Until the 18th of October the time was spent in discussions, more or less

heated, between the Emperor and his generals, as to the best course to be

pursued. Every one well knew that retreat had now become inevitable, and

the Emperor was well aware of this fact himself; but it was plainly

evident that it cost his pride a terrible struggle to speak the decisive

word. The last days preceding the 18th were the saddest I have ever

known. In his ordinary intercourse with his friends and counselors his

Majesty manifested much coldness of manner; he became taciturn, and

entire hours passed without any one present having the courage to begin a

conversation. The Emperor, who was generally so hurried at his meals,

prolonged them most surprisingly. Sometimes during the day he threw

himself on a sofa, a romance in his hand which he simply pretended to

read, and seemed absorbed in deep reverie. Verses were sent to him from

Paris which he read aloud, expressing his opinion in a brief and

trenchant style; he spent three days writing regulations for the French

comedy at Paris. It is difficult to understand this attention to such

frivolous details when the future was so ominous. It was generally

believed, and probably not without reason, that the Emperor acted thus

from motives of deep policy, and that these regulations for the French

comedy at this time, when no bulletin had yet arrived to give information

of the disastrous position of the French army, were written with the

object of making an impression on the inhabitants of Paris, who would not

fail to say, "All cannot be going so badly, since the Emperor has time to

occupy himself with the theater."

The news received on the 18th put an end to all uncertainty. The Emperor

was reviewing, in the first court of the Kremlin palace, the divisions of

Ney, distributing the cross to the bravest among them, and addressing

encouraging words to all, when an aide-de-camp, young Beranger, brought

the news that a sharp engagement had taken place at Winkowo between Murat

and Kutusoff, and that the vanguard of Murat had been overwhelmed and our

position taken. Russia's intention to resume hostilities was now plainly

evident, and in the first excitement of the news the Emperor's

astonishment was at its height. There was, on the contrary, among the

soldiers of Marshal Ney an electric movement of enthusiasm and anger

which was very gratifying to his Majesty. Charmed to see how the shame

of a defeat, even when sustained without dishonor, excited the pride and

aroused a desire to retrieve it in these impassioned souls, the Emperor

pressed the hand of the colonel nearest to him, continued the review, and

ordered that evening a concentration of all the corps; and before night

the whole army was in motion towards Woronowo.

A few days before quitting Moscow, the Emperor had the churches of the

Kremlin stripped of their finest ornaments. The ravages of the fire had

relaxed the protection that the Emperor had extended to the property of

the Russians.

The most magnificent trophy in this collection was the immense cross of

the great Ivan. It was necessary to demolish a part of the tower on

which it stood in order to take it down, and it required stupendous

efforts to break this vast mass of iron. It was the Emperor's intention

to place it upon the dome of the Invalides, but it was sunk in the waters

of Lake Semlewo.

The evening before the Emperor was to hold a review, the soldiers were

busily employed polishing their arms and putting everything in order, to

conceal as far as possible the destitute condition to which they were

reduced. The most imprudent had exchanged their winter clothing for

provisions, many had worn out their shoes on the march, and yet each one

made it a point of honor to make a good appearance on review; and when

the glancing rays of the sun shone on the barrels of the well-polished

guns, the Emperor felt again in witnessing this scene some slight return

of the emotions with which his soul was filled on the glorious day of his

departure for the campaign.

The Emperor left twelve hundred wounded at Moscow, four hundred of whom

were removed by the last corps which quitted the city. Marshal Mortier

was the last to go. At Feminskoe, ten leagues from Moscow, we heard the

noise of a frightful explosion; it was the Kremlin which had been blown

up by the Emperor's orders. A fuse was placed in the vaults of the

palace, and everything arranged so that the explosion should not take

place within a certain time. Some Cossacks came to pillage the abandoned

apartments, in ignorance that a fire was smoldering under their feet, and

were thrown to a prodigious height in the air. Thirty thousand guns were

abandoned in the fortress. In an instant part of the Kremlin was a mass

of ruins. A part was preserved, and a circumstance which contributed no

little to enhance the credit of their great St. Nicholas with the

Russians was that an image in stone of this saint remained uninjured by

the explosion, in a spot where almost everything else was destroyed.

This fact was stated to me by a reliable person, who heard Count

Rostopchin himself relate it during his stay in Paris.

On the 28th of October the Emperor retraced his way to Smolensk, and

passed near the battle-field of Borodino. About thirty thousand corpses

had been left on this vast plain; and on our approach flocks of buzzards,

whom an abundant harvest had attracted, flew away with horrible

croakings. These corpses of so many brave men presented a sickening

spectacle, half consumed, and exhaling an odor which even the excessive

cold could not neutralize. The Emperor hastened past, and slept in the

chateau of Oupinskoe which was almost in ruins; and the next day he

visited a few wounded who had been left in an abbey. These poor fellows

seemed to recover their strength at the sight of the Emperor, and forgot

their sufferings, which must have been very severe, as wounds are always

much more painful when cold weather first begins. All these pale

countenances drawn with suffering became more serene. These poor

soldiers also rejoiced to see their comrades, and questioned them with

anxious curiosity concerning the events which had followed the battle of

Borodino. When they learned that we had bivouacked at Moscow, they were

filled with joy; and it was very evident that their greatest regret was

that they could not have been with the others to see the fine furniture

of the rich Muscovites used as fuel at the bivouac fires. Napoleon

directed that each carriage of the suite should convey one of these

unfortunates; and this was done, everybody complying with the order with

a readiness which gratified the Emperor exceedingly; and the poor wounded

fellows said in accents of most ardent gratitude, that they were much

more comfortable on these soft cushions than in the ambulances, which we

could well believe. A lieutenant of the cuirassiers who had just

undergone an amputation was placed in the landau of the Emperor, while he

traveled on horseback.

This answers every accusation of cruelty so gratuitously made against the

memory of a great man who has passed away. I have read somewhere with

intense disgust that the Emperor sometimes ordered his carriage to pass

over the wounded, whose cries of agony made not the slightest impression

on him; all of which is false and very revolting. None of those who

served the Emperor could have been ignorant of his solicitude for the

unfortunate victims of war, and the care he had taken of them.

Foreigners, enemies, or Frenchmen,--all were recommended to the surgeon's

care with equal strictness.

From time to time frightful explosions made us turn our heads, and glance

behind us. They were caissons which were being exploded that we might no

longer be encumbered with them, as the march became each day more

painful. It produced a sad impression to see that we were reduced to

such a point of distress as to be compelled to throw our powder to the

winds to keep from leaving it to the enemy. But a still sadder

reflection came into our minds at each detonation,--the grand army must

be rapidly hastening to dissolution when the material remaining exceeded

our needs, and the number of men still left was so much short of that

required to use it. On the 30th, the Emperor's headquarters were in a

poor hovel which had neither doors nor windows. We had much difficulty

in enclosing even a corner sufficient for him to sleep. The cold was

increasing, and the nights were icy; the small fortified palisades of

which a species of post relays had been made, placed from point to point,

marked the divisions of the route, and served also each evening as

Imperial headquarters. The Emperor's bed was hastily set up there, and a

cabinet arranged as well as possible where he could work with his

secretaries, or write his orders to the different chiefs whom he had left

on the road and in the towns.

Our retreat was often annoyed by parties of Cossacks. These barbarians

rushed upon us, lance in hand, and uttering rather howls of ferocious

beasts than human cries, their little, long-tailed horses dashing against

the flanks of the different divisions. But these attacks, though often

repeated, had not, at least at the beginning of the retreat, serious

consequences for the army. When they heard this horrible cry the

infantry was not intimidated, but closed ranks and presented bayonets,

and the cavalry made it their duty to pursue these barbarians, who fled

more quickly than they came.

On the 6th of November, before leaving the army, the Emperor received

news of the conspiracy of Malet and everything connected with it. He was

at first astonished, then much dissatisfied, and ended by making himself

very merry over the discomfiture of the chief of police, General Savary;

and said many times that had he been at Paris no one would have budged,

and that he could never leave at all without every one losing their heads

at the least disturbance; and from this time he often spoke of how much

he was needed in Paris.

Speaking of General Savary recalls to my memory an affair in which he was

somewhat nonplussed. After quitting the command of the gendarmerie, to

succeed Fouche in the office of minister of police, he had a little

discussion with one of the Emperor's aides-de-camp. As he went so far as

to threaten, the latter replied, "You seem to think you have handcuffs

always in your pockets."

On the 8th of November the snow was falling, the sky covered with clouds,

the cold intense, while a violent wind prevailed, and the roads were

covered with sleet. The horses could make no progress, for their shoes

were so badly worn that they could not prevent slipping on the frozen

ground.

The poor animals were emaciated, and it was necessary that the soldiers

should put their shoulders to the wheels in order to lighten their

burdens.

There is something in the panting breath which issues from the nostrils

of a tired horse, in the tension of their muscles, and the prodigious

efforts of their loins, which gives us, in a high degree, the idea of

strength; but the mute resignation of these animals, when we know them to

be overladen, inspires us with pity, and makes us regret the abuse of so

much endurance.

The Emperor on foot in the midst of his household, and staff in hand,

walked with difficulty over these slippery roads, meanwhile encouraging

the others with kind words, each of whom felt himself full of good-will;

and had any one then uttered a complaint he would have been badly

esteemed by his comrades. We arrived in sight of Smolensk. The Emperor

was the least fatigued of all; and though he was pale, his countenance

was calm, and nothing in his appearance indicated his mental sufferings;

and indeed they must needs have been intense to be evident to the public.

The roads were strewn with men and horses slain by fatigue or famine; and

men as they passed turned their eyes aside. As for the horses they were

a prize for our famished soldiers.

We at last reached Smolensk on the 9th, and the Emperor lodged in a

beautiful house on the Place Neuve. Although this important city had

suffered since we had passed through before, it still had some resources,

and we found there provisions of all kinds for the Emperor's household

and the officers; but the Emperor valued but little this privileged

abundance, so to speak, when he learned that the army needed food for man

and beast. When he learned of this his rage amounted to frenzy, and I

have never seen him so completely beside himself. He had the commissary

in charge of the provisions summoned, and reproached him in such

unmeasured terms that the latter turned pale, and could find no words to

justify himself, whereupon the Emperor became still more violent, and

uttered terrible threats. I heard cries from the next room; and I have

been told since that the quartermaster threw himself at the feet of his

Majesty, beseeching pardon, and the Emperor, when his rage had spent

itself, pardoned him. Never did he sympathize more truly with the

sufferings of his army; never did he suffer more bitterly from his

powerlessness to struggle against such overwhelming misfortunes.

On the 14th we resumed the route which we had traversed a few months

before under far different auspices. The thermometer registered twenty

degrees, and we were still very far from France. After a slow and

painful march we arrived at Krasnoi. The Emperor was obliged to go in

person, with his guard, to meet the enemy, and release the Prince of

Eckmuhl. He passed through the fire of the enemy, surrounded by his old

guard, who pressed around their chief in platoons in which the shell made

large gaps, furnishing one of the grandest examples in all history of the

devotion and love of thousands of men to one. When the fire was hottest,

the band played the air, 'Where can one be better than in the bosom of

his family?' Napoleon interrupted them, exclaiming, "Play rather, 'Let

us watch over the safety of the Empire.'" It is difficult to imagine

anything grander.

The Emperor returned from this combat much fatigued. He had passed

several nights without sleeping, listening to the reports made to him on

the condition of the army, expediting orders necessary to procure food

for the soldiers, and putting in motion the different corps which were to

sustain the retreat. Never did his stupendous activity find more

constant employment; never did he show a higher courage than in the midst

of all these calamities of which he seemed to feel the weighty

responsibility.

Between Orcha and the Borysthenes those conveyances for which there were

no longer horses were burned, and the confusion and discouragement became

so great that in the rear of the army most of the stragglers threw down

their arms as a heavy and useless burden. The officers of the armed

police had orders to return by force those who abandoned their corps, and

often they were obliged to prick them with their swords to make them

advance. The intensity of their sufferings had hardened the heart of the

soldier, which is naturally kind and sympathizing, to such an extent that

the most unfortunate intentionally caused commotions in order that they

might seize from some better equipped companion sometimes a cloak,

sometimes food. "There are the Cossacks!" was their usual cry of alarm;

and when these guilty tricks became known, and our soldiers recovered

from their surprise, there were reprisals, and the confusion reached its

height.

The corps of Marshal Davoust was one of those which suffered most in the

whole army. Of the seventy thousand men with which it left France, there

only remained four or five thousand, and they were dying of famine. The

marshal himself was terribly emaciated. He had neither clothing nor

food. Hunger and fatigue had hollowed his cheeks, and his whole

appearance inspired pity. This brave marshal, who had twenty times

escaped Russian bullets, now saw himself dying of hunger; and when one of

his soldiers gave him a loaf, he seized it and devoured it. He was also

the one who was least silent; and while thawing his mustache, on which

the rain had frozen, he railed indignantly against the evil destiny which

had thrown them into thirty degrees of cold. Moderation in words was

difficult while enduring such sufferings.

For some time the Emperor had been in a state of great anxiety as to the

fate of Marshal Ney, who had been cut off, and obliged to clear for

himself a passage through the midst of the Russians, who followed us on

every side.

As time passed the alarm increased. The Emperor demanded incessantly if

Ney had yet been seen, accusing himself of having exposed this brave

general too much, asking for him as for a good friend whom one has lost.

The whole army shared and manifested the same anxiety, as if this brave

soldier were the only one in danger. A few regarding him as certainly

lost, and seeing the enemy threaten the bridges of the Borysthenes,

proposed to cut them; but the army was unanimous in their opposition to

this measure.

On the 20th, the Emperor, whom this idea filled with the deepest

dejection, arrived at Basanoni, and was dining in company with the Prince

of Neuchatel and the Duke of Dantzic, when General Gourgaud rushed in

with the announcement that Marshal Ney and his troops were only a few

leagues distant. The Emperor exclaimed with inconceivable joy, "Can it

be true?" M. Gourgaud gave him particulars, which were soon known

throughout the camp. This news brought joy to the hearts of all, each of

whom accosted the other eagerly, as if each had found a long-lost

brother; they spoke of the heroic courage which had been displayed; the

talent shown in saving his corps in spite of snows, floods, and the

attacks of the enemy. It is due Marshal Ney, to state here, that

according to the opinion I have heard expressed by our most illustrious

warriors, his safe retreat is a feat of arms to which history furnishes

no parallel. The heart of our soldiers palpitated with enthusiasm, and

on that day they felt the emotions of the day of victory! Ney and his

division gained immortality by this marvelous display of valor and

energy. So much the better for the few survivors of this handful of

braves, who can read of the great deeds they have done, in these annals

inspired by them. His Majesty said several times, "I would give all the

silver in the vaults of the Tuileries to have my brave Ney at my side."

To Prince Eugene was given the honor of going to meet Marshal Ney, with a

corps of four thousand soldiers. Marshal Mortier had disputed this honor

with him, but among these illustrious men there were never any but noble

rivalries. The danger was immense; the cannon of Prince Eugene was used

as a signal, understood by the marshal, to which he replied by platoon

fires. The two corps met, and even before they were united, Marshal Ney

and Prince Eugene were in each other's arms; and it is said that the

latter wept for joy. Such scenes make this horrible picture seem

somewhat less gloomy. As far as the Beresina, our march was only a

succession of small skirmishes and terrible sufferings.

The Emperor passed one night at Caniwki, in a wooden cabin containing

only two rooms. The one at the back was selected by him, and in the

other the whole service slept pell-mell. I was more comfortable, as I

slept in his Majesty's room; but several times during the night I was

obliged to pass into this room, and was then compelled to step over the

sleepers worn out by fatigue. Although I took care not to hurt them,

they were so close together that it was impossible not to place my feet

on their legs or arms.

In the retreat from Moscow, the Emperor walked on foot, wrapped in his

pelisse, his head covered with a Russian cap tied under the chin. I

marched often near the brave Marshal Lefebvre, who seemed very fond of

me, and said to me in his German-French, in speaking of the Emperor,

"He is surrounded by a set of who do not tell the truth; he does not

distinguish sufficiently his good from his bad servants. How will he get

out of this, the poor Emperor, whom I love so devotedly? I am always in

fear of his life; if there were needed to save him only my blood, I would

shed it drop by drop; but that would change nothing, and perhaps he may

have need of me."

CHAPTER VII.

The day preceding the passage of the Beresina was one of terrible

solemnity. The Emperor appeared to have made his decision with the cool

resolution of a man who commits an act of desperation; nevertheless,

councils were held, and it was resolved that the army should strip itself

of all useless burdens which might harass its march. Never was there

more unanimity of opinion, never were deliberations more calm or grave.

It was the calm of men who decide to make one last effort, trusting in

the will of God and their own courage. The Emperor had the eagles

brought from each corps and burned, since he thought that fugitives had

no need of them. It was a sad sight to see these men advancing from the

ranks one by one, and casting in the flames what they valued more than

their lives, and I have never seen dejection more profound, or shame more

keenly felt; for this seemed much like a general degradation to the brave

soldiers of the battle of La Moskwa. The Emperor had made these eagles

talismans, and this showed only too plainly he had lost faith in them.

And although the soldiers realized that the situation of affairs must be

desperate to have come to this, it was at least some consolation to think

that the Russians would have only the ashes. What a scene was presented

by the burning of these eagles, above all to those who like myself had

been present at the magnificent ceremonies attending their distribution

to the army in the camp of Boulogne before the campaign of Austerlitz!

Horses were needed for the artillery, and at this critical moment the

artillery was the safeguard of the army. The Emperor consequently gave

orders that the horses should be impressed, for he estimated the loss of

a single cannon or caisson as irreparable. The artillery was confided to

the care of a corps composed entirely of officers, and numbering about

five hundred men. His Majesty was so much touched at seeing these brave

officers become soldiers again, put their hand to the cannon like simple

cannoneers, and resume their practice of the manual of arms in their

devotion to duty, that he called this corps his sacred squadron. With

the same spirit which made these officers become soldiers again, the

other superior officers descended to a lower rank, with no concern as to

the designation of their grade. Generals of division Grouchy and

Sebastiani took again the rank of simple captain.

When near Borizow we halted at the sound of loud shouts, thinking

ourselves cut off by the Russian army. I saw the Emperor grow pale; it

was like a thunderbolt. A few lancers were hastily dispatched, and we

saw them soon returning waving their banners in the air. His Majesty

understood the signal, and even before the cuirassiers had reassured us,

so clearly did he keep in mind even the possible position of each corps

of his army, he exclaimed, "I bet it is Victor." And in fact it was

Marshal Victor, who awaited us with lively impatience. It seemed that

the marshal's army had received very vague information of our disasters,

and was prepared to receive the Emperor with joy and enthusiasm. His

soldiers still fresh and vigorous, at least compared with the rest of the

army, could hardly believe the evidence of their own eyes when they saw

our wretched condition; but the cries of "Vive l'Empereur" were none the

less enthusiastic.

But a different impression was made when the rear guard of the army filed

before them; and great confusion ensued, as each one of the marshal's

army who recognized a friend rushed out of the ranks and hastened to him,

offering food and clothing, and were almost frightened by the voracity

with which they ate, while many embraced each other silently in tears.

One of the marshal's best and bravest officers stripped off his uniform

to give it to a poor soldier whose tattered clothing exposed him almost

naked to the cold, donning himself an old cloak full of holes, saying

that he had more strength to resist the freezing temperature. If an

excess of misery sometimes dries up the fountains of the heart, sometimes

also it elevates men to a great height, as we see in this instance. Many

of the most wretched blew out their brains in despair; and there was in

this act, the last which nature suggests as an end to misery,

a resignation and coolness which makes one shudder to contemplate. Those

who thus put an end to their lives cared less for death than they did to

put an end to their insupportable sufferings, and I witnessed during the

whole of this disastrous campaign what vain things are physical strength

and human courage when the moral strength springing from a determined

will is lacking. The Emperor marched between the armies of Marshal

Victor and Marshal Oudinot; and it was a depressing sight to see these

movable masses halt sometimes in succession,--first those in front, then

those who came next, then the last. And when Marshal Oudinot who was in

the lead suspended his march from any unknown cause, there was a general

movement of alarm, and ominous rumors were circulated; and since men who

have seen much are disposed to believe anything, false rumors were as

readily credited as true, and the alarm lasted until the front of the

army again moved forward, and their confidence was somewhat restored.

On the 25th, at five o'clock in the evening, there had been thrown across

the river temporary bridges made of beams taken from the cabins of the

Poles. It had been reported in the army that the bridges would be

finished during the night. The Emperor was much disturbed when informed

that the army had been thus deceived; for he knew how much more quickly

discouragement ensues when hope has been frustrated, and consequently

took great pains to keep the rear of the army informed as to every

incident, so that the soldiers should never be left under cruel

delusions. At a little after five the beams gave way, not being

sufficiently strong; and as it was necessary to wait until the next day,

the army again abandoned itself to gloomy forebodings. It was evident

that they must endure the fire of the enemy all the next day. But there

was no longer any choice; for it was only at the end of this night of

agony and suffering of every description that the first beams were

secured in the river. It is hard to comprehend how men could submit to

stand up to their mouths in water filled with ice, and rallying all the

strength which nature had given them, with all that the energy of

devotion furnished, and drive piles several feet deep into a miry bed,

struggling against the most horrible fatigue, pushing back with their

hands enormous blocks of ice, which would have submerged and sunk them

with their weight; in a word, warring even to the death with cold, the

greatest enemy of life. This marvelous feat was accomplished by our

French pontoon corps. Many perished, borne away by the current or

benumbed by the cold. The glory of this achievement, in my opinion,

exceeds in value many others.

The Emperor awaited daylight in a poor hut, and in the morning said to

Prince Berthier, "Well, Berthier, how can we get out of this?" He was

seated in his room, great tears flowing down his cheeks, which were paler

than usual; and the prince was seated near him.

They exchanged few words, and the Emperor appeared overcome by his grief.

I leave to the imagination what was passing in his soul. At last the

King of Naples opened his heart to his brother-in-law, and entreated him,

in the name of the army, to think of his own safety, so imminent had the

peril become. Some brave Poles had offered themselves as escort for the

Emperor; he could cross the Beresina higher up, and reach Wilna in five

days. The Emperor silently shook his head in token of refusal, which the

king understood, and the matter was no longer considered.

Amid overwhelming disasters, the few blessings which reach us are doubly

felt. I observed this many times in the case of his Majesty and his

unfortunate army. On the banks of the Beresina, just as the first

supports of the bridge had been thrown across, Marshal Ney and the King

of Naples rushed at a gallop to the Emperor, calling to him that the

enemy had abandoned his threatening position; and I saw the Emperor,

beside himself with joy, not being able to believe his ears, go himself

at a run to throw a searching glance in the direction they said Admiral

Tschitzakoff had taken. This news was indeed true; and the Emperor,

overjoyed and out of breath from his race, exclaimed, "I have deceived

the admiral." This retrograde movement of the enemy was hard to

understand, when the opportunity to overwhelm us was within his reach;

and I doubt whether the Emperor, in spite of his apparent satisfaction,

was very sure of the happy consequences which this retreat of the enemy

might bring to us.

Before the bridge was finished, about four hundred men were carried part

of the way across the river on two miserable rafts, which could hardly

sustain themselves against the current; and we saw them from the bank

rudely shaken by the great blocks of ice which encumbered the river.

These blocks came to the very edge of the raft, where, finding an

obstacle, they remained stationary for some time, then were suddenly

ingulfed under these frail planks with a terrible shock, though the

soldiers stopped the largest with their bayonets, and turned their course

aside from the rafts.

The impatience of the army was at its height. The first who reached the

opposite bank were the brave Jacqueminot, aide-de-camp of Marshal

Oudinot, and Count Predzieczki, a brave Lithuanian, of whom the Emperor

was very fond, especially since he had shared our sufferings with such

fidelity and devotion. Both crossed the river on horseback, and the army

uttered shouts of admiration as they saw that the chiefs were the first

to set the example of intrepidity. They braved enough dangers to make

the strongest brain reel. The current forced their horses to swim

diagonally across, which doubled the length of the passage; and as they

swam, blocks of ice struck against their flanks and sides, making

terrible gashes.

At one o'clock General Legrand and his division were crossing the bridge

constructed for the infantry, while the Emperor sat on the opposite bank,

and some of the cannon becoming entangled had for an instant delayed the

march. The Emperor rushed on the bridge, put his hand to the work, and

assisted in separating the pieces. The enthusiasm of the soldiers was at

its height; and it was amid cries of "Vive l'Empereur" that the infantry

set foot on the opposite bank.

A short time after, the Emperor, learning that General Partonneaux had

laid down his arms, was deeply affected by this news, and gave vent to

reproaches which were somewhat unjust to the general. Later, when he had

received more correct information, he understood perfectly the part which

necessity and despair had played in this surrender.

It is a fact that the brave general did not come to this decision till he

had done all that a brave man could under the circumstances; for it is

permitted a man to recoil when there is nothing left but to let himself

be killed to no purpose.

When the artillery and baggage-wagons passed, the bridge was so

overloaded that it fell in; and instantly a retrograde movement took

place, which crowded together all the multitude of stragglers who were

advancing, like a flock being herded, in the rear of the artillery.

Another bridge had been constructed, as if the sad thought had occurred

that the first might give way. But the second was narrow and without a

railing; nevertheless, it at first seemed a very valuable makeshift in

such a calamity. But how disasters follow each other! The stragglers

rushed there in crowds. The artillery, the baggage-wagons, in a word,

all the army material, had been in the front on the first bridge when,

it was broken; and when, from the sudden panic which seized on those in

the rear of this multitude, the dreadful catastrophe was learned, the

last there found themselves first in gaining the other bridge. It was

urgent the artillery should pass first, consequently it rushed

impetuously towards the only road to safety which remained. No pen can

describe the scene of horror which now ensued; for it was literally over

a road of trampled human bodies that conveyances of all sorts reached the

bridge. On this occasion could be seen how much brutality, and even

cold-blooded ferocity, can be produced in the human mind by the instinct

of self-preservation. There were some stragglers most frantic of all,

who wounded, and even killed, with their bayonets, the unfortunate horses

which obeyed the lash of their guides; and several caissons were left on

the road in consequence of this slaughter.

As I have said, the bridge had no railing; and crowds of those who forced

their way across fell into the river and were ingulfed beneath the ice.

Others in their fall tried to stop themselves by grasping the planks of

the bridge, and remained suspended over the abyss until their hands,

crushed by the wheels of the vehicles, lost their grasp, and they went to

join their comrades as the' waves closed over them. Entire caissons,

with drivers and horse were precipitated into the water.

Poor women were seen holding their children out of the water in the

effort to delay for a few instants their death, and death in such a

frightful form, a truly admirable maternal incident, which the genius of

the painter has divined in painting scenes from the Deluge, and which we

saw in all its heartrending and frightful reality! The Emperor wished to

retrace his steps, believing that his presence might restore order; but

he was dissuaded from this project so earnestly, that he withstood the

promptings of his heart and remained, though certainly it was not his

elevated rank which kept him on the bank. All the suffering he endured

could be seen when he inquired every instant where the crossing was, if

they could still hear cannon rolling over the bridge, if the cries had

not ceased somewhat in that direction. "The reckless creatures! Why

could they not wait a little?" said he.

There were fine examples of devotion under these distressing

circumstances. A young artilleryman threw himself into the water to save

a poor mother with two children, who was attempting to gain the other

shore in a little canoe. The load was too heavy; an enormous block of

ice floated against and sunk the little boat. The cannoneer seized one

of the children, and, swimming vigorously, bore it to the bank; but the

mother and the other child perished. This kind young man adopted the

orphan as his son. I do not know if he had the happiness of regaining

France.

Officers harnessed themselves to sleds to carry some of their companions

who were rendered helpless by their wounds. They wrapped these

unfortunates as warmly as possible, cheered them from time to time with a

glass of brandy when they could procure it, and lavished on them most

touching attentions.

There were many who behaved in this manner, many of whose names we are

ignorant; and how few returned to enjoy in their own country the

remembrance of the most admirable deeds of their lives.

The bridge was burned at eight o'clock in the morning.

On the 29th the. Emperor quitted the banks of the Beresina, and we slept

at Kamen, where his Majesty occupied a poor wooden building which the icy

air penetrated from all sides through the windows; nearly all the glass

of which being broken, we closed the openings as well as we could with

bundles of hay. A short distance from us, in a large lot, were penned up

the wretched Russian prisoners whom the army drove before it. I had much

difficulty in comprehending this delusion of victory which our poor

soldiers still kept up by dragging after them this wretched luxury of

prisoners, who could only be an added burden, as they required their

constant surveillance.

When the conquerors are dying of famine, what becomes of the conquered?

These poor Russians, exhausted by marches and famine, nearly all perished

this night. In the morning they were found huddled pell-mell against

each other, striving thus to obtain a little warmth. The weakest had

succumbed; and their stiffened bodies were propped the whole night

against the living without their even being aware of it. Some in their

hunger ate their dead companions. The hardihood with which the Russians

endure pain has often been remarked. I can cite one instance which

surpasses belief. One of these fellows, after being separated from his

corps, had been struck by a cannonball which had cut off both his legs

and killed his horse. A French officer on a reconnoitering tour on the

bank of the river where this Russian had fallen, perceived at some

distance an object which appeared to be a dead horse, and yet he could

see that it moved.

He approached, and saw the bust of a man whose extremities were concealed

in the stomach of the horse.

This poor creature had been there four days, inclosing himself in his

horse as a shelter against the cold, and feeding upon infected morsels

torn from this horrible retreat.

On the 3d of December we arrived at Malodeczno. During the whole day the

Emperor appeared thoughtful and anxious. He had frequent confidential

conversations with the grand equerry, M. de Caulaincourt, and I suspected

some extraordinary measure. I was not deceived in my conjectures. At

two leagues from Smorghoni, the Duke of Vicenza summoned me, and told me

to go on in front and give orders to have the six best horses harnessed

to my carriage, which was the lightest of all, and keep them in constant

readiness. I reached Smorghoni before the Emperor, who did not arrive

till the following night. The cold was excessive; and the Emperor

alighted in a poor house on a square, where he established his

headquarters. He took a light repast, wrote with his own hand the

twenty-ninth bulletin of the army, and ordered all the marshals to be

summoned.

Nothing had yet transpired as to the Emperor's plans, but in great and

desperate measures there is always something unusual which does not

escape the most clear-sighted. The Emperor was never so amiable nor so

communicative, and one felt that he was endeavoring to prepare his most

devoted friends for some overwhelming news. He talked for some time on

indifferent subjects, then spoke of the great deeds performed during the

campaign, referring with pleasure to the retreat of General Ney whom they

had at last found.

Marshal Davoust appeared abstracted; and the Emperor said to him, "At

least say something, Marshal." There had been for some time a little

coolness between him and the Emperor, and his Majesty reproached him with

the rarity of his visits, but he could not dissipate the cloud which

darkened every brow; for the Emperor's secret had not been as well kept

as he had hoped. After supper the Emperor ordered Prince Eugene to read

the twenty-ninth bulletin, and spoke freely of his plan, saying that his

departure was essential in order to send help to the army. He gave his

orders to the marshals, all of whom appeared sad and discouraged. It was

ten o'clock when the Emperor, saying it was time to take some repose,

embraced all the marshals and retired. He felt the need of withdrawing;

for he had been oppressed by the constraint of this interview, as could

easily be seen by the extreme agitation his countenance manifested at its

close. About half an hour after, the Emperor called me into his room and

said, "Constant, I am about to leave; I thought I should be able to take

you with me, but I have taken into consideration the fact that several

carriages would attract attention; it is essential that I experience no

delay, and I have given orders that you are to set out immediately upon

the return of my horses, and you will consequently follow me at a short

distance." I was suffering greatly from my old malady; hence the Emperor

would not allow me to go with him on the boot as I requested, in order

that he should receive his customary attentions from me. He said, "No,

Constant, you will follow me in a carriage, and I hope that you will be

able to arrive not more than a day behind me." He departed with the Duke

of Vicenza, and Roustan on the box; my carriage was unharnessed, and I

remained to my great regret. The Emperor left in the night.

By daybreak the army had learned the news, and the impression it made

cannot be depicted. Discouragement was at its height; and many soldiers

cursed the Emperor, and reproached him for abandoning them. There was

universal indignation. The Prince of Neuchatel was very uneasy, and

asked news of every one, though he would naturally have been the first to

receive any information. He feared lest Napoleon, who had a feeble

escort, should be made prisoner by the Cossacks, who, if they had learned

his departure, would make the greatest efforts to carry him off.

This night, the 6th, the cold increased greatly; and its severity may be

imagined, as birds were found on the ground frozen stiff with the cold.

Soldiers who had seated themselves with their head in their hands, and

bodies bent forward in order to thus feel less the emptiness of their

stomachs, were found dead in this position. As we breathed, the vapor

from our lips froze on our eyebrows, little white icicles formed on the

mustaches and beards of the soldiers; and in order to melt them they

warmed their chins by the bivouac fire, and as may be imagined a large

number did not do this with impunity. Artillerymen held their hands to

the horses' nostrils to get a little warmth from the strong breathing of

these animals. Their flesh was the usual food of the soldiers. Large

slices of this meat were thrown on the coals; and when frozen by the

cold, it was carried without spoiling, like salted bacon, the powder from

the cartridge-boxes taking the place of salt.

This same night we had with us a young Parisian belonging to a very

wealthy family, who had endeavored to obtain employment in the Emperor's

household. He was very young, and had been received among the boys of

the apartments, and the poor child was taking his first journey. He was

seized with the fever as we left Moscow, and was so ill this evening that

we could not remove him from the wagon belonging to the wardrobe service

in which he had been made as comfortable as possible. He died there in

the night, much to be regretted by all who knew him. Poor Lapouriel was

a youth of charming character, fine education, the hope of his family,

and an only son. The ground was so hard that we could not dig a grave,

and experienced the chagrin of leaving his remains unburied.

I set out next day armed with an order from the Prince de Neuchatel that

all on the road should furnish me horses in preference to all others.

At the first post after leaving Smorghoni, whence the Emperor had set out

with the Duke of Vicenza, this order was of invaluable aid to me, for

there were horses for only one carriage. I found myself a rival to M.

the Count Daru, who arrived at the same time. It is useless to say that

without the Emperor's orders to rejoin him as quickly as possible I would

not have exercised my right to take precedence over the intendant general

of the army; but impelled by my duty I showed the order of the Prince de

Neuchatel to M. the Count Daru, and the latter, after examining it, said

to me, "You are right, M. Constant; take the horses, but I beg you send

them back as quickly as possible." How crowded with disasters was this

retreat.

After much suffering and privation we arrived at Wilna, where it was

necessary to pass a long, narrow bridge before entering the town. The

artillery and wagons occupied the whole bridge so entirely that no other

carriage could pass; and it was useless to say "His Majesty's service,"

as we received only maledictions. Seeing the impossibility of advancing,

I alighted from my carriage, and found there the Prince of Aremberg,

ordnance officer of the Emperor, in a pitiable condition, his face, nose,

ears, and feet having been frozen. He was seated behind my carriage. I

was cut to the heart, and said to the prince that if he had informed me

of his condition I would have given him my place. He could hardly answer

me. I helped him for some time; but seeing how necessary it was that we

should both advance, I undertook to carry him. He was delicate, slender,

and about medium height. I took him in my arms; and with this burden,

elbowing, pushing, hurting some, being hurt by others, I at last reached

the headquarters of the King of Naples, and deposited the prince there,

recommending that he should receive every attention which his condition

required. After this I resumed my carriage.

Everything had failed us. Long before reaching Wilna, the horses being

dead, we had received orders to burn our carriages with all the contents.

I lost heavily in this journey, as I had purchased several valuable

articles which were burned with my baggage of which I always had a large

quantity on our journeys. A large part of the Emperor's baggage was lost

in the same manner.

A very handsome carriage of Prince Berthier, which had just arrived and

had not been used, was also burned. At these fires, four grenadiers were

stationed, who with fixed bayonet prevented any one from taking from the

fire what had been ordered to be sacrificed.

The next day the carriages which had been spared were visited in order to

be assured that nothing had been kept back. I was allowed to keep only

two shirts. We slept at Wilna; but the next day very early the alarm was

given that the Russians were at the gates of the town. Men rushed in,

beside themselves with terror, crying, "We are lost!" The King of Naples

was quickly aroused; sprang from his bed; and the order was instantly

given that the Emperor's service should leave at once. The confusion

made by all this can be imagined. There was no time for any

arrangements; we were obliged to start without delay. The Prince of

Aremberg was put into one of the king's carriages with what could be

secured for the most pressing needs; and we had hardly left the town

before we heard shouts behind us, and the thunder of cannon accompanied

by rapid firing. We had to climb a mountain of ice. The horses were

fatigued, and we made no progress. The wagon with the treasure-chest of

the army was abandoned; and a part of the money was pillaged by men who

had not gone a hundred steps before they were obliged to throw it away in

order to save their lives.

CHAPTER VIII.

During the whole Russian campaign, the Emperor was nearly always badly

lodged. It was necessary, however, to accommodate himself to

circumstances; though this was a somewhat difficult task to those who

were accustomed to lodge in palaces. The Emperor accepted the situation

bravely, and all his followers consequently did the same. In consequence

of the system of incendiarism adopted as the policy of Russia, the

wealthy part of the population withdrew into the country, abandoning to

the enemy their houses already ruined. In truth, on the whole road

leading to Moscow, with the exception of a few unimportant towns, the

dwellings were very wretched; and after long and fatiguing marches, we

were very happy if we found even a hut at the place the Emperor indicated

as headquarters. The owners of these miserable hovels on quitting them

left there sometimes two or three seats and wooden beds, in which were an

abundant supply of vermin that no invasion could drive out. The least

filthy place was chosen, which was usually the most airy; and we knew

when the cold came, icy breezes would not fail us. When the location had

been chosen, and we decided to halt there, a carpet was spread on the

ground, the Emperor's iron bedstead set up, and a dressing-case

containing everything necessary in a bedroom placed open on a small

table. This case also contained a breakfast service for several persons,

which luxury was displayed when the Emperor entertained his marshals. It

was necessary, at all events, to bring ourselves down to the habits of

the humblest citizens of the province. If the house had two rooms, one

served as sleeping and dining room, the other for his Majesty's cabinet.

The box of books, geographical maps, the portfolio, and a table covered

with green cloth, were the entire furniture. This was also the council

chamber; and from these beggarly huts were sent forth those prompt and

trenchant decisions which changed the order of battle and often the

fortunes of the day, and those strong and energetic proclamations which

so quickly reanimated the discouraged army. When our residence was

composed of three rooms,--an extremely rare occurrence, then the third

room, or closet, was occupied by the Prince de Neuchatel, who always

slept as near by as possible. We often found in these wretched dwellings

old decayed furniture of singular shapes, and little images in wood or

plaster of male or female saints which the proprietors had left.

Frequently, however, we found poor people in these dwellings, who, having

nothing to save from conquest, had remained. These good people seemed

much ashamed to entertain so badly the Emperor of the French, gave us

what they had, and were not, on that account, less badly esteemed by us.

More of the poor than rich received the Emperor into their houses; and

the Kremlin was the last of the foreign palaces in which the Emperor

slept during the Russian campaign.

When there were no houses to be found, we erected the Emperor's tent,

and, in order to divide it into three apartments curtains were hung; in

one of these apartments the Emperor slept, the next was the Emperor's

cabinet, and the third was occupied by his aides-de-camp and officers of

the service; this latter room being ordinarily used as the Emperor's

dining-room, his meals being prepared outside. I alone slept in his

room. Roustan, who accompanied his Majesty on horseback, slept in the

entrance room of the tent, in order that the sleep which was so necessary

to him should not be disturbed. The secretaries slept either in the

cabinet or the entrance room. The higher officers and those of the

service ate where and when they could, and, like the simple soldiers,

made no scruple of eating without tables.

Prince Berthier's tent was near that of the Emperor, and the prince

always breakfasted and dined with him. They were like two inseparable

friends. This attachment was very touching, and points of difference

rarely arose between them. Nevertheless, there was, I think, a little

coolness between him and the Emperor at the time his Majesty left the

army of Moscow. The old marshal wished to accompany him; but the Emperor

refused, and thereupon ensued an animated but fruitless discussion.

The meals were served on the campaign by M. Colin, controller of the

kitchen service, and Roustan, or a bedroom servant.

During this campaign more than any other the Emperor rose often in the

night, put on his dressing-gown, and worked in his cabinet: frequently he

had insomnia, which he could not overcome; and when the bed at last

became unbearable, he sprang from it suddenly, took a book and read,

walking back and forth, and when his head was somewhat relieved lay down

again. It was very rarely he slept the whole of two nights in

succession; but often he remained thus in the cabinet till the hour for

his toilet, when he returned to his room and I dressed him. The Emperor

took great care of his hands; but on this campaign he many times

neglected this species of coquetry, and during the excessive heat did not

wear gloves, as they inconvenienced him so greatly. He endured the cold

heroically, though it was easy to see he suffered much from it

physically.

At Witepsk the Emperor, finding the space in front of the house in which

he had his quarters too small to hold a review of the troops, had several

small buildings torn down in order to enlarge it. There was a small

dilapidated chapel which it was also necessary to destroy in order to

accomplish this, and it had been already partly torn down, when the

inhabitants assembled in large numbers, and loudly expressed their

disapprobation of this measure. But the Emperor having given his consent

to their removing the sacred objects contained in the chapel, they were

pacified; and, armed with this authority, several among them entered the

sacred place, and emerged bearing with great solemnity wooden images of

immense height, which they deposited in the other churches.

We were witnesses while in this town of a singular spectacle, and one

well calculated to shock our sense of decency. For many days during the

intense heat we saw the inhabitants, both men and women, rushing to the

banks of the river, removing their clothing with the greatest

indifference to spectators, and bathing together, most of them nearly

naked. The soldiers of the guard took pleasure in mingling with these

bathers of both sexes; but as the soldiers were not so decorous as the

inhabitants, and as the imprudencies committed by our men soon went too

far, these worthy people relinquished the pleasures of their bath, very

much displeased because sport was made of an exercise they had enjoyed

with so much gravity and seriousness.

One evening I was present at a grand review of the foot grenadiers of the

guard, in which all the regiments seemed to take much delight, since it

was in honor of the installation of General Friant

[Louis Friant, born in Picardy, 1758; brigadier-general, 1794;

served on the Rhine and in Italy; accompanied Napoleon to Egypt, and

became general of division; wounded at Austerlitz (1805), and was at

Jena and Wagram; commanded the grenadiers of the guard in Russian

campaign, and was severely wounded at Waterloo; died 1829]

as commander of the corps. The Emperor gave him the accolade, which was

the only occasion on which I saw this done during the campaign; and as

the general was much beloved by the army, it was amidst the acclamations

of all that he received this honor from the Emperor.

Promotions were usually welcomed by the soldiers with great enthusiasm,

for the Emperor required that they should take place with much pomp and

ceremony.

Many persons thought that to be near the Emperor was a proof of being

well provided for on the campaign. This is a great mistake, as even the

kings and princes who accompanied his Majesty on his campaigns could

easily prove; and if these great personages lacked absolute necessaries,

it may well be believed that the persons comprising the different

services fared badly. The Emperor himself often dispensed with ordinary

comforts which would have been very agreeable to him after the fatigues

of the day.

At the hour for the bivouac it was a general "lodge who can;" but the

poorest soldier never had in his deprivation the chagrin of seeing his

superiors enjoying abundance and scandalous luxury. The first generals

of the army often dined on ammunition-bread with as much pleasure as the

simple soldier, and on the retreat the misery could not have been more

general. This idea of deprivations shared by all did much to restore

hope and energy to the most discouraged; and, I may add, never has more

reciprocal sympathy between chiefs and soldiers been seen, in support of

which statement innumerable instances could be given.

When evening came the fires were kindled, and those foragers who had been

most successful invited their companions to share their good cheer. In

the worst times there was poor, yet still not the worst, fare to offer,

consisting of slices of broiled horse-flesh.

Many soldiers deprived themselves of some valuable booty to offer it to

their chief, and selfishness was not so general that this noble French

courtesy did not reappear from time to time to recall the happy days of

France. Straw was the bed of all; and those of the marshals who in Paris

slept on most luxurious beds of down did not find this couch too hard in

Russia.

M. de Beausset has given me a very amusing account of one night, when

sleeping pell-mell on a little straw, in very narrow quarters, the

aides-de-camp attending upon the Emperor stepped mercilessly on the

limbs of their sleeping companions, who, fortunately, did not all suffer

from gout like M. Beausset, and were not injured by such sudden and

oft-repeated onslaughts. He cried, "What brutes!" and drawing his legs

under him, cowered down in his corner until this passing and repassing

had ceased for a while.

Picture to yourself large rooms, filthy, unfurnished, and open to the

wind, which entered through every window, nearly all the glass of which

was broken, with crumbling walls and fetid air, which we warmed as well

as possible with our breath, a vast litter of straw prepared as if for

horses, and on this litter men shivering with cold, throwing themselves

about, pressing against each other, murmuring, swearing, some unable to

close their eyes, others more fortunate snoring loudly, and in the midst

of this mass of legs and feet, a general awakening in the night when an

order from the Emperor arrived, and you may form an idea of the inn and

the guests.

As for myself, during the entire campaign I did not a single time undress

to retire to bed, for I never found one anywhere. It was necessary to

supply this deficiency by some means; and as it is well known that

necessity is ever ready with inventions, we supplied deficiency in our

furnishings in the following manner: we had great bags of coarse cloth

made, into which we entered, and thus protected, threw ourselves on a

little straw, when we were fortunate enough to obtain it; and for several

months I took my rest during the night in this manner, and even this I

frequently could not enjoy for as many as five or six nights at a time,

so exacting were the requirements of my position.

If it is remembered that all these sufferings continued in their petty

details each day, and that when night came we had not even a bed on which

to stretch our weary limbs, some idea may be formed of the privations we

endured on this campaign. The Emperor never uttered a word of complaint

when beset by such discomforts, and his example inspired us with courage;

and at last we became so accustomed to this fatiguing and wandering

existence, that, in spite of the cold and privations of every sort to

which we were subjected, we often jested about the dainty arrangements of

our apartments. The Emperor on the campaign was affected only by the

sufferings of others, though his health was sometimes so much impaired as

to cause anxiety, especially when he denied himself all rest not

absolutely required; and yet I heard him constantly inquiring if there

were lodgings for all, and he would not be satisfied until fully informed

of every particular.

Although the Emperor nearly always had a bed, the poor quarters in which

it was set up were often so filthy, that in spite of all the care taken

to clean it, I more than once found on his clothing a kind of vermin very

disagreeable, and very common in Russia. We suffered more than the

Emperor from this inconvenience, being deprived as we were of proper

linen and other changes of clothing, since the greater part of our

effects had been burned with the wagons containing them. This extreme

measure had been taken, as I have said, for good reasons, all the horses

having died from cold or famine.

We were little better lodged in the palace of the Czars than on the

bivouac. For several days we had only mattresses; but as a large number

of wounded officers had none, the Emperor ordered ours to be given them.

We made the sacrifice willingly, and the thought that we were assisting

others more unfortunate than ourselves would have made the hardest bed

endurable. Besides, in this war we had more than one opportunity to

learn how to put aside all feelings of egotism and narrow personality;

and had we been guilty of such forgetfulness, the Emperor was ever ready

to recall us to this plain and simple duty.

CHAPTER IX.

The only too famous twenty-ninth bulletin of the grand army was not

published in Paris, where the consternation it spread through all classes

is well known, until the 16th of December; and the Emperor, following

close upon the heels of this solemn manifesto of our disasters, arrived

in his capital forty-eight hours after, as if endeavoring to annul by his

presence the evil effects which this communication might produce. On the

28th, at half past eleven in the evening, his Majesty alighted at the

palace of the Tuileries. This was the first time since his accession to

the consulate that Paris had witnessed his return from a campaign without

announcing a new peace conquered by the glory of our arms. Under these

circumstances, the numerous persons who from attachment to the Empress

Josephine had always seen or imagined they saw in her a kind of

protecting talisman of the success of the Emperor, did not fail to remark

that the campaign of Russia was the first which had been undertaken since

the Emperor's marriage to Marie Louise. Without any superstition, it

could not be denied that, although the Emperor was always great even when

fortune was contrary to him, there was a very marked difference between

the reign of the two Empresses. The one witnessed only victories

followed by peace. And the other, only wars, not devoid of glory, but

devoid of results, until the grand and fatal conclusion in the abdication

at Fontainebleau.

But it is anticipating too much to describe here events which few men

dared to predict directly after the disasters of Moscow. All the world

knows that the cold and a freezing temperature contributed more to our

reverses than the enemy, whom we had pursued even into the heart of his

burning capital. France still offered immense resources; and the Emperor

was now there in person to direct their employment and increase their

value. Besides, no defection was as yet apparent; and, with the

exception of Spain, Sweden, and Russia, the Emperor considered all the

European powers as allies. It is true the moment was approaching when

General Yorck would give the signal,--for as well as I can recall, the

first news came to the Emperor on the 10th of the following January,--and

it was easy to see that his Majesty was profoundly affected by it, as he

saw that Prussia would have many imitators in the other corps of the

allied armies.

At Smorghoni, where the Emperor had left me setting out, as I have before

related, with the Duke of Vicenza in the coach which had been destined

for me, scarcely anything was thought of but how to extricate ourselves

from the frightful situation in which we found ourselves placed. I well

remember that after a few regrets that the Emperor was not in the midst

of his lieutenants, the idea of being assured that he had escaped from

all danger became the dominant sentiment, so much confidence did all

place in his genius. Moreover, in departing, he had given the command to

the King of Naples, whose valor the whole army admired, although it is

said that a few marshals were secretly jealous of his royal crown. I

have learned since, that the Emperor reached Warsaw on the 10th, having

avoided passing through Wilna by making a circuit through the suburbs;

and at last, after passing through Silesia, he had arrived at Dresden,

where the good and faithful King of Saxony, although very ill, had

himself borne to the Emperor. From this place his Majesty had followed

the road by Nassau and Mayence.

I followed also the same route, but not with the same rapidity, although

I lost no time. Everywhere, and above all in Poland at the places where

I stopped, I was astonished to find the feeling of security I saw

manifested. From all directions I heard the report that the Emperor was

to return at the head of an army of three hundred thousand men. The

Emperor had been known to do such surprising things, that nothing seemed

impossible; and I learned that he himself had spread these reports on his

passage, in order to restore the courage of the population. In several

places I could procure no horses; and consequently, in spite of all my

zeal, I did not reach Paris until six or eight days after the Emperor.

I had hardly alighted from my carriage, when the Emperor, who had been

informed of my arrival, had me summoned. I observed to the messenger

that I was not in a condition which would allow me to present myself

before his Majesty. "That makes no difference," replied he; "the Emperor

wishes you to come immediately, just as you are." I obeyed instantly;

and went, or rather ran, to the Emperor's cabinet, where I found him with

the Empress, Queen Hortense, and another person whose name I do not

perfectly recall. The Emperor deigned to give me a most cordial welcome;

and as the Empress seemed to pay no attention to me, said to her in a

manner whose kindness I shall never forget, "Louise, do you not recognize

Constant?"

"I perceived him." [Elsewhere Constant has stated her reply was, "I had

not perceived him."] This was the only reply of her Majesty the

Empress; but such was not the case with Queen Hortense, who welcomed me

as kindly as her adorable mother had always done.

The Emperor was very gay, and seemed to have forgotten all his fatigue.

I was about to retire respectfully; but his Majesty said to me, "No,

Constant, remain a minute longer, and tell me what you saw on your road."

Even if I had any intention to conceal from the Emperor a part of the

truth, taken thus unawares I should have lacked the time to prepare an

agreeable falsehood; so I said to him that everywhere, even in Silesia,

my eyes had been struck by the same frightful spectacle, for everywhere I

had seen the dead and the dying, and poor unfortunates struggling

hopelessly against cold and hunger. "That is true, that is true," he

said; "go and rest, my poor boy, you must be in need of it. To-morrow

you will resume your service."

The next day, in fact, I resumed my duties near the Emperor, and I found

him exactly the same as he had been before entering on the campaign; the

same placidity was evident on his countenance. It would have been said

that the past was no longer anything to him; and living ever in the

future, he already saw victory perched again on our banner, and his

enemies humiliated and vanquished. It is true that the numerous

addresses he received, and discourses which were pronounced in his

presence by the presidents of the senate and the council of state, were

no less flattering than formerly; but it was very evident in his replies

that if he pretended to forget this disastrous experience in Russia, he

was more deeply concerned about the affair of General Malet than anything

else.

[In the reply of the Emperor to the council of state occurred the

following remarkable passage, which it may not be amiss to repeat at

this period as very singular:

"It is to idealism and that gloomy species of metaphysics which,

seeking subtilely for first causes, wishes to place on such

foundations the legislation of a people, instead of adapting the

laws to their knowledge of the human heart, and to the lessons of

history, that it is necessary to attribute all the misfortunes our

beautiful France has experienced. These errors have necessarily led

to the rule of the men of blood. In fact, who has proclaimed the

principle of insurrection as a duty? Who has paid adulation to the

nation while claiming for it a sovereignty which it was incapable of

exercising? Who has destroyed the sanctity and respect for the

laws, in making them depend, not on the sacred principles of

justice, or the nature of things and on civil justice, but simply on

the will of an assembly of men strangers to the knowledge of civil,

criminal, administrative, political, and military law? When one is

called on to regenerate a state, there are directly opposite

principles by which one must necessarily be guided."--NOTE BY THE

EDITOR of FRENCH EDITION.

Claude Francois de Malet, born at Dole, 1754. In 1806 was a general

officer, and was dismissed the service. Plotting against the

Emperor, he was imprisoned from 1808 to 1812. On October 24 he

issued a proclamation that the Emperor had died in Russia, and that

he (Malet) had been appointed Governor of Paris by the senate. He

made Savary prisoner, and shot General Hullin. He was made prisoner

in turn by General Laborde, and summarily shot.-TRANS. (See "The

Memoirs" by Bourrienne for the detail of this plot. D.W.)]

As for myself I cannot deny the painful feelings I experienced the first

time I went out in Paris, and passed through the public promenades during

my hours of leisure; for I was struck with the large number of persons in

mourning whom I met,--the wives and sisters of our brave soldiers mowed

down on the fields of Russia; but I kept these disagreeable impressions

to myself.

A few days after my return to Paris their Majesties were present at the

opera where 'Jerusalem Delivered' was presented. I occupied a box which

Count de Remusat had the kindness to lend me for that evening (he was

first chamberlain of the Emperor, and superintendent of theaters), and

witnessed the reception given the Emperor and Empress. Never have I seen

more enthusiasm displayed, and I must avow that the transition seemed to

me most sudden from the recent passage of the Beresina to those truly

magical scenes. It was on Sunday, and I left the theater a little before

the close in order to reach the palace before the Emperor's return. I

was there in time to undress him, and I well remember that his Majesty

spoke to me that evening of the quarrel between Talma and Geoffroy which

had occurred a few days before his arrival. The Emperor, although he had

a high opinion of Talma, thought him completely in the wrong, and

repeated several times, "A man of his age! A man of his age! that is

inexcusable. Zounds!" added he, smiling, "do not people speak evil of

me also? Have I not also critics who do not spare me? He should not be

more sensitive than I?" This affair, however, had no disagreeable result

for Talma; for the Emperor was much attached to him, and overwhelmed him

with pensions and presents.

Talma in this respect was among the very privileged few; for giving

presents was not in his Majesty's role, especially to those in his

private service. It was then near the 1st of January; but we built no

air castles at this period, for the Emperor never made gifts. We knew

that we could not expect any emoluments; though I, especially, could

exercise no economy, for the Emperor required that my toilet should

always be extremely elegant. It was something really extraordinary to

see the master of half of Europe not disdaining to occupy himself with

the toilet of his valet de chambre; even going so far that when he saw me

in a new coat which pleased him he never failed to compliment me on it,

adding, "You are very handsome, Monsieur Constant."

Even on the occasion of the marriage of the Emperor and Marie Louise, and

that of the birth of the King of Rome, those composing the private

service of his Majesty received no present, and the Emperor thought the

expenses of these ceremonies too great. On one occasion, however, but

not in consequence of any unusual circumstance, the Emperor said to me

one morning as I finished dressing him, "Constant, go to M. Meneval; I

have given him orders to allow you eighteen hundred livres of income."

Now, it happened that the funds had gone up in the interval between the

order and its execution; and instead of receiving eighteen hundred livres

of rent, I received only seventeen, which I sold a short time after, and

with the product of this sale bought a modest piece of property in the

forest of Fontainebleau.

Sometimes the Emperor made presents to the princes and princesses of his

family, of which I was nearly always the bearer; and I can assert that

with two or three rare exceptions this duty was perfectly gratuitous, a

circumstance which I recall here simply as a recollection. Queen

Hortense and Prince Eugene were never included, according to my

recollection, in the distribution of Imperial gifts, and the Princess

Pauline was most often favored.

In spite of the numerous occupations of the Emperor, who after his return

from the army spent much time during the day, and most of the nights,

working in his cabinet, he showed himself more frequently in public than

heretofore, going out almost without escort. On the 2d of January, 1813,

for instance, I remember he went, accompanied only by Marshal Duroc, to

visit the basilica of Notre Dame, the works of the archbishopric, those

of the central depot of wines, and then, crossing the bridge of

Austerlitz, the granaries, the fountain of the elephant, and finally the

palace of the Bourse, which his Majesty often said was the handsomest

building then existing in Europe. Next to his passion for war, that for

monuments was strongest in the Emperor's heart. The cold was quite

severe while his Majesty was taking these solitary excursions; but in

fact the cold weather in Paris seemed a very mild temperature to all who

had just returned from Russia.

I remarked at this time, that is to say at the end of 1812 and the

beginning of 1813, that the Emperor had never hunted so frequently. Two

or three times a week I assisted him to don his hunting-costume, which

he, like all persons of his suite, wore in accordance with the recently

revived usage of the ancient monarchy.

The Empress often accompanied him in a coach, although the cold was

intense; but when he gave an order there was nothing to be said. Knowing

how distasteful the pleasures of the chase ordinarily were to his

Majesty, I was surprised at this recent fondness he manifested, but soon

learned that he was acting purely from political motives. One day

Marshal Duroc was in his room, while he was putting on his green coat

with gold lace; and I heard the Emperor say to the marshal, "It is very

necessary that I should be in motion, and have the journals speak of it;

for the imbeciles who write for the English journals repeat every day

that I am sick, that I cannot move, and am no longer good for anything.

Have patience! I will soon show them that I have as much strength of

body as of mind." Besides all this, I think that the exercise of hunting

in moderation was very good for the Emperor's health; for I never saw him

in better condition than during the very time the English journals took

pleasure in describing him as ill, and perhaps by these false statements

were contributing to still further improve his health.

CHAPTER X.

On the 19th of January the Emperor sent to inform the Empress that he was

to hunt in the wood of Grosbois, and would breakfast with the Princess de

Neuchatel, and requested that her Majesty would accompany him. The

Emperor ordered me also to be at Grosbois in order to assist him in

changing his linen after the hunt. This hunting-party took place

according to announcement; but to the unbounded amazement of the entire

suite of the Emperor, just as we were on the point of re-entering our

carriages, instead of taking the road to Paris, his Majesty gave orders

to proceed to Fontainebleau. The Empress and the ladies who accompanied

her had nothing except their hunting costumes, and the Emperor was much

diverted by the tribulations their vanity underwent in being unexpectedly

engaged in a campaign without toilet equipments. Before leaving Paris

the Emperor had given orders that there should be sent in all haste to

Fontainebleau all that the "Empress could need; but her ladies found

themselves totally unprovided for, and it was very amusing to see them

immediately on their arrival expedite express after express for objects

of prime necessity which they ordered should be sent posthaste.

Nevertheless, it was soon evident that the hunting-party and breakfast at

Grosbois had been simply a pretext, and that the Emperor's object had

been to put an end to the differences which had for some time existed

between his Holiness and his Majesty. Everything having been settled and

prearranged, the Emperor and the Pope signed on the 25th an agreement

under the name of Concordat, of which this is the purport:

"His Majesty, the Emperor and King, and his Holiness, wishing

to settle the differences which had arisen between them, and provide

for difficulties which have unexpectedly arisen in regard to various

affairs of the church, have agreed on the following articles as

forming a basis for a definite arrangement:

ART. 1. His Holiness will exercise the pontificate in France, and

in the Kingdom of Italy, in the same manner and under the same

regulations as his predecessors.

2. The ambassadors, ministers, and charges d'affaires to the Holy

Father, and the ambassadors, ministers, and charges d'affaires from

him to foreign powers, will enjoy the immunities and privileges of

members of the diplomatic corps.

3. The domains possessed by the Holy Father, and which have not

been alienated, shall be exempt from all kinds of impost; they shall

be administered by his agents or representatives. Those which have

been alienated shall be replaced to the value of two million francs

of revenue.

4. During the six months which usually follow the notification of

appointments made by the Emperor to the archbishoprics and

bishoprics of the Empire and the Kingdom of Italy the Pope shall

perform the canonical institution in conformity with the Concordat,

and by virtue of the present agreement; previous information

concerning which shall be given by the archbishop. If six months

shall expire without the Pope having performed this institution, the

archbishop, and in his absence, where his duties are concerned, the

senior bishop of the province, shall proceed to the institution of

the aforementioned bishop, to the end that a see shall never be

vacant more than one year.

5. The Pope shall appoint in France and in the Kingdom of Italy to

ten bishoprics, which shall later be designated by mutual agreement.

6. The six suburban bishoprics shall be re-established, and shall

be appointed to by the Pope. The property now held shall be

restored, and similar measures taken in regard to that already sold.

On the death of the bishops of Anagni and Rieti, their dioceses

shall be united with that of the six bishops aforesaid, in

conformity with the agreement between his Majesty and the Holy

Father.

7. In respect to the bishops of the Roman States, unavoidably

absent from their dioceses, the Holy Father shall exercise his right

of bestowing bishoprics 'in partibus'. He shall give them a pension

equal to the revenue they formerly enjoyed, and their places in the

sees thus vacated shall be supplied, both in the Empire and the

Kingdom of Italy.

8. His Majesty and His Holiness will agree on some opportune

occasion as to the reduction to be made in the bishoprics of

Tuscany, and the province of Genoa, as well as those to be

established in Holland, and the Hanseatic departments.

9. The propaganda, the penitential court, and the court of

archives shall be established in the place of residence of the Holy

Father.

10. His Majesty pardons freely the cardinals, bishops, priests, and

laity who have incurred his disgrace in consequence of certain

events.

11. The Holy Father agrees to the above resolutions in

consideration of the existing condition of the church, and his

confidence that his Majesty will grant his powerful assistance to

the needs of the church, which are so numerous in the times in which

we live.

"NAPOLEON." "PIUS VII."

"Fontainebleau, 25 January, 1813."

It has been attempted by every possible means to throw odium on the

conduct of the Emperor in this affair. He has been accused of having

insulted the Pope, and even of having threatened him, all of which is

most signally false. Everything was arranged in the most agreeable

manner. M. Devoisin, bishop of Nantes, an ecclesiastic who was highly

esteemed by the Emperor, and was his favorite mediator, in the frequent

points of difference which arose between the Pope and his Majesty, had

come to the Tuileries on the 19th of January, and after being closeted

with the Emperor for two hours, had left for Fontainebleau. And it was

immediately after this interview that the Emperor entered his carriage

with the Empress in hunting costume, followed by the whole suite,

similarly attired.

The Pope, forewarned by the Bishop of Nantes, awaited his Majesty; and as

the most important points had been discussed and arranged in advance, and

only a few clauses accessory to the main body of the Concordat remained

to be decided, it was impossible that the interview should have been

otherwise than amicable, a truth which is still more evident when we

reflect on the kind feelings of the Holy Father towards the Emperor,

their friendship for each other, and the admiration inspired in the Pope

by the great genius of Napoleon. I affirm then, and I think with good

reason, that the affair was conducted in a most honorable manner, and

that the Concordat was signed freely and without compulsion by his

Holiness, in presence of the cardinals assembled at Fontainebleau. It is

an atrocious calumny which some one has dared to make that, on the

reiterated refusal of the Pope, the Emperor placed in his hand a pen

dipped in ink, and seizing him by the arm and hair, forced him to sign,

saying that he ordered it, and that his disobedience would be punished by

perpetual imprisonment. The one who invented this absurd fabrication

must have known little of the Emperor's character. A person who was

present at this interview, the circumstances of which have been so

falsified, related them to me, and is my authority on the subject.

Immediately on his arrival at Fontainebleau, the Emperor paid a visit to

the Holy Father, who returned it next day, remaining two hours at least;

and during this time his Majesty's manner was calm and firm, it is true,

but full of respect and kind feeling for the person of the venerable

Pope. A few stipulations of the proposed treaty alarmed the conscience

of the Holy Father, which the Emperor perceived; and without waiting for

any arguments declared that he would renounce them, and every scruple

remaining in the mind of the Holy Father being thus satisfied, a

secretary was called, who drew up the articles, which the Pope approved

one by one, with most paternal benignity.

On the 25th of January, after the Concordat was definitely settled, the

Holy Father repaired to the apartments of her Majesty the Empress; and

both of the contracting parties appeared equally well satisfied, which is

a sufficient proof that neither treachery nor violence had been used.

The Concordat was signed by the august parties in the midst of a

magnificent assemblage of cardinals, bishops, soldiers, etc. Cardinal

Doria performed the duties of grand master of ceremonies, and it was he

who received the signatures.

A countless number of congratulations were given and received, pardons

asked and obtained, and relics, decorations, chaplets, and tobacco-boxes

distributed by both parties. Cardinal Doria received from his Majesty

the gold eagle of the Legion of Honor. The great eagle was also given to

Cardinal Fabricio Ruffo; Cardinal Maury, the Bishop of Nantes, and the

Archbishop of Tours received the grand cross of the order of the Reunion;

the Bishops of Evreux and Treves, the cross of officers of the Legion of

Honor; and finally the Cardinal of Bayonne and the Bishop of Evreux were

made senators by his Majesty. Doctor Porta, the Pope's physician, was

presented with a pension of twelve thousand francs, and the

ecclesiastical secretary who entered the cabinet to copy the articles of

the Concordat received a present of a magnificent ring set with

brilliants.

His Holiness had hardly signed the Concordat before he repented of it.

The following was related to Marshal Kellerman by the Emperor at Mayence

the last of April:

"The day after the signing of the famous Concordat of Fontainebleau, the

Pope dined in public with me; but in the night he was ill, or pretended

to be. He was a lamblike, honest, and truly good man, whom I highly

esteemed and loved, and who had some regard for me I am sure. Would you

believe it, he wrote me a week after signing the Concordat that he much

regretted having done so, that his conscience reproached him for it, and

urged me earnestly to consider it as of no effect. This was owing to the

fact that immediately after leaving me he had fallen into the hands of

his usual advisers, who made a scarecrow out of what had just occurred.

If we had been together I could easily have reassured him. I replied

that what he demanded was contrary to the interests of France; and

moreover, being infallible, he could not have made a mistake, and his

conscience was too quick to take the alarm for him to have done wrong.

"In fact, compare the condition of Rome formerly with what it is to-day.

Paralyzed by the necessary consequences of the Revolution, could she have

risen again and maintained her position? A vicious government as to

political matters has taken the place of the former Roman legislation,

which, without being perfect, nevertheless contributed to form great men

of every kind. Modern Rome has applied to its political government

principles better suited to a religious order, and has carried them out

in a manner fatal to the happiness of the people.

"Thus charity is the most perfect of Christian virtues; it is necessary

to give charity to all who ask it. This form of reasoning has rendered

Rome the receptacle of the dregs of all nations. One sees collected

there (so I am told, for I have never visited it) all the idlers of the

earth, who come thither to take refuge, assured of finding an abundant

support with much to spare. And thus the papal territory, which nature

has destined to produce immense wealth from its situation under a

favorable sky, from the multiplicity of streams with which it is watered,

and above all from the fertility of the soil, languishes for want of

cultivation. Berthier has often told me that large tracts of country may

be traversed without perceiving the impress of the hand of man. The

women even, who are regarded as the most beautiful of Italy, are

indolent, and their minds evince no activity even in the ordinary duties

of life. The inhabitants have all the languor of Asiatic manners.

"Modern Rome limits itself to preserving a certain pre-eminence by virtue

of the marvelous works of art which it contains; but we have greatly

weakened this claim. Our museum is enriched by all the masterpieces

which were a source of so much pride, and soon the magnificent edifice of

the Bourse which is to be erected at Paris will eclipse all those of

Europe, either ancient or modern.

"France before all."

"Viewed from a political standpoint, how would the papal government in

these days appear compared with the great kingdoms of Europe? Formerly

mediocre men succeeded to the pontifical throne at an age in which one

breathes well only after resting. At this period of life routine and

habit are everything; and nothing is considered but the elevated

position, and how to make it redound to the advantage of his family.

A pope now arrives at sovereign power with a mind sharpened by being

accustomed to intrigue, and with a fear of making powerful enemies who

may hereafter revenge themselves on his family, since his successor is

always unknown. In fine, he cares for nothing but to live and die in

peace. In the seat of Sixtus V.

[Sixtus V., originally Felix Peretti, born at Montalto, 1525, and

in 1585 succeeded Gregory XIII. as pope. He was distinguished by

his energy and munificence. He constructed the Vatican Library, the

great aqueduct, and other public works, and placed the obelisk

before St. Peter's. Died 1589.]

how many popes have there been who have occupied themselves only with

frivolous subjects, as little advantageous to the best interests of

religion as fruitful in inspiring scorn for such a government! But that

would lead us too far."

From the time of his return from Moscow, his Majesty occupied himself

with unequaled activity in seeking means to arrest the invasion of the

Russians, who, having united with the Prussians since General Yorck's

defection, constituted a most formidable mass. New levies had been

ordered. For two months he had received and utilized the innumerable

offers of horses and cavalry made by all the towns of the Empire, by

official bodies, and by rich individuals holding positions near the

court, etc. The Imperial Guard was reorganized under the brave Duke de

Frioul, who was alas! a few months later to be torn from his numerous

friends.

In the midst of these grave occupations his Majesty did not for a moment

lose sight of his cherished plan of making Paris the most beautiful city

of the world; and not a week passed without interviews with architects

and engineers, who presented estimates, made reports, etc.

"It is a shame," said the Emperor one day, while inspecting the barracks

of the guard, a species of black and smoke-begrimed shed, "it is a

shame," said he to M. Fontaine, "to make buildings as frightful as those

of Moscow. I should never have allowed such a building to be erected.

Are you not my chief architect?"

M. Fontaine excused himself by pointing out to his Majesty that he was

not responsible for the buildings of Paris, as although he had the honor

of being chief architect of the Emperor, it was for the Tuileries and the

Louvre alone.

"That is true," replied his Majesty; "but could there not be built here,"

pointing to the quay, "in place of this wooden dockyard, which produces

such a bad effect, a residence for the Italian minister?"

M. Fontaine replied that the plan was very feasible, but that it would

require three or four millions.

The Emperor then seemed to abandon this idea, and turning his attention

to the garden of the Tuileries, perhaps in consequence of the conspiracy

of General Malet,gave orders to arrange all the entrances to the palace

so that the same key might serve for all the locks; "and this key," his

Majesty added, "should be put in charge of the grand marshal after the

doors were closed for the night."

A few days after this conversation with M. Fontaine, the Emperor sent to

him and M. Costaz the following note, a copy of which fell into my hands.

His Majesty had that morning visited the buildings of Chaillot.

"There is yet ample time to discuss the construction of the palace

for the King of Rome.

I do not wish to be led into foolish expenditures; I should like a

palace not so large as Saint-Cloud, but larger than the Luxemburg.

I wish to be able to occupy it after the sixteenth million has been

expended; then it will be a practicable affair. But if a more

expensive building is attempted, it will result like the Louvre,

which has never been finished.

The parks are first to be considered, their boundaries determined

and inclosed.

I wish this new palace to be somewhat handsomer than the Elysee; and

although that cost less than eight millions, it is one of the most

beautiful palaces of Paris.

That of the King of Rome will rank next to the Louvre, which is

itself a magnificent palace. It will be, so to speak, only a

country seat for one residing in Paris, for of course the winters

would be passed at the Louvre or the Tuileries.

I can with difficulty believe that Saint-Cloud cost sixteen

millions. Before inspecting the plan, I wish it to be carefully

examined and discussed by the committee on buildings, so that I may

have the assurance that the sum of sixteen millions will not be

exceeded. I do not wish an ideal residence, but one constructed for

my own enjoyment, and not for the pleasure of the architect alone.

Finishing the Louvre will suffice for his glory; and when the plan

is once adopted, I will see that it is executed.

The Elysee does not suit me, and the Tuileries is barely

inhabitable. Nothing will please me unless it is perfectly simple,

and constructed according to my tastes and manner of living, for

then the palace will be useful to me. I wish it constructed in such

a manner that it may be a complete 'Sans Souci'; [Frederick the

Great's palace in the country near Berlin.] and I especially

desire that it may be an agreeable palace rather than a handsome

garden,--two conditions which are incompatible. Let there be

something between a court and a garden, like the Tuileries, that

from my apartments I may promenade in the garden and the park, as at

Saint-Cloud, though Saint-Cloud has the inconvenience of having no

park for the household.

It is necessary also to study the location, so that my apartments

may face north and south, in order that I may change my residence

according to the season.

I wish the apartments I occupy to be as handsomely furnished as my

small apartments at Fontainebleau.

I wish my apartments to be very near those of the Empress, and on

the same floor.

Finally, I wish a palace that would be comfortable for a

convalescent, or for a man as age approaches. I wish a small

theater, a small chapel, etc.; and above all great care should be

taken that there be no stagnant water around the palace."

The Emperor carried his passion for building to excess, and seemed more

active, more eager in the execution of his plans, and more tenacious of

his ideas, than any architect I have ever known. Nevertheless, the idea

of putting the palace of the King of Rome on the heights of Chaillot was

not entirely his own, and M. Fontaine might well claim to have originated

it.

It was mentioned the first time while discussing the palace of Lyons,

which in order to present a handsome appearance M. Fontaine remarked

should be situated on an elevation overlooking the city, as, for example,

the heights of Chaillot overlooked Paris. The Emperor did not appear to

notice M. Fontaine's remark, and had two or three days previously given

orders that the chateau of Meudon should be put in a condition to receive

his son, when one morning he summoned the architect, and ordered him to

present a plan for embellishing the Bois de Boulogne, by adding a country

house on the summit of Chaillot. "What do you think of it?" added he,

smiling; "does the site appear well chosen?"

One morning in the month of March, the Emperor brought his son to a

review on the Champ-de-Mars; he was received with indescribable

enthusiasm, the sincerity of which was undoubted; and it could easily be

seen that these acclamations came from the heart.

The Emperor was deeply moved by this reception, and returned to the

Tuileries in a most charming frame of mind, caressed the King of Rome,

covered him with kisses, and dilated to M. Fontaine and myself on the

precocious intelligence displayed by this beloved child. "He was not at

all frightened; he seemed to know that all those brave men were my

friends." On that day he held a long conversation with M. Fontaine,

while amusing himself with his son, whom he held in his arms; and when

the conversation turned on Rome and its monuments, M. Fontaine spoke of

the Pantheon with the most profound admiration. The Emperor asked if he

had ever lived at Rome; and M. Fontaine having replied that he remained

there three years on his first visit, his Majesty remarked, "It is a city

I have not seen; I shall certainly go there some day. It is the city

whose people formerly were the sovereigns of the world." And his eyes

were fixed on the King of Rome with paternal pride.

When M. Fontaine had left, the Emperor made me a sign to approach, and

began by pulling my ears, according to custom when in good humor. After

a few personal questions, he asked me what was my salary. "Sire, six

thousand francs."--"And Monsieur Colin, how much has he?"--"Twelve

thousand francs."--"Twelve thousand francs! that is not right; you should

not have less than M. Colin. I will attend to that." And his Majesty

was kind enough to make immediate inquiries, but was told that the

accounts for the year were made out; whereupon the Emperor informed me

that till the end of the year, M. le Baron Fain

[Born in Paris, 1778; attended Napoleon in his campaigns as

Secretary of the Records; wrote memoirs of the last three years of

Napoleon's reign; died 1837.]

would give me each month out of his privy purse five hundred francs, as

he wished that my salary should equal that of M. Colin.

CHAPTER XI.

After the Emperor left the army and committed, as we have seen, the

command to the King of Naples, his Sicilian Majesty also abandoned the

command intrusted to him, and set out for his states, leaving Prince

Eugene at the head of the forces. The Emperor was deeply interested in

the news he received from Posen, where the general headquarters were in

the latter part of February and beginning of March, and where the prince

vice-king had under his orders only the remains of different corps, some

of which were represented by a very small number of men.

Moreover, each time that the Russians appeared in force, there was

nothing to be done but to fall back; and each day during the month of

March the news became more and more depressing. The Emperor consequently

decided at the end of March to set out at an early day for the army.

For some time previous the Emperor, much impressed by Malet's conspiracy

during his last absence, had expressed the opinion that it was dangerous

to leave his government without a head; and the journals had been filled

with information relative to the ceremonies required when the regency of

the kingdom had been left in the hands of queens in times past. As the

public well knew the means frequently adopted by his Majesty to foster in

advance opinions favorable to any course of conduct he intended to

pursue, no one was surprised to see him before leaving confide the

regency to the Empress Marie Louise, circumstances not having yet

furnished him the opportunity of having her crowned, as he had long

desired. The Empress took the solemn oath at the palace of the Elysee,

in presence of the princes, great dignitaries, and ministers. The Duke

of Cadore was made secretary of the regency, as counselor to her Majesty

the Empress, together with the arch-chancellor; and the command of the

guard was confided to General Caffarelli.

The Emperor left Saint-Cloud on the 15th of April, at four o'clock in the

morning, and at midnight of the 16th entered Mayence. On his arrival his

Majesty learned that Erfurt and the whole of Westphalia were in a state

of the deepest alarm. This news added incredible speed to his march, and

in eight hours he was at Erfurt. His Majesty remained but a short while

in that town, as the information that he there received set his mind at

rest as to the result of the campaign. On leaving Erfurt the Emperor

wished to pass through Weimar in order to salute the grand duchess, and

made his visit on the same day and at the same hour that the Emperor

Alexander went from Dresden to Toeplitz in order to visit another Duchess

of Weimar (the hereditary princess, her sister).

The grand duchess received the Emperor with a grace which enchanted him,

and their conversation lasted nearly half an hour. On leaving, his

Majesty said to the Prince de Neuchatel, "That is an astonishing woman;

she has the intellect of a great man." The Duke accompanied the Emperor

as far as the borough of Eckhartsberg, where his Majesty detained him to

dine.

NOTE BY CONSTANT.--His Majesty's household, reorganized in part for this

campaign of 1813, was composed of the following persons:

Grand marshal of the palace, the Duke of Frioul.

Grand equerry, the Duke of Vicenza.

Aides-de-camp: Generals Mouton, Count de Lobau; Lebrun, Duke de

Plaisance; Generals Drouot, Flahaut, Dejean, Corbineau, Bernard,

Durosnel, and Aogendorp.

First ordinance officer, Colonel Gourgaud.

Ordinance officers: Baron de Mortemart, Baron Athalin, M. Beranger, M. de

Lauriston; Messieurs Barons Desaix, Laplace, and de Caraman; Messieurs de

Saint Marsan, de Lamezan, Pretet, and Pailhou; there was also M.

d'Aremberg, but at this time he was a prisoner in the town of Dantzic.

First chamberlain and master of the wardrobe, the Count of Turenne.

Prefect of the palace, Baron de Beausset.

Quartermaster of the palace, Baron de Canouville.

Equerries, Barons Van Lenneps, Montaran, and de Mesgrigny.

Private secretaries, Baron Mounier and Baron Fain.

Clerks, Messieurs Jouanne and Provost.

Secretary interpreters, Messieurs Lelorgue, Dideville, and Vouzowitch.

Director of the topographical bureau, Baron Bacler d'Albe.

Geographical engineers, Messieurs Lameau and Duvivier.

Pages, Messieurs Montarieu, Devienne, Sainte Perne, and Ferreri.

The Emperor had his headquarters on the square of Eckhartsberg. He had

only two rooms, and his suite slept on the landing and the steps of the

staircase. This little town, transformed in a few hours into

headquarters, presented a most extraordinary spectacle. On a square

surrounded by camps, bivouacs, and military parks, in the midst of more

than a thousand vehicles, which crossed each other from every direction,

mingled together, became entangled in every way, could be seen slowly

defiling regiments, convoys, artillery trains, baggage wagons, etc.

Following them came herds of cattle, preceded or divided by the little

carts of the canteen women and sutlers,--such light, frail vehicles that

the least jolt endangered them; with these were marauders returning with

their booty, peasants pulling vehicles by their own strength, cursing and

swearing amid the laughter of our soldiers; and couriers, ordinance

officers, and aides-de-camp, galloping through all this wonderfully

variegated and diversified multitude of men and beasts.

And when to this is added the neighing of horses, bellowing of cattle,

rumbling of wheels over the stones, cries of the soldiers, sounds from

trumpets, drums, fifes, and the complaints of the inhabitants, with

hundreds of persons all together asking questions at the same time,

speaking German to the Italians, and French to the Germans, how could it

be possible that his Majesty should be as tranquil and as much at his

ease in the midst of this fearful uproar as in his cabinet at Saint-Cloud

or the Tuileries? This was nevertheless the case; and the Emperor,

seated before a miserable table covered with a kind of cloth, a map

spread before him, compass and pen in hand, entirely given up to

meditation, showed not the least impatience; and it would have been said

that no exterior noise reached his ears. But let a cry of pain be heard

in any direction, the Emperor instantly raised his head, and gave orders

to go and ascertain what had happened.

The power of thus isolating one's self completely from all the

surrounding world is very difficult to acquire, and no one possessed it

to the same degree as his Majesty.

On the 1st of May the Emperor was at Lutzen, though the battle did not

occur till next day. On that day, at six o'clock in the evening, the

brave Marshal Bessieres, Duke of Istria, was killed by a cannon-ball,

just at the moment when, mounted on a height, wrapped in a long cloak

which he had put on in order not to be remarked, he had just given orders

for the burial of a sergeant of his escort, whom a ball had just slain a

few steps in front of him.

From the first campaigns in Italy the Duke of Istria had hardly left the

Emperor at all; had followed him in all his campaigns; had taken part in

all his battles, and was always distinguished for his well-proved

bravery, and a frankness and candor very rare among the high personages

by whom his Majesty was surrounded. He had passed through almost all

grades up to the command of the Imperial Guard; and his great experience,

excellent character, good heart, and unalterable attachment to the

Emperor, had rendered him very dear to his Majesty.

The Emperor was much moved on learning of the death of the marshal, and

remained some time silent with bent head, and eyes fastened on the

ground. At last he said, "He has died like Turenne; his fate is to be

envied." He then passed his hand over his eyes and withdrew.

The body of the marshal was embalmed and carried to Paris, and the

Emperor wrote the following letter to the Duchess of Istria:

"MY COUSIN,--

Your husband has died on the field of honor. The loss sustained by

you and your children is doubtless great, but mine is greater still.

The Duke of Istria has died a most glorious death, and without

suffering. He leaves a stainless reputation, the richest heritage

he could have left his children. My protection is assured, and they

will also inherit the affection I bore their father. Find in all

these considerations some source of consolation in your distress,

and never doubt my sentiments towards you.

This letter having no other object, I pray that God, my cousin, may

have you in his holy keeping.

"NAPOLEON."

The King of Saxony reared a monument to the Duke of Istria on the exact

spot where he fell. The victory so long disputed in this battle of

Lutzen was on that account only the more glorious for the Emperor, and

was gained principally by the young conscripts, who fought like lions.

Marshal Ney expected this of them; for before the battle he said to his

Majesty, "Sire, give me a good many of those young men, I will lead them

wherever I wish. The old bearded fellows know as much as we, they

reflect, they are too cold blooded; but these intrepid children know no

difficulties, they look straight before them, and neither to the right

nor left."

In fact, in the midst of the battle, the Prussians, commanded by the king

in person, attacked the corps of Marshal Ney with such fury that it fell

back, but the conscripts did not take flight. They withstood the fire,

rallied by platoons, and flanked the enemy, crying with all their might,

"Vive l'Empereur." The Emperor appeared; and recovering from the

terrible shock they had sustained, and electrified by the presence of

their hero, they attacked in their turn with incredible violence. His

Majesty was astonished. "In the twenty years," said he, "I have

commanded French armies I have never witnessed such remarkable bravery

and devotion."

It was indeed a touching sight to see those youthful soldiers, although

grievously wounded, some without an arm, some without a leg, with but a

few moments of life remaining, making a last effort, as the Emperor

approached, to rise from the ground, and shout with their latest breath,

"Vive l'Empereur." Tears fill my eyes as I think of those youths, so

brilliant, so strong, and so courageous.

The enemy displayed the same bravery and enthusiasm. The light infantry

of the Prussian guard were almost all young men who saw fire for the

first time; they exposed themselves to every hazard, and fell by hundreds

before they would recoil a step.

In no other battle, I think, was the Emperor so visibly protected by his

destiny. Balls whistled around his ears, carrying away as they passed

pieces of the trappings of his horse, shells and grenades rolled at his

feet, but nothing touched him. The soldiers observed this, and their

enthusiasm rose to the highest pitch.

At the beginning of the battle, the Emperor saw a battalion advancing

whose chief had been suspended from his office two or three days before

for some slight breach of discipline. The disgraced officer marched in

the second rank with his soldiers, by whom he was adored. The Emperor

saw him, and halting the battalion, took the officer by the hand, and

placed him again at the head of his troop. The effect produced by this

scene was indescribable.

On the 8th of May, at seven o'clock in the evening, the Emperor entered

Dresden, and took possession of the palace, which the Emperor of Russia

and King of Prussia had quitted that very evening. A short distance from

the barriers the Emperor was saluted by a deputation from the

municipality of that town.

"You deserve," said he to these deputies, "that I should treat you

as a conquered country. I know all that you have done while the

allies occupied your town; I have a statement of the number of

volunteers whom you have clothed, equipped, and armed against me,

with a generosity which has astonished even the enemy. I know the

insults you have heaped on France, and how many shameless libels you

have to suppress or to burn today. I am fully aware with what

transports of joy you received the Emperor of Russia and the King of

Prussia within your walls. Your houses are still decorated with the

garlands, and we still see lying on the earth the flowers which the

young girls scattered in their path. Nevertheless, I am willing to

pardon everything. Thank your king for this; it is he who saves

you, and I pardon you only from love of him. Send a deputation to

entreat him to return to you. My aide-de-camp, General Durosnel,

will be your governor. Your good king himself could not make a

better selection."

As soon as he entered the city the Emperor was informed that a part of

the Russian rear-guard sought to hold its ground in the new town,

separated from the old by the river Elbe, and had fallen into the power

of our army.

His Majesty immediately ordered that everything should be done in order

to drive out this remnant of the enemy; and during an entire day there

was a continued cannonading and shooting in the town from one bank to the

other. Bullets and shell fell like hail on the spot occupied by the

Emperor. A shell struck the walls of a powder-magazine not far from him,

and scattered the pieces around his head, but fortunately the powder did

not ignite. A few moments after another shell fell between his Majesty

and several Italians; they bent to avoid the explosion. The Emperor saw

this movement, and laughingly said to them, "Ah, coglioni! non fa male."

["Ah, scamps! don't behave badly."]

On the 11th of May, in the morning, the Russians were put to flight and

pursued, the French army entering the city from all sides. The Emperor

remained on the bridge the whole day, watching his troops as they filed

in. The next day at ten o'clock the Imperial Guard under arms were

placed in line of battle on the road from Pirna to Gross Garten. The

Emperor reviewed it, and ordered General Flahaut to advance.

The King of Saxony arrived about noon. On meeting again, the two

sovereigns alighted from their horses and embraced each other, and then

entered Dresden amid general acclamations.

General Flahaut, who had gone to meet the King of Saxony with a part of

the imperial Guard, received from this good king the most flattering

testimonials of appreciation and gratitude. It is impossible to show

more cordiality and friendliness than the King of Saxony displayed. The

Emperor said of him and his family that they were a patriarchal family,

and that all who comprised it joined to striking virtues an expansive

kindness of manner which made them adored by their subjects. His Majesty

paid this royal personage the most affectionate attentions, and as long

as the war lasted sent couriers each day to keep the king informed of the

least circumstance: He came himself as often as possible, and, in fact,

constantly treated him with that cordiality he so well knew how to

display and to render irresistible when he chose.

A few days after his arrival at Dresden his Majesty held a long

conversation with the King of Saxony, in which the Emperor Alexander was

the principal subject of conversation.

The characteristics and faults of this prince were fully analyzed; and

the conclusion drawn from this conversation was that the Emperor

Alexander had been sincere in the interview at Erfurt, and that it must

have been very complicated intrigues which had thus led to the rupture of

all their treaties of friendship. "Sovereigns are most unfortunate,"

said his Majesty; "always deceived, always surrounded by flatterers or

treacherous counselors, whose greatest desire is to prevent the truth

from reaching the ears of their masters, who have so much interest in

knowing it."

The two sovereigns next spoke of the Emperor of Austria. His Majesty

appeared profoundly grieved that his union with the Archduchess Marie

Louise, whom he did all in his power to render the happiest of women,

should have failed in producing the result he had anticipated, of

obtaining for him the confidence and friendship of her father. "It is

perhaps because I was not born a sovereign," said the Emperor; "and

nevertheless, I should think that this would be an additional inducement

to the friendship of my father-in-law. I shall never be convinced that

such ties are not strong enough to obtain the alliance of the Emperor of

Austria; for, in fact, I am his son-in-law, my son is his grandson, he

loves his daughter, and she is happy; how, then, can he be my enemy?"

On learning of the victory of Lutzen, and the entrance of the Emperor into

Dresden, the Emperor of Austria hastened to send M. de Bubna to his

son-in-law. He arrived on the evening of the 16th; and the interview,

which his Majesty immediately granted, lasted until two hours after

midnight. This led us to hope that peace was about to be concluded, and

we consequently formed a thousand conjectures, each more encouraging

than the other; but when two or three days had passed away, and we still

witnessed only preparations for war, we saw that our hopes were cruelly

deceived. Then it was I heard the unfortunate Marshal Duroc exclaim,

"This is lasting too long! We will none of us outlive it!" He had a

presentiment of his own death.