contents of my bag. He asked me whether I had any gold
or silver, observing that he should be very glad to hear that I had
some, as it would enable me to support myself on my journey home. I
assured him that I had none left, and emptied my bag in his presence,
having previously taken the precaution of hiding my papers and money,
for I expected that I should have to undergo this scrutiny. He saw
some glass beads, amber, and coral, which I had reserved, and he
again told me that as all those things were brought to Jenné from
Timbuctoo, it would be advisable for me to dispose of them before
I set out. I at first scrupled to do this, but at length yielded
to his urgent solicitations. He particularly admired the amber,
all of which he bought at two hundred cowries per bead, (twenty-two
French sous), one-fourth of its value at Sierra-Leone, where I had
purchased it. He bought part of the coral at a still lower rate;
but the glass ornaments and cloth, though they fetched a low price,
I sold more advantageously. For sixty coral beads, (No. 4,) he offered
me two hundred cowries. On my declining to sell them at that price,
he took them up, and putting them into the pocket of his coussabe,
said, “I will give you a thousand cowries, (one gourde.)” In
this manner he extorted my consent, though I am certain that had
I insisted on it he would have returned them. The traders of Jenné
obtain mock amber and coral from Timbuctoo, which they sell at very low
prices. Haggi-Mohammed, who was very well satisfied with his bargain,
gave me half a dozen dates, and shortly afterwards presented me with
a very neat white coussabe, made of cloth of native manufacture. In
truth I stood greatly in need of it, for my own was absolutely in
tatters. He also gave me about two yards of the cloth of the country
to roll round my head in the form of a turban.
During my stay at Jenné I was very kindly treated by the Moors. I
paid nothing for my maintenance, and was provided with every thing
I could wish for. The sale of my merchandise was the only thing of
which I had reason to complain. I often sat in company with the Moors,
upon a mat which was laid down in the shade before the door, and saw
them make their purchases. I also observed many negroes, who, as they
passed the sherif, saluted him by kissing their hands. The latter gave
them cowries from a little bag, which he kept beside him for that
purpose. A young Moor, named Hassan, who was very attentive to me,
advised me, when I should get to Timbuctoo, to take the road to Tafilet
or Fez, whence I could go to Algiers and afterwards to Alexandria. He
informed me that there had been at Timbuctoo a christian, who had
been attacked and beaten on the road; that he remained a long time
at Timbuctoo to recover, but that he afterwards died, he could not
tell how. I asked him what could have induced a christian to go
to Timbuctoo: he answered that it was only to _write the country_,
(_Jektoub torab_.) I concluded that this christian was Major Laing,
who I was aware had left Tripoli to proceed to the capital of the
Soudan, by crossing the great desert. I deplored the unhappy death
of the intrepid traveller, and reflected that in case of my disguise
being discovered I should in all probability share the same fate.
At four o’clock on the 16th, I was requested to wait on the sherif
Oulad-Marmou, to whose good graces the sale of my merchandise had
somewhat recommended me. I was shewn into a large lofty room on the
ground-floor, which was lighted from an opening in the ceiling. To one
part of the ceiling was attached a cord, supporting a lamp, in which
vegetable butter was burned by way of oil. A mattress was laid upon
the floor above a mat; a brass candlestick of European manufacture,
in which was a sort of candle or taper, and a small cupboard, formed
in the wall, and fastened by a lock and key similar to ours, together
with some sacks of grain, standing in a corner, were all that the
room contained. I ascended by a good staircase to the terrace, where
I saw several little closets, all empty, except one, which appeared
to be the sherif’s wardrobe, for some of his clothes were hanging
to a cord, fastened to the wall. I was requested to sit on a round
leather cushion, near which a mat was spread: and I found myself in
company with seven Moors and a negro, all merchants of Jenné.
A neat little round table was brought and placed before us; it had
legs three inches high. I thought at first that it was a table for
playing some game, for it was inlaid with pieces of ivory and brass,
ranged in regular order; but on the entrance of a large pewter dish,
containing an enormous piece of a sheep, which had been killed in
the morning, and stewed with a great quantity of onions, I discovered
that I had been invited to dinner.
The sherif had beside him a covered basket, containing several small
round loaves, weighing about half a pound each, and made of wheat-flour
and yeast. He broke some of them in pieces, several of which he placed
before each of us. Although our dinner was somewhat in the European
style, yet we had neither knives nor forks, but all ate with our
fingers. I found that the bread was very good, and certainly I never
expected to make such a meal that day. We all helped ourselves from
the dish with our hands, but with a certain degree of politeness. The
conversation, which was exceedingly lively, was all at the expense
of the poor christians. I was again asked whether I had eaten pork
and drunk spirits. I made them the same reply as before, at which
they burst into laughter, and began to ridicule the Europeans.
Our repast being ended, tea was introduced. The sherif, on this
occasion, seemed to make his very best display. He was evidently
anxious to let his negro guest see his superiority. We were attended
by a young and handsome female slave. A box was brought in containing
a porcelain tea service, which the sherif himself arranged on a plate
of copper, which served the purpose of a tea-board. The cups, which
were very small, were placed within others of a larger size, which
had feet like egg-cups. We each took four of these cups of tea, with
white sugar; and, after dinner, of which the sherif did the honours
admirably well, we took a walk on the banks of the river. We sat
down for a few minutes to see the canoes pass by, and, afterwards,
we all said the evening prayer together, it being too late to go
to the mosque. We then each returned to our homes. I found a great
difference between the Moors of Jenné and the Brakna Moors, among
whom I had lived eight months.
On the 18th of March, the new moon was saluted with several discharges
of musketry, and, on the 19th, commenced the feast of the Ramadan. The
Haggi-Mohammed asked me whether I meant to fast during the Ramadan. My
interest was so much concerned in submitting to it, that I dared not
venture to refuse; and, indeed, the fast was by no means so great a
hardship to me now, as it had been in 1824. Then I had no shelter but
a tent, whilst now, I was protected from the heat of the sun, in a
cool well-aired house; so that I did not suffer much from thirst. At
sun-set, a beverage, made of tamarinds, was brought to me, and,
afterwards another, made of honey and sour milk, strained and dried
in the sun, forming a kind of very hard cheese, which the Moors,
who are fond of it, bring to Jenné. They reduce it to powder, and
mix it with their drink. On the following days, a sort of pudding was
brought to me, made of very white flour, mixed with a few tamarinds;
so that I could patiently wait until supper was ready.
About eight in the evening, an enormous mess of rice, boiled with
mutton was brought to me. In the course of the day, I had expressed
a wish to buy some milk, for the purpose of mixing it with water, to
drink in the night; but I could not get any at the market. However,
about ten at night, the Haggi-Mohammed, sent me a good quantity of
milk and also, a candle to light me at my repast. About one in the
morning, I was supplied with a breakfast as abundant as the supper
of the previous evening.
I soon found an advantage in this change of habits; for I was much
better served in the night time than I had hitherto been in the
day. Nothing could be easier than this kind of abstinence, which
merely consisted in sitting up a little later than usual for the
purpose of making a hearty meal, and sleeping away the hours devoted
to abstinence. The slaves are obliged to observe the fast, but they,
as well as their masters make ample amends in the night for their
privations during the day.
On the 20th, I determined to make a present of my umbrella to the
sherif. I thought it but right to do so, as he was to procure me a
conveyance by water to Timbuctoo. He appeared highly pleased with the
present. I thought that the Haggi-Mohammed was already sufficiently
rewarded by the purchase of my amber and coral at a price much below
their value; however, as I wished to continue on good terms with him,
I made him a further present of a yard of calico, which I had reserved
for myself.
At sun-set Oulad-Marmou gave me a handful of dates, and a very fine
water-melon. He repeated this present every evening until my departure:
the umbrella had completely established me in his favour. The produce
of the sale of my merchandise was valued at thirty thousand cowries,
and the sherif bought cloth of the country for me to that amount,
assuring me that it would sell well at Timbuctoo. The cloth was packed
up in two pagnes, for which I was indebted to his liberality. He also
gave me four yellow wax-candles, made in the country, which I burned
on board the canoe, during my passage.
On the 22nd of March, I was informed that I could start next day for
Timbuctoo. The sherif sent me in the evening, a new loaf and a very
good mutton stew for my supper.
On the morning of the 23rd he sent for me to his house. I took with
me my bag, which he ordered one of his people to carry to the canoe,
as well as my package of merchandise. He mixed together in my presence
a good deal of millet flour and honey. This preparation was intended
to be put into water for my drink; and I found it very useful on
my passage, during which I was extremely ill-used, as will be seen
in the sequel. The young Moor, whom I have already mentioned and to
whom I made a present of a pair of scissors, gave me a large supply
of wheaten bread, which had been dried in an oven, and told me how
it was to be eaten; they first soak it in water and then mix it
with a good deal of butter and honey. The sherif informed me that
he had paid the master of the caravan three hundred cowries for my
maintenance during the whole passage. He, as well as the young Moor,
and the Haggi-Mohammed, attended me on board the canoe, which might
be of twelve or fifteen tons burden. This canoe was not going to
Timbuctoo, but merely to convey us to another vessel of larger size,
which was waiting in the river; for at this season the branch was
not navigable by large boats. The cargo of our canoe consisted of
various kinds of provisions, twenty slaves, women, and children,
the stoutest of whom were in chains. On the shore there was a crowd
of people waiting to see us start.
END OF VOL. I.
* * * * *
LONDON:
PRINTED BY G. SCHULZE, 13, POLAND STREET.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: A title given to several African sovereigns.]
[Footnote 2: _Grigri_ a kind of writing which these people consider
as a talisman.]
[Footnote 3: Negotiations, traffic.]
[Footnote 4: A piece of cotton cloth of the country, six feet long
and two and a half wide.]
[Footnote 5: Blue India calico. The pieces are about sixteen yards
long.]
[Footnote 6: Couscous, a kind of pottage made with millet.]
[Footnote 7: The Tabasky is the last day of the Ramadan: it may be
likened to our Easter Sunday.]
[Footnote 8: The Peulhs inhabit Fouta-Toro; they are also called
Foulahs.]
[Footnote 9: Or Niegueh.]
[Footnote 10: The carrier-bullock is a particular species. It has
a bunch on the back. After it has been castrated, it is accustomed
while very young to carry burdens; and to make it the more tractable,
a cord is run through its nostrils.]
[Footnote 11: The name given at the Senegal to an arm of the river.]
[Footnote 12: Piastres: at the Senegal five and six franc pieces are
called gourdes.]
[Footnote 13: A sort of gruel made of the flour of millet or other
grain.]
[Footnote 14: The negroes who inhabit the countries of Cayor, Wâlo,
and Ghiolof, are called Wolofs. They all speak the same language,
with some modifications in the different countries. This language
is understood by the Foulahs of Fouta Toro and their neighbours,
the Serreres, as also by the Moors who travel in those parts.]
[Footnote 15: This is the same thing as the _bakat_ of the negroes
of Wâlo; it is a _holcus_, the grain of which nearly resembles our
millet—perhaps the _holcus sorghum_.]
[Footnote 16: A small basket of straw, resembling those of our
shop-keepers: it is used for winnowing the flour for the purpose of
separating the bran. The negresses are very expert at this operation,
turning out the bran and the imperfectly pounded grain; the flour is
left on the _layot_.]
[Footnote 17: To say prayers.]
[Footnote 18: I had chosen the name of Abd-Allahi as the most
satisfactory to Musulman piety; it signifies _slave of God_.]
[Footnote 19: A sort of round frock without sleeves.]
[Footnote 20: Or _hassanyéh_. The Moors call those who bear arms
_hassanes_; they are also called _harabis_.]
[Footnote 21: The marabouts are the priests; they are not armed and
do not go to war.]
[Footnote 22: Instead of wool the sheep of this part of Africa are
covered with hair; the coat of some of them is so short that it is
impossible to shear them.]
[Footnote 23: The Laratines are the offspring of Moors and female
slaves; they are slaves themselves, but are never sold, and proud of
their origin; they sometimes refuse to obey their master. They are
an intermediate race between the Moors and the slaves.]
[Footnote 24: Among the Moors, and also the negroes, it is always a
marabout who kills the animals intended for food; they would not eat
meat which had been killed by a slave, or even by a man who was not
a marabout.]
[Footnote 25: A wandering tribe, spread all over the western parts
of Africa. The Laobés are carpenters and pedlars; they are the Jews
of this country.]
[Footnote 26: Or Douichs, see the Map of the Course of the Senegal
below Moussala.]
[Footnote 27: Perhaps the Teja-Kants, or Takants, reputed to dwell
further eastward.]
[Footnote 28: Or Ouled-Douleeme.]
[Footnote 29: Perhaps the Abou-Sebahs.]
[Footnote 30: A _coussabe_ is a piece of cloth two yards long and
three quarters wide, doubled and sewed together, with holes left for
the arms at the top. Another opening is left for the head; so that
it is a sort of shirt without sleeves.]
[Footnote 31: A sort of light, blue calico very coarse and thin in its
texture, and used by the Moors for mosquito-curtains, and sometimes
for coussabes for their slaves. It is sold at the Senegal at from
eight to twelve shillings the piece of fourteen yards.]
[Footnote 32: A Moorish nation inhabiting the lower part of the river,
westward of the country of the Braknas.]
[Footnote 33: Nobody is admitted to traffic without paying customs
or dues; which are proportioned to the tonnage of the vessel and the
value of the goods traded for. Government pays duty annually to all
the princes on the banks of the river, with whom the inhabitants of
St. Louis have dealings, to secure protection for their commerce.]
[Footnote 34: Worth about £166 sterling.]
[Footnote 35: Negro sailors are so called.]
[Footnote 36: This tribe has a market near the mouth of the river,
known by the name of the post of the Darmancours or Darmankous.]
[Footnote 37: The name given to the Mulattoes.]
[Footnote 38: This establishment is so called from Richard, the
gardener, who founded it, and _Tol_, which signifies a garden in the
Wolof language.]
[Footnote 39: A French factory on the Gambia.]
[Footnote 40: The seracolets, or sarakolas, are a corporation of
itinerant merchants who travel over Africa; it is an error to suppose
that the sarakolas are a nation.]
[Footnote 41: Almamy is the name given to the kings of many of these
countries.]
[Footnote 42: This is the name given by Europeans to this fruit in
the African colonies; the Mandingoes call it _ourou_.]
[Footnote 43: Some inhabitants of Kakondy, acquainted with the manners
of the Bagos, informed me that they make gods of any thing that comes
into their hands, such as a ram’s horn, a cow’s tail, a reptile,
etc., and sacrifice to them.]
[Footnote 44: The nédé is a species of mimosa, the fruit of which
contains a feculent substance, which is eaten by the negroes of this
part of Africa.]
[Footnote 45: A place which the masters of slaves allot to their
agricultural negroes; they have each a hut and a piece of ground,
the produce of which supports them.]
[Footnote 46: The _Cé_ or _Shea_ of Mungo Park.]
[Footnote 47: The sherifs are the descendants of the Prophet; they
are the Arabian nobility.]
[Footnote 48: Arabs or Musulmans in general.]
[Footnote 49: The word Kaffre, or Kafir, means infidel, idolater.]
[Footnote 50: The boatmen who navigate this river are called sognios.]
[Footnote 51: The caravans assemble to travel in a body through these
woods, which are infested with robbers.]
[Footnote 52: The title of a chief.]
[Footnote 53: Poulh and Foulah are the same.]
[Footnote 54: Zambala is the seed of the nédé, boiled and dried;
it is pounded for sauce.]
[Footnote 55: A small univalve shell, which passes for money.]
[Footnote 56: A Mandingo who has eight or ten slaves is reckoned rich.]
[Footnote 57: Télé, day, sun.]
[Footnote 58: See the Mandingo vocabulary.]
[Footnote 59: Charms, like the grigris.]
[Footnote 60: The Arabic word for soap is _saboun_.]
[Footnote 61: I trust I shall be pardoned for this misrepresentation,
for, had I admitted the liberty of worship, there were some among my
interrogators who would have been acute enough to ask me why I had
undertaken so toilsome a journey, since I could freely exercise my
religion among a people, who, according to my own account had treated
me very kindly.]
Transcriber's note:
in title Changed: "RÉNÉ CAILLIÉ" to: "RENÉ"
pg v, Changed: "Pedestrian jonrney from St. Louis" to: "journey"
pg vii, 361, 368, 369 (x2), 370, Changed: "Cacoron" to: "Cacorou"
pg viii, Changed: "Fabibrisso" to: "Facibrisso"
pg viii, Changed: "Marianan" to: "Manianan"
pg 9, Changed: "At length we entered Boudou" to: "Bondou"
pg 14, Changed: "recovered our our spirits" to:
"recovered our spirits"
pg 19, Changed: "Peddie, Campbell, and Tucker" to: "Tuckey"
pg 86, Changed: "and carrried it off" to: "carried"
pg 110, Changed: "we made of gum and and were always" to:
"we made of gum and were always"
pg 129, Changed: "under his protection." to: "under his protection.”"
pg 135, Changed: "hesitates a long time hefore" to: "before"
pg 141, Changed: "to such an undertaking;" to:
"to such an undertaking;”"
pg 171, Changed: "climb the Irnanke mountains" to: "Irnanké"
pg 178, Changed: "we journeyed onward to Dougol" to: "Dongol"
pg 186, Changed: "great deal upou their heads" to: "upon"
pg 190, Changed: "I saw an ouroudé, or slave village" to: "ourondé"
pg 193, Changed: "the village of Diqui" to: "Digui"
pg 200, 201, Changed: "Foudedia" to: "Foudédia"
pg 202, Changed: "to the left of Dimayrara" to: "Dimayara"
pg 202, Changed: "forms part of Kankan-Fodea" to: "Kankan-Fodéa"
pg 214, Changed: "In these dilemnas" to: "dilemmas"
pg 226, Changed: "even pistacho-nuts, with gold" to: "pistachio-nuts"
pg 228, 242, 244, 284, Changed: "Sego" to: "Ségo"
pg 230, Changed: "as the Dhiolonkés of Bagaraya" to: "Dhialonkés"
pg 231, Changed: "for Lamfia imformed him" to: "informed"
pg 248, Changed: "shaded by bombaces and boababs" to: "baobabs"
pg 257, Changed: "or Lambatikila, whichever" to: "Sambatikila"
pg 284, Changed: "considerable commerce with Bamaka" to: "Bamako"
pg 294, Changed: "what a good, looking man he is" to: "good-looking"
pg 303, Changed: "you are sometimes oblige to" to: "obliged"
pg 305, Changed: "by large bombaces and boabab trees" to: "baobab"
pg 307, Changed: "as gentle aud humane" to: "and"
pg 314, Changed: "these were all its ornamements" to: "ornaments"
pg 317, Changed: "assemble at the almany’s house" to: "almamy’s"
pg 318, Changed: "agricultual implements" to: "agricultural"
pg 320, Changed: "and by a few boababs" to: "baobabs"
pg 324, Changed: "Here I inetalled myself" to: "installed"
pg 326, Changed: "with which be appeared" to: "he"
pg 326, Changed: "with thanks aud wished me" to: "and"
pg 364, Changed: "no sooner came up, than they fell" to: "come"
pg 369, Changed: "cotton mantles, and ostrich-features" to:
"ostrich-feathers"
pg 370, Changed: "waist aud between the legs" to: "and"
pg 370, Changed: "Cacaron" to: "Cacorou"
pg 391, Changed: "observed ronnd the village" to: "round"
pg 404, Changed: "me arrived at Magna-Gnounan" to: "we"
pg 415, Changed: "the neighbourood of Ségo" to: "neighbourhood"
pg 420, Changed: "From Toumaré to Jenné wood" to: "Toumané"
pg 423, Changed: "Marianan" to: "Manianan"
pg 431, Changed: "in a tranverse direction" to: "transverse"
pg 440, Changed: "Manianan, a large villlage" to: "village"
pg 449, Changed: "in which,” said I" to: "“in which,” said I"
pg 458, Changed: "fruit of the boabab" to: "baobab"
pg 460, Changed: "shaded by some boababs" to: "baobabs"
pg 469, Changed: "(one gourde.)" to: "(one gourde.)”"
Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.