The First Consul, as soon as he had finished this plan of a decree,

convoked a Grand Council to submit it to their consideration. I was in

an adjoining room to that in which they met, and as the deliberations

were carried on with great warmth, the members talking very loudly,

sometimes even vociferating, I heard all that passed. The revolutionary

party rejected all propositions of restitution. They were willing to

call back their victims, but they would not part with the spoil.

When the First Consul returned to his cabinet, dissatisfied with the ill

success of his project, I took the liberty of saying to him, "you cannot

but perceive, General, that your object has been defeated, and your

project unsuccessful. The refusal to restore to the emigrants all that

the State possesses takes from the recall all its generosity and dignity

of character. I wonder how you could yield to such an unreasonable and

selfish opposition."--"The revolutionary party," replied he, "had the

majority in the Council. What could I do? Am I strong enough to

overcome all those obstacles?"--"General, you can revive the question

again, and oppose the party you speak of."--"That would be difficult," he

said; "they still have a high hand in these matters. Time is required.

However, nothing is definitively arranged. We shall see what can be

done." The 'Senatus-consulte', published on the 6th Floreal, year X.

(26th of April 1802), a fortnight after the above conversation took

place, is well known. Bonaparte was then obliged to yield to the

revolutionary party, or he would have adhered to his first proposition.

--[The Senatus-consulte retained the woods and forests of the

emigrants, and made their recall an "amnesty." In the end this

retention of the forests was used by Napoleon with great dexterity

as a means of placing them under personal obligation to him for

restoring this species of property. See Thiers tome iii, p. 458,

livre xiv.]--

Napoleon referred to this matter at St. Helena. He himself says that he

"would have been able" (he should have said that he wished) to grant

everything, that for a moment he thought of doing so, and that it was a

mistake not to do so. "This limitation on my part," he adds, "destroyed

all the good effect of the return of the emigrants. The mistake was the

greater since I thought of doing it, but I was alone, surrounded by

oppositions and by spies: all were against your party, you cannot easily

picture the matter to yourself, but important affairs hurried me, time

pressed, and I was obliged to act differently." Afterwards he speaks of

a syndicate he wished to form, but I have never heard a word of that. I

have said how things really happened, and what has been just read

confirms this.

--[This was by no means the only time that Napoleon's wishes were

opposed successfully in his Council of State. On such occasions he

used to describe himself as "repulsed with losses." See the

interesting work of St. Hilaire, Napoleon au Conseil d'Etat.]--

The Royalists, dissatisfied with the state of political affairs, were not

better pleased with the illiberal conditions of the recall of the

emigrants. The friends of public liberty, on the other hand, were far

from being satisfied with the other acts of the First Consul, or with the

conduct of the different public authorities, who were always ready to

make concessions to him. Thus all parties were dissatisfied.

Bonaparte was much pleased with General Sebastiani's conduct when he was

sent to Constantinople, after the peace of Amiens, to induce the Grand

Seignior to renew amicable relations with France.

At the period here alluded to, namely, before the news of the evacuation

of Egypt, that country greatly occupied Bonaparte's attention. He

thought that to send a man like Sebastiani travelling through Northern

Africa, Egypt, and Syria might inspire the sovereigns of those countries

with a more favourable idea of France than they now entertained, and

might remove the ill impressions which England was endeavouring to

produce. On this mission Sebastiani was accordingly despatched. He

visited all the Barbary States, Egypt, Palestine, and the Ionian Isles.

Everywhere he drew a highly-coloured picture of the power of Bonaparte,

and depreciated the glory of England.

--[This General, or Count Sebastian, was afterwards ambassador for

Louis Philippe at our Court.]--

He strengthened old connections, and contracted new ones with the chiefs

of each country. He declared to the authorities of the Ionian Isles that

they might rely on the powerful protection of France. Bonaparte, in my

opinion, expected too much from the labours of a single individual

furnished with but vague instructions. Still Sebastiani did all that

could be done. The interesting details of his proceedings were published

in the 'Moniteur'. The secret information respecting the means of

successfully attacking the English establishments in India was very

curious, though not affording the hope of speedy success.

The published abstract of General Sebastiani's report was full of

expressions hostile to England. Among other things it was stated that

Egypt might be conquered with 6000 men, and that the Ionian Isles where

disposed to throw off the yoke. There can be little doubt that this

publication hastened the rupture of the treaty of Amiens.

England suspended all discussions respecting Malta, and declared that she

would not resume them till the King of Great Britain should receive

satisfaction for what was called an act of hostility. This was always

put forward as a justification, good or bad, for breaking the treaty of

Amiens, which England had never shown herself very ready to execute.

Bonaparte, waiving the usual forma of etiquette, expressed his wish to

have a private conference with Lord Whitworth, the ambassador from London

to Paris, and who had been the English ambassador at St. Petersburg

previous to the rupture which preceded the death of Paul I. Bonaparte

counted much on the effect he might produce by that captivating manner

which he so well knew how to assume in conversation; but all was in vain.

In signing the treaty of Amiens the British Minister was well aware that

he would be the first to break it.

About the commencement of the year 1802 Napoleon began to feel acute

pains in his right side. I have often seen him at Malmaison, when

sitting up at night, lean against the right arm of his chair, and

unbuttoning his coat and waistcoat exclaim,--"What pain I feel!" I would

then accompany him to his bedchamber, and have often been obliged to

support him on the little staircase which led from his cabinet to the

corridor. He frequently used to say at this time, "I fear that when I am

forty I shall become a great eater: I have a foreboding that I shall grow

very corpulent." This fear of obesity, though it annoyed him very much,

did not appear to have the least foundation, judging from his habitual

temperance and spare habit of body. He asked me who was my physician.

I told him M. Corvisart, whom his brother Louis had recommended to me.

A few days after he called in Corvisart, who three years later was

appointed first physician to the Emperor. He appeared to derive much

benefit from the prescriptions of Corvisart, whose open and good-humoured

countenance at once made a favourable impression on him.

The pain which the First Consul felt at this time increased his

irritability. Perhaps many of the sets of this epoch of his life should

be attributed to this illness. At the time in question his ideas were

not the same in the evening as they had been in the morning; and often in

the morning he would tear up, even without the least remark, notes he had

dictated to me at night and which he had considered excellent. At other

times I took on myself not to send to the Moniteur, as he wished me to

do, notes which, dictated by annoyance and irascibility, might have

produced a bad effect in Europe. When the next day he did not see the

article, I attributed this to the note being too late, or to the late

arrival of the courier. But I told him it was no loss, for it would be

inserted the next day. He did not answer at once, but a quarter of an

hour afterwards he said to me, "Do not send my note to the 'Moniteur'

without showing it to me." He took it and reread it. Sometimes he was

astonished at what he had dictated to me, and amused himself by saying

that I had not understood him properly. "That is not much good, is it?

"--"`Pon my word, I don't quite know."--"Oh no, it is worthless; what say

you?" Then he bowed his head a little, and tore up the paper. Once when

we were at the Tuileries he sent me at two o'clock in the morning a small

note in his own writing, in which was, "To Bourrienne. Write to Maret to

make him erase from the note which Fleurieu has read to the Tribunate the

phrase (spelt frase) concerning Costaz, and to soften as much as possible

what concerns the reporter of the Tribunate."

This change, after time for reflection, arose, as often happened with

him, from observations I had made to him, and which he had at first

angrily repulsed.

After the peace of Amiens the First Consul, wishing to send an ambassador

to England, cast his eyes--for what reason I know not--on General

Andreossi. I took the liberty of making some observation on a choice

which did not appear to me to correspond with the importance of the

mission. Bonaparte replied, "I have not determined on it; I will talk to

Talleyrand on the subject." When we were at Malmaison in the evening

M. de Talleyrand came to transact business with the First Consul. The

proposed appointment of an ambassador to England was mentioned. After

several persons had been named the First Consul said, "I believe I must

send Andreossi." M. de Talleyrand, who was not much pleased with the

choice, observed in a dry sarcastic tone, "You must send Andre 'aussi', I

Pray, who is this Andre?"--"I did not mention any Andre; I said

Andreossi. You know Andreossi, the general of artillery?"--"Ah! true;

Andreossi: I did not think of him: I was thinking only of the diplomatic

men, and did not recollect any of that name. Yes, yes; Andreossi is in

the artillery!" The general was appointed ambassador, and went to London

after the treaty of Amiens; but he returned again in a few months. He

had nothing of consequence to do, which was very lucky for him.

In 1802 Jerome was at Brest in the rank of 'enseigne de vaisseau'--[A

rank in the navy equivalent to that of our lieutenant.]--He launched

into expenses far beyond what his fortune or his pay could maintain. He

often drew upon me for sums of money which the First Consul paid with

much unwillingness. One of his letters in particular excited Napoleon's

anger. The epistle was filled with accounts of the entertainments Jerome

was giving and receiving, and ended by stating that he should draw on me

for 17,000 francs. To this Bonaparte wrote the following reply:--

I have read your letter, Monsieur l'Enseigne de Vaisseau; and I am

waiting to hear that you are studying on board your corvette a

profession which you ought to consider as your road to glory. Die

young, and I shall have some consolatory reflection; but if you live

to sixty without having served your country, and without leaving

behind you any honourable recollections, you had better not have

lived at all.

Jerome never fulfilled the wishes of his brother, who always called him a

little profligate. From his earliest years his conduct was often a

source of vexation to his brother and his family. Westphalia will not

soon forget that he was her King; and his subjects did not without reason

surname him "Heliogabalus in miniature."

The First Consul was harassed by the continual demands for money made on

him by his brothers. To get rid of Joseph, who expended large sums at

Mortfontaine, as Lucien did at Neuilly, he gave M. Collot the contract

for victualling the navy, on the condition of his paying Joseph 1,600,000

francs a year out of his profits. I believe this arrangement answered

Joseph's purpose very well; but it was anything but advantageous to M.

Collot. I think a whole year elapsed without his pocketing a single

farthing. He obtained an audience of the First Consul, to whom he stated

his grievances. His outlays he showed were enormous, and he could get no

payment from the navy office. Upon which the Consul angrily interrupted

him, saying, "Do you think I am a mere capuchin? Decres must have

100,000 crowns, Duroc 100,000, Bourrienne 100,000; you must make the

payments, and don't come here troubling me with your long stories. It is

the business of my Ministers to give me accounts of such matters; I will

hear Decres, and that's enough. Let me be teased no longer with these

complaints; I cannot attend to them." Bonaparte then very

unceremoniously dismissed M. Collot. I learned afterwards that he did

not get a settlement of the business until after a great deal of trouble.

M. Collot once said to me, "If he had asked me for as much money as would

have built a frigate he should have had it. All I want now is to be

paid, and to get rid of the business." M. Collot had reason and honour

on his side; but there was nothing but shuffling on the other.

CHAPTER IX.

1802.

Proverbial falsehood of bulletins--M. Doublet--Creation of the

Legion of Honour--Opposition to it in the Council and other

authorities of the State--The partisans of an hereditary system--

The question of the Consulship for life.

The historian of these times ought to put no faith in the bulletins,

despatches, notes, and proclamations which have emanated from Bonaparte,

or passed through his hands. For my part, I believe that the proverb,

"As great a liar as a bulletin," has as much truth in it as the axiom,

two and two make four.

The bulletins always announced what Bonaparte wished to be believed true;

but to form a proper judgment on any fact, counter-bulletins must be

sought for and consulted. It is well known, too, that Bonaparte attached

great importance to the place whence he dated his bulletins; thus, he

dated his decrees respecting the theatres and Hamburg beef at Moscow.

The official documents were almost always incorrect. There was falsity

in the exaggerated descriptions of his victories, and falsity again in

the suppression or palliation of his reverses and losses. A writer, if

he took his materials from the bulletins and the official correspondence

of the time, would compose a romance rather than a true history. Of this

many proofs have been given in the present work.

Another thing which always appeared to me very remarkable was, that

Bonaparte, notwithstanding his incontestable superiority, studied to

depreciate the reputations of his military commanders, and to throw on

their shoulders faults which he had committed himself. It is notorious

that complaints and remonstrances, as energetic as they were well

founded, were frequently addressed to General Bonaparte on the subject of

his unjust and partial bulletins, which often attributed the success of a

day to some one who had very little to do with it, and made no mention of

the officer who actually had the command. The complaints made by the

officers and soldiers stationed at Damietta compelled General Lanusse,

the commander, to remonstrate against the alteration of a bulletin, by

which an engagement with a body of Arabs was represented as an

insignificant affair, and the loss trifling, though the General had

stated the action to be one of importance, and the loss considerable.

The misstatement, in consequence of his spirited and energetic

remonstrances, was corrected.

Bonaparte took Malta, as is well known, in forty-eight hours. The empire

of the Mediterranean, secured to the English by the battle of Aboukir,

and their numerous cruising vessels, gave them the means of starving the

garrison, and of thus forcing General Vaubois, the commandant of Malta,

who was cut off from all communication with France, to capitulate.

Accordingly on the 4th of September 1800 he yielded up the Gibraltar of

the Mediterranean, after a noble defence of two years. These facts

require to be stated in order the better to understand what follows.

On 22d February 1802 a person of the name of Doublet, who was the

commissary of the French Government at Malta when we possessed that

island, called upon me at the Tuileries. He complained bitterly that the

letter which he had written from Malta to the First Consul on the 2d

Ventose, year VIII. (9th February 1800), had been altered in the

'Moniteur'. "I congratulated him," said M. Doublet, "on the 18th

Brumaire, and informed him of the state of Malta, which was very

alarming. Quite the contrary was printed in the 'Moniteur', and that is

what I complain of. It placed me in a very disagreeable situation at

Malta, where I was accused of having concealed the real situation of the

island, in which I was discharging a public function that gave weight to

my words." I observed to him that as I was not the editor of the

'Moniteur' it was of no use to apply to me; but I told him to give me a

copy of the letter, and I would mention the subject to the First Consul,

and communicate the answer to him. Doublet searched his pocket for the

letter, but could not find it. He said he would send a copy, and begged

me to discover how the error originated. On the same day he sent me the

copy of the letter, in which, after congratulating Bonaparte on his

return, the following passage occurs:--"Hasten to save Malta with men and

provisions: no time is to be lost." For this passage these words were

substituted in the 'Moniteur': "His name inspires the brave defenders of

Malta with fresh courage; we have men and provisions."

Ignorant of the motives of so strange a perversion, I showed this letter

to the First Consul. He shrugged up his shoulders and said, laughing,

"Take no notice of him, he is a fool; give yourself no further trouble

about it."

It was clear there was nothing more to be done. It was, however, in

despite of me that M. Doublet was played this ill turn. I represented to

the First Consul the inconveniences which M. Doublet might experience

from this affair. But I very rarely saw letters or reports published as

they were received. I can easily understand how particular motives might

be alleged in order to justify such falsifications; for, when the path of

candour and good faith is departed from, any pretest is put forward to

excuse bad conduct. What sort of a history would he write who should

consult only the pages of the 'Moniteur'?

After the vote for adding a second ten years to the duration of

Bonaparte's Consulship he created, on the 19th of May, the order of the

Legion of Honour. This institution was soon followed by that of the new

nobility. Thus, in a short space of time, the Concordat to tranquillize

consciences and re-establish harmony in the Church; the decree to recall

the emigrants; the continuance of the Consular power for ten years, by

way of preparation for the Consulship for life, and the possession of the

Empire; and the creation, in a country which had abolished all

distinctions, of an order which was to engender prodigies, followed

closely on the heels of each other. The Bourbons, in reviving the

abolished orders, were wise enough to preserve along with them the Legion

of Honour.

It has already been seen how, in certain circumstances, the First Consul

always escaped from the consequences of his own precipitation, and got

rid of his blunders by throwing the blame on others--as, for example, in

the affair of the parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte. He

was indeed so precipitate that one might say, had he been a gardener, he

would have wished to see the fruits ripen before the blossoms had fallen

off. This inconsiderate haste nearly proved fatal to the creation of the

Legion of Honour, a project which ripened in his mind as soon as he

beheld the orders glittering at the button-holes of the Foreign

Ministers. He would frequently exclaim, "This is well! These are the

things for the people!"

I was, I must confess, a decided partisan of the foundation in France of

a new chivalric order, because I think, in every well-conducted State,

the chief of the Government ought to do all in his power to stimulate the

honour of the citizens, and to render them more sensible to honorary

distinctions than to pecuniary advantages. I tried, however, at the same

time to warn the First Consul of his precipitancy. He heard me not; but

I must with equal frankness confess that on this occasion I was soon

freed from all apprehension with respect to the consequences of the

difficulties he had to encounter in the Council and in the other

constituted orders of the State.

On the 4th of May 1801 he brought forward, for the first time

officially, in the Council of State the question of the establishment of

the Legion of Honour, which on the 19th May 1802 was proclaimed a law of

the State. The opposition to this measure was very great, and all the

power of the First Consul, the force of his arguments, and the immense

influence of his position, could procure him no more than 14 votes out of

24. The same feeling was displayed at the Tribunate; where the measure

only passed by a vote of 56 to 38. The balance was about the same in the

Legislative Body, where the votes were 166 to 110. It follows, then,

that out of the 394 voters in those three separate bodies a majority only

of 78 was obtained. Surprised at so feeble a majority, the First Consul

said in the evening, "Ah! I see very clearly the prejudices are still

too strong. You were right; I should have waited. It was not a thing of

such urgency. But then, it must be owned, the speakers for the measure

defended it badly. The strong minority has not judged me fairly."--

"Be calm," rejoined I: "without doubt it would have been better to wait;

but the thing is done, and you will soon find that the taste for these

distinctions is not near gone by. It is a taste which helongs to the

nature of man. You may expect some extraordinary circumstances from this

creation--you will soon see them."

In April 1802 the First Consul left no stone unturned to get himself

declared Consul for life. It is perhaps at this epoch of his career that

he most brought into play those principles of duplicity and dissimulation

which are commonly called Machiavellian. Never were trickery, falsehood,

cunning, and affected moderation put into play with more talent or

success.

In the month of March hereditary succession and a dynasty were in

everybody's mouths. Lucien was the most violent propagator of these

ideas, and he pursued his vocation of apostle with constancy and address.

It has already been mentioned that, by his brother's confession; he

published in 1800 a pamphlet enforcing the same ideas; which work

Bonaparte afterwards condemned as a premature development of his

projects. M. de Talleyrand, whose ideas could not be otherwise than

favourable to the monarchical form of government, was ready to enter into

explanations with the Cabinets of Europe on the subject. The words which

now constantly resounded in every ear were "stability and order," under

cloak of which the downfall of the people's right was to be concealed.

At the same time Bonaparte, with the view of disparaging the real friends

of constitutional liberty, always called them ideologues,

--[I have classed all these people under the denomination of

Ideologues, which, besides, is what specially and literally fits

them,--searchers after ideas (ideas generally empty). They have

been made more ridiculous than even I expected by this application,

a correct one, of the term ideologue to them. The phrase has been

successful, I believe, because it was mine (Napoleon in Iung's

Lucien, tome ii. p, 293). Napoleon welcomed every attack on this

description of sage. Much pleased with a discourse by Royer

Collard, he said to Talleyrand, "Do you know, Monsieur is Grand

Electeur, that a new and serious philosophy is rising in my

university, which may do us great honour and disembarrass us

completely of the ideologues, slaying them on the spot by

reasoning?" It is with something of the same satisfaction that

Renan, writing of 1898, says that the finer dreams had been

disastrous when brought into the domain of facts, and that human

concerns only began to improve when the ideologues ceased to meddle

with them (Souvenirs, p. 122).]--

or terrorists. Madame Bonaparte opposed with fortitude the influence of

counsels which she believed fatal to her husband. He indeed spoke

rarely, and seldom confidentially, with her on politics or public

affairs. "Mind your distaff or your needle," was with him a common

phrase. The individuals who applied themselves with most perseverance in

support of the hereditary question were Lucien, Roederer, Regnault de St.

Jean d'Angely, and Fontanel. Their efforts were aided by the conclusion

of peace with England, which, by re-establishing general tranquillity for

a time, afforded the First Consul an opportunity of forwarding any plan.

While the First Consul aspired to the throne of France, his brothers,

especially Lucien, affected a ridiculous pride and pretension. Take an

almost incredible example of which I was witness. On Sunday, the 9th of

May, Lucien came to see Madame Bonaparte, who said to him, "Why did you

not come to dinner last Monday?"--"Because there was no place marked for

me: the brothers of Napoleon ought to have the first place after him."--

"What am I to understand by that?" answered Madame Bonaparte. "If you

are the brother of Bonaparte, recollect what you were. At my house all

places are the same. Eugene world never have committed such a folly."

--[On such points there was constant trouble with the Bonapartist

family, as will be seen in Madame de Remusat's Memoirs. For an

instance, in 1812, where Joseph insisted on his mother taking

precedence of Josephine at a dinner in his house, when Napoleon

settled the matter by seizing Josephine's arm and leading her in

first, to the consternation of the party. But Napoleon, right in

this case, had his own ideas on such points, The place of the

Princess Elisa, the eldest of his sisters, had been put below that

of Caroline, Queen of Naples. Elisa was then only princess of

Lucca. The Emperor suddenly rose, and by a shift to the right

placed the Princess Elisa above the Queen. 'Now,' said he, 'do not

forget that in the imperial family I am the only King.' (Iung's

Lucien, tome ii. p. 251), This rule he seems to have adhered to,

for when he and his brothers went in the same carriage to the Champ

de Mai in 1815, Jerome, titular King of Westphalia, had to take the

front seat, while his elder brother, Lucien, only bearing the Roman

title of Prince de Canino, sat on one of the seats of honour

alongside Napoleon. Jerome was disgusted, and grumbled at a King

having to give way to a mere Roman Prince, See Iung's Lucien, tome

ii. p, 190.]--

At this period, when the Consulate for life was only in embryo,

flattering counsels poured in from all quarters, and tended to encourage

the First Consul in his design of grasping at absolute power.

Liberty rejected an unlimited power, and set bounds to the means he

wished and had to employ in order to gratify his excessive love of war

and conquest. "The present state of things, this Consulate of ten

years," said he to me, does not satisfy me; "I consider it calculated to

excite unceasing troubles." On the 7th of July 1801, he observed, "The

question whether France will be a Republic is still doubtful: it will be

decided in five or six years." It was clear that he thought this too

long a term. Whether he regarded France as his property, or considered

himself as the people's delegate and the defender of their rights, I am

convinced the First Consul wished the welfare of France; but then that

welfare was in his mind inseparable from absolute power. It was with

pain I saw him following this course. The friends of liberty, those who

sincerely wished to maintain a Government constitutionally free, allowed

themselves to be prevailed upon to consent to an extension of ten years

of power beyond the ten years originally granted by the constitution.

They made this sacrifice to glory and to that power which was its

consequence; and they were far from thinking they were lending their

support to shameless intrigues. They were firm, but for the moment only,

and the nomination for life was rejected by the Senate, who voted only

ten years more power to Bonaparte, who saw the vision of his ambition

again adjourned.

The First Consul dissembled his displeasure with that profound art which,

when he could not do otherwise, he exercised to an extreme degree. To a

message of the Senate on the subject of that nomination he returned a

calm but evasive and equivocating answer, in which, nourishing his

favourite hope of obtaining more from the people than from the Senate,

he declared with hypocritical humility, "That he would submit to this new

sacrifice if the wish of the people demanded what the Senate authorised."

Such was the homage he paid to the sovereignty of the people, which was

soon to be trampled under his feet!

An extraordinary convocation of the Council of State took place on

Monday, the 10th of May. A communication was made to them, not merely of

the Senate's consultation, but also of the First Consul's adroit and

insidious reply. The Council regarded the first merely as a

notification, and proceeded to consider on what question the people

should be consulted. Not satisfied with granting to the First Consul ten

years of prerogative, the Council thought it best to strike the iron

while it was hot, and not to stop short in the middle of so pleasing a

work. In fine, they decided that the following question should be put to

the people: "Shall the First Consul be appointed for life, and shall he

have the power of nominating his successor?" The reports of the police

had besides much influence on the result of this discussion, for they one

and all declared that the whole of Paris demanded a Consul for life, with

the right of naming a successor. The decisions on these two questions

were carried as it were by storm. The appointment for life passed

unanimously, and the right of naming the successor by a majority. The

First Consul, however, formally declared that he condemned this second

measure, which had not originated with himself. On receiving the

decision of the Council of State the First Consul, to mask his plan for

attaining absolute power, thought it advisable to appear to reject a part

of what was offered him. He therefore cancelled that clause which

proposed to give him the power of appointing a successor, and which had

been carried by a small majority.

CHAPTER X.

1802.

General Bernadotte pacifies La vendee and suppresses a mutiny at

Tours--Bonaparte's injustice towards him--A premeditated scene--

Advice given to Bernadotte, and Bonaparte disappointed--The First

Consul's residence at St. Cloud--His rehearsals for the Empire--

His contempt of mankind--Mr. Fox and Bonaparte--Information of plans

of assassination--A military dinner given by Bonaparte--Moreau not

of the party--Effect of the 'Senates-consultes' on the Consulate for

life--Journey to Plombieres--Previous scene between Lucien and

Josephine--Theatrical representations at Neuilly and Malmaison--

Loss of a watch, and honesty rewarded--Canova at St. Cloud--

Bonaparte's reluctance to stand for a model.

Having arrived at nearly the middle of the career which I have undertaken

to trace, before I advance farther I must go back for a few moments, as I

have already frequently done, in order to introduce some circumstances

which escaped my recollection, or which I purposely reserved, that I

might place them amongst facts analogous to them: Thus, for instance, I

have only referred in passing to a man who, since become a monarch, has

not ceased to honour me with his friendship, as will be seen in the

course of my Memoirs, since the part we have seen him play in the events

of the 18th Brumaire. This man, whom the inexplicable combination of

events has raised to a throne for the happiness of the people he is

called to govern, is Bernadotte.

It was evident that hernadotte must necessarily fall into a kind of

disgrace for not having supported Bonaparte's projects at the period of

the overthrow of the Directory. The First Consul, however, did not dare

to avenge himself openly; but he watched for every opportunity to remove

Bernadotte from his presence, to place him in difficult situations, and

to entrust him with missions for which no precise instructions were

given, in the hope that hernadotte would commit faults for which the

First Consul might make him wholly responsible.

At the commencement of the Consulate the deplorable war in La Vendee

raged in all its intensity. The organization of the Chouans was

complete, and this civil war caused Bonaparte much more uneasiness than

that which he was obliged to conduct on the Rhine and in Italy, because,

from the success of the Vendeans might arise a question respecting

internal government, the solution of which was likely to be contrary to

Bonaparte's views. The slightest success of the Vendeans spread alarm

amongst the holders of national property; and, besides, there was no hope

of reconciliation between France and England, her eternal and implacable

enemy, as long as the flame of insurrection remained unextinguished.

The task of terminating this unhappy struggle was obviously a difficult

one. Bonaparte therefore resolved to impose it on Bernadotte; but this

general's conciliatory disposition, his chivalrous manners, his tendency

to indulgence, and a happy mixture of prudence and firmness, made him

succeed where others would have failed. He finally established good

order and submission to the laws.

Some time after the pacification of La Vendee a rebellious disposition

manifested itself at Tours amongst the soldiers of a regiment stationed

there. The men refused to march until they received their arrears of

pay. Bernadotte, as commander-in-chief of the army of the west, without

being alarmed at the disturbance, ordered the fifty-second demi-brigade--

the one in question--to be drawn up in the square of Tours, where, at the

very head of the corps, the leaders of the mutiny were by his orders

arrested without any resistance being offered. Carnot who was then

Minister of War, made a report to the First Consul on this affair, which,

but for the firmness of Bernadotte, might have been attended with

disagreeable results. Carnet's report contained a plain statement of the

facts, and of General Bernadotte's conduct. Bonaparte was, however,

desirous to find in it some pretext for blaming him, and made me write

these words on the margin of the report: "General Bernadotte did not act

discreetly in adopting such severe measures against the fifty-second

demi-brigade, he not having the means, if he had been unsuccessful, of

re-establishing order in a town the garrison of which was not strong

enough to subdue the mutineers."

A few days after, the First Consul having learned that the result of this

affair was quite different from that which he affected to dread, and

being convinced that by Bernadotte's firmness alone order had been

restored, he found himself in some measure constrained to write to the

General, and he dictated the following letter to me:

PARIS, 11th Vendemiaire. Year XI.

CITIZEN-GENERAL--I have read with interest the account of what you

did to re-establish order in the fifty-second demi-brigade, and

also the report of General Liebert, dated the 5th Vendemiaire.

Tell that officer that the Government is satisfied with his conduct.

His promotion from the rank of Colonel to that of General of brigade

is confirmed. I wish that brave officer to come to Paris. He has

afforded an example of firmness and energy which does honour to a

soldier.

(Signed) BONAPARTE.

Thus in the same affair Bonaparte, in a few days, from the spontaneous

expression of blame dictated by hate, was reduced to the necessity of

declaring his approbation, which he did, as may be seen, with studied

coldness, and even taking pains to make his praises apply to Colonel

Liebert, and not to the general-in-chief.

Time only served to augment Bonaparte's dislike of Bernadotte. It might

be said that the farther he advanced in his rapid march towards absolute

power the more animosity he cherished against the individual who had

refused to aid his first steps in his adventurous career. At the same

time the persons about Bonaparte who practised the art of flattering

failed not to multiply reports and insinuations against Bernadotte.

I recollect one day, when there was to be a grand public levee, seeing

Bonaparte so much out of temper that I asked him the cause of it. "I can

bear it no longer," he replied impetuously. "I have resolved to have a

scene with Bernadotte to-day. He will probably be here. I will open the

fire, let what will come of it. He may do what he pleases. We shall

see! It is time there should be an end of this."

I had never before observed the First Consul so violently irritated.

He was in a terrible passion, and I dreaded the moment when the levee was

to open. When he left me to go down to the salon I availed myself of the

opportunity to get there before him, which I could easily do, as the

salon was not twenty steps from the cabinet. By good luck Bernadotte was

the first person I saw. He was standing in the recess of a window which

looked on the square of the Carrousel. To cross the salon and reach the

General was the work of a moment. "General!" said I, "trust me and

retire!--I have good reasons for advising it!" Bernadotte, seeing my

extreme anxiety, and aware of the sincere sentiments of esteem end

friendship which I entertained for him, consented to retire, and I

regarded this as a triumph; for, knowing Bernadotte's frankness of

character and his nice sense of honour, I was quite certain that he would

not submit to the harsh observations which Bonaparte intended to address

to him. My stratagem had all the success I could desire. The First

Consul suspected nothing, and remarked only one thing, which was that his

victim was absent. When the levee was over he said to me, "What do you

think of it, Bourrienne?---Bernadotte did not come."--"So much the better

for him, General," was my reply. Nothing further happened. The First

Consul on returning from Josephine found me in the cabinet, and

consequently could suspect nothing, and my communication with Bernadotte

did not occupy five minutes. Bernadotte always expressed himself much

gratified with the proof of friendship I gave him at this delicate

conjuncture. The fact is, that from a disposition of my mind, which I

could not myself account for, the more Bonaparte'a unjust hatred of

Bernadotte increased the more sympathy and admiration I felt for the

noble character of the latter.

The event in question occurred in the spring of 1802. It was at this

period that Bonaparte first occupied St. Cloud, which he was much pleased

with, because he found himself more at liberty there than at the

Tuileries; which palace is really only a prison for royalty, as there a

sovereign cannot even take the air at a window without immediately being

the object of the curiosity of the public, who collect in large crowds.

At St. Cloud, on the contrary, Bonaparte could walk out from his cabinet

and prolong his promenade without being annoyed by petitioners. One of

his first steps was to repair the cross road leading from St. Cloud to

Malmaison, between which places Bonaparte rode in a quarter of an hour.

This proximity to the country, which he liked, made staying at St. Cloud

yet pleasanter to him. It was at St. Cloud that the First Consul made,

if I may so express it, his first rehearsals of the grand drama of the

Empire. It was there he began to introduce, in external forms, the

habits and etiquette which brought to mind the ceremonies of sovereignty.

He soon perceived the influence which pomp of ceremony, brilliancy of

appearance, and richness of costume, exercise over the mass of mankind.

"Men," he remarked to me a this period, "well deserve the contempt I feel

for them. I have only to put some gold lace on the coats of my virtuous

republicans and they immediately become just what I wish them."

I remember one day, after one of his frequent sallies of contempt for

human kind, I observed to him that although baubles might excite vulgar

admiration, there were some distinguished men who did not permit

themselves to be fascinated by their allurements; and I mentioned the

celebrated Fox by way of example, who, previous to the conclusion of the

peace of Amiens, visited Paris, where he was remarked for his extreme

simplicity. The First Consul said, "Ah! you are right with respect to

him. Mr. Fox is a truly great man, and pleases me much."

In fact, Bonaparte always received Mr. Fox's visits with the greatest

satisfaction; and after every conversation they had together he never

failed to express to me the pleasure which he experienced in discoursing

with a man every way worthy of the great celebrity he had attained.

He considered him a very superior man, and wished he might have to treat

with him in his future negotiations with England. It may be supposed

that Mr. Fox, on his part, never forgot the terms of intimacy, I may say

of confidence, on which he had been with the First Consul. In fact, he

on several occasions informed him in time of war of the plots formed

against his life. Less could not be expected from a man of so noble a

character. I can likewise affirm, having more than once been in

possession of proofs of the fact, that the English Government constantly

rejected with indignation all such projects. I do not mean those which

had for their object the overthrow of the Consular or Imperial

Government, but all plans of assassination and secret attacks on the

person of Bonaparte, whether First Consul or Emperor. I will here

request the indulgence of the reader whilst I relate a circumstance which

occurred a year before Mr. Fox's journey to Paris; but as it refers to

Moreau, I believe that the transposition will be pardoned more easily

than the omission.

During the summer 1801 the First Consul took a fancy to give a grand

military dinner at a restaurateur's. The restaurateur he favoured with

his company was Veri, whose establishment was situated on the terrace of

the Feuillans with an entrance into the garden of the Tuileries.

Bonaparte did not send an invitation to Moreau, whom I met by chance that

day in the following manner:--The ceremony of the dinner at Veri's

leaving me at liberty to dispose of my time, I availed myself of it to go

and dine at a restaurateur's named Rose, who then enjoyed great celebrity

amongst the distinguished gastronomes. I dined in company with M.

Carbonnet, a friend of Moreau's family, and two or three other persons.

Whilst we were at table in the rotunda we were informed by the waiter who

attended on us that General Moreau and his wife, with Lacuee and two

other military men, were in an adjoining apartment. Suchet, who had

dined at Veri's, where he said everything was prodigiously dull, on

rising from the table joined Moreau's party. These details we learned

from M. Carbonnet, who left us for a few moments to see the General and

Madame Moreau.

Bonaparte's affectation in not inviting Moreau at the moment when the

latter had returned a conqueror from the army of the Rhine, and at the

same time the affectation of Moreau in going publicly the same day to

dine at another restaurateur's, afforded ground for the supposition that

the coolness which existed between them would soon be converted into

enmity. The people of Paris naturally thought that the conqueror of

Marengo might, without any degradation, have given the conqueror of

Hohenlinden a seat at his table.

By the commencement of the year 1802 the Republic had ceased to be

anything else than a fiction, or an historical recollection. All that

remained of it was a deceptive inscription on the gates of the Palace.

Even at the time of his installation at the Tuileries, Bonaparte had

caused the two trees of liberty which were planted in the court to be cut

down; thus removing the outward emblems before he destroyed the reality.

But the moment the Senatorial decisions of the 2d and 4th of August were

published it was evident to the dullest perceptions that the power of the

First Consul wanted nothing but a name.

After these 'Consultes' Bonaparte readily accustomed himself to regard

the principal authorities of the State merely as necessary instruments

for the exercise of his power. Interested advisers then crowded round

him. It was seriously proposed that he should restore the ancient

titles, as being more in harmony with the new power which the people had

confided to him than the republican forms. He was still of opinion,

however, according to his phrase, that "the pear was not yet ripe," and

would not hear this project spoken of for a moment. "All this," he said

to me one day, "will come in good time; but you must see, Bourrienne,

that it is necessary I should, in the first place, assume a title, from

which the others that I will give to everybody will naturally take their

origin. The greatest difficulty is surmounted. There is no longer any

person to deceive. Everybody sees as clear as day that it is only one

step which separates the throne from the Consulate for life. However, we

must be cautious. There are some troublesome fellows in the Tribunate,

but I will take care of them."

Whilst these serious questions agitated men's minds the greater part of

the residents at Malmaison took a trip to Plombieres. Josephine,

Bonaparte's mother, Madame Beauharnais-Lavallette, Hortense, and General

Rapp, were of this party. It pleased the fancy of the jocund company to

address to me a bulletin of the pleasant and unpleasant occurrences of

the journey. I insert this letter merely as a proof of the intimacy

which existed between the writers and myself. It follows, precisely as I

have preserved it, with the exception of the blots, for which it will be

seen they apologised.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE JOURNEY TO PLOMBIERES.

To the Inhabitants of Malmaison.

The whole party left Malmaison in tears, which brought on such dreadful

headaches that all the amiable persons were quite overcome by the idea of

the journey. Madame Bonaparte, mere, supported the fatigues of this

memorable day with the greatest courage; but Madame Bonaparte,

Consulesse, did not show any. The two young ladies who sat in the

dormouse, Mademoiselle Hortense and Madame Lavallette, were rival

candidates for a bottle of Eau de Cologne; and every now and then the

amiable M. Rapp made the carriage stop for the comfort of his poor little

sick heart, which overflowed with bile: in fine, he was obliged to take

to bed on arriving at Epernay, while the rest of the amiable party tried

to drown their sorrows in champagne. The second day was more fortunate

on the score of health and spirits, but provisions were wanting, and

great were the sufferings of the stomach. The travellers lived on the

hope of a good supper at Toul; but despair was at its height when,

on arriving there, they found only a wretched inn, and nothing in it.

We saw some odd-looking folks there, which indemnified us a little for

spinach dressed in lamp-oil, and red asparagus fried with curdled milk.

Who would not have been amused to see the Malmaison gourmands seated at a

table so shockingly served!

In no record of history is there to be found a day passed in distress so

dreadful as that on which we arrived at Plombieres. On departing from

Toul we intended to breakfast at Nancy, for every stomach had been empty

for two days; but the civil and military authorities came out to meet us,

and prevented us from executing our plan. We continued our route,

wasting away, so that you might, see us growing thinner every moment.

To complete our misfortune, the dormouse, which seemed to have taken a

fancy to embark on the Moselle for Metz, barely escaped an overturn.

But at Plombieres we have been well compensated for this unlucky journey,

for on our arrival we were received with all kinds of rejoicings. The

town was illuminated, the cannon fired, and the faces of handsome women

at all the windows give us reason to hope that we shall bear our absence

from Malmaison with the less regret.

With the exception of some anecdotes, which we reserve for chit-chat on

our return, you have here a correct account of our journey, which we, the

undersigned, hereby certify.

JOSEPHINE BONAPARTE.

BEAUHARNAIS-LAPALLETTE.

HORTENSE BEAUHARNAIS.

RAPP.

BONAPARTE, mere.

The company ask pardon for the blots.

21st Messidor.

It is requested that the person who receives this journal will show it to

all who take an interest in the fair travellers.

This journey to Plombieres was preceded by a scene which I should abstain

from describing if I had not undertaken to relate the truth respecting

the family of the First Consul. Two or three days before her departure

Madame Bonaparte sent for me. I obeyed the summons, and found her in

tears. "What a man-what a man is that Lucien!" she exclaimed in accents

of grief. "If you knew, my friend, the shameful proposals he has dared

to make to me! 'You are going to the waters,' said he; 'you must get a

child by some other person since you cannot have one by him.' Imagine

the indignation with which I received such advice. 'Well,' he continued,

'if you do not wish it, or cannot help it, Bonaparte must get a child by

another woman, and you must adopt it, for it is necessary to secure an

hereditary successor. It is for your interest; you must know that.'--

'What, sir!' I replied, 'do you imagine the nation will suffer a bastard

to govern it? Lucien! Lucien! you would ruin your brother! This is

dreadful! Wretched should I be, were any one to suppose me capable of

listening, without horror, to your infamous proposal! Your ideas are

poisonous; your language horrible!'--'Well, Madame,' retorted he, 'all I

can say to that is, that I am really sorry for you!'"

The amiable Josephine was sobbing whilst she described this scene to me,

and I was not insensible to the indignation which she felt. The truth

is, that at that period Lucien, though constantly affecting to despise

power for himself, was incessantly labouring to concentrate it in the

hands of his brother; and he considered three things necessary to the

success of his views, namely, hereditary succession, divorce, and the

Imperial Government.

Lucien had a delightful house near Neuilly. Some days before the

deplorable scene which I have related he invited Bonaparte and all the

inmates at Malmaison to witness a theatrical representation. 'Alzire'

was the piece performed. Elise played Alzire, and Lucien, Zamore. The

warmth of their declarations, the energetic expression of their gestures,

the too faithful nudity of costume, disgusted most of the spectators, and

Bonaparte more than any other. When the play was over he was quite

indignant. "It is a scandal," he said to me in an angry tone; "I ought

not to suffer such indecencies--I will give Lucien to understand that I

will have no more of it." When his brother had resumed his own dress,

and came into the salon, he addressed him publicly, and gave him to

understand that he must for the future desist from such representations.

When we returned to Malmaison; he again spoke of what had passed with

dissatisfaction. "What!" said he, "when I am endeavouring to restore

purity of manners, my brother and sister must needs exhibit themselves

upon the boards almost in a state of nudity! It is an insult!"

Lucien had a strong predilection for theatrical exhibitions, to which he

attached great importance. The fact is, he declaimed in a superior

style, and might have competed with the best professional actors. It was

said that the turban of Orosmane, the costume of America, the Roman toga,

or the robe of the high priest of Jerusalem, all became him equally well;

and I believe that this was the exact truth. Theatrical representations

were not confined to Neuilly. We had our theatre and our company of

actors at Malmaison; but there everything was conducted with the greatest

decorum; and now that I have got behind the scenes, I will not quit them

until I have let the reader into the secrets of our drama.

By the direction of the First Consul a very pretty little theatre was

built at Malmaison. Our usual actors were Eugene BEAUHARNAIS, Hortense,

Madame Murat, Lauriston, M. Didelot, one of the prefects of the Palace,

some other individuals belonging to the First Consul's household, and

myself. Freed from the cares of government, which we confined as much as

possible to the Tuileries, we were a very happy colony at Malmaison; and,

besides, we were young, and what is there to which youth does not add

charms? The pieces which the First Consul most liked to see us perform

were, 'Le Barbier de Seville' and 'Defiance et Malice'. In Le Barbier

Lauriston played the part of Count Almaviva; Hortense, Rosins; Eugene,

Basil; Didelot, Figaro; I, Bartholo; and Isabey, l'Aveille. Our other

stock pieces were, Projets de Mariage, La Gageltre, the Dapit Anloureux,

in which I played the part of the valet; and L'Impromptu de Campagne, in

which I enacted the Baron, having for my Baroness the young and handsome

Caroline Murat.

Hortense's acting was perfection, Caroline was middling, Eugene played

very well, Lauriston was rather heavy, Didelot passable, and I may

venture to assert, without vanity, that I was not quite the worst of the

company. If we were not good actors it was not for want of good

instruction and good advice. Talma and Michot came to direct us, and

made us rehearse before them, sometimes altogether and sometimes

separately. How many lessons have I received from Michot whilst walking

in the beautiful park of Malmaison! And may I be excused for saying,

that I now experience pleasure in looking back upon these trifles, which

are matters of importance when one is young, and which contrasted so

singularly with the great theatre on which we did not represent

fictitious characters? We had, to adopt theatrical language, a good

supply of property. Bonaparte presented each of us with a collection of

dramas very well bound; and, as the patron of the company, he provided us

with rich and elegant dresses.

--[While Bourrienne, belonging to the Malmaison company, considered

that the acting at Neuilly was indecent, Lucien, who refused to act at

Malmaison, naturally thought the Malmaison troupe was dull. "Hortense

and Caroline filled the principal parts. They were very commonplace. In

this they followed the unfortunate Marie Antoinette and her companions.

Louis XVI., not naturally polite, when seeing them act, had said that it

was royally badly acted" (see Madame Campan's Life of Marie Antoinette,

tome i. p. 299). "The First Consul said of his troupe that it was

sovereignly badly acted". . . Murat, Lannes, and even Caroline ranted.

Elisa, who, having been educated at Saint Cyr, spoke purely and without

accent, refused to act. Janot acted well the drunken parts, and even the

others he undertook. The rest were decidedly bad. Worse than

bad--ridiculous" (Iung's Lucien's, tome ii. p. 256). Rival actors are

not fair critics. Let us hear Madame Junot (tome ii. p. 103). "The

cleverest of our company was M. de Bourrienne. He played the more

dignified characters in real perfection, and his talent was the more

pleasing as it was not the result of study, but of a perfect

comprehension of his part." And she goes on to say that even the best

professional actors might have learnt from him in some parts. The

audience was not a pleasant one to face. It was the First Consul's

habit to invite forty persons to dinner, and a hundred and fifty for the

evening, and consequently to hear, criticise, and banter us without

mercy" (Memoirs of Duchesse d'Abrantes, tome ii. p. 108).]--

Bonaparte took great pleasure in our performances. He liked to see plays

acted by persons with whom he was familiar. Sometimes he complimented us

on our exertions. Although I was as much amused with the thing as

others, I was more than once obliged to remind him that my occupations

left me but little time to learn my parts. Then he would assume his

coaxing manner and say, "Come, do not vex me! You have such a memory!

You know that it amuses me. You see that these performances render

Malmaison gay and animated; Josephine takes much pleasure in them. Rise

earlier in the morning.--In fact, I sleep too much; is not that the

cafe--Come, Bourrienne, do oblige me. You make me laugh so heartily!

Do not deprive me of this pleasure. I have not over much amusement, as

you well know."--"All, truly! I would not deprive you of any pleasure.

I am delighted to be able to contribute to your amusement." After a

conversation of this sort I could not do less than set about studying my

part.

At this period, during summer, I had half the Sunday to myself. I was,

however, obliged to devote a portion of this precious leisure to pleasing

Bonaparte by studying a new part as a surprise for him. Occasionally,

however, I passed the time at Ruel. I recollect that one day, when I had

hurried there from Malmaison, I lost a beautiful watch made by Breguet.

It was four o'clock in the afternoon, and the road was that day thronged

with people. I made my loss publicly known by means of the crier of

Ruel. An hour after, as I was sitting down to table, a young lad

belonging to the village brought me my watch. He had found it on the

high road in a wheel rut. I was pleased with the probity of this young

man, and rewarded both him and his father, who accompanied him. I

reiterated the circumstance the same evening to the First Consul, who was

so struck with this instance of honesty that he directed me to procure

information respecting the young man and his family. I learned that they

were honest peasants. Bonaparte gave employment to three brothers of

this family; and, what was most difficult to persuade him to, he exempted

the young man who brought me the watch from the conscription.

When a fact of this nature reached Bonaparte's ear it was seldom that he

did not give the principal actor in it some proof of his satisfaction.

Two qualities predominated in his character--kindness and impatience.

Impatience, when he was under its influence, got the better of him; it

was then impossible for him to control himself. I had a remarkable proof

of it about this very period.

Canova having arrived in Paris came to St. Cloud to model the figure of

the First Consul, of whom he was about to make a colossal statue. This

great artist came often, in the hope of getting his model to stand in the

proper attitude; but Bonaparte was so tired, disgusted, and fretted by

the process, that he very seldom put himself in the required attitude,

and then only for a short time. Bonaparte notwithstanding had the

highest regard for Canova. Whenever he was announced the First Consul

sent me to keep him company until he was at leisure to give him a

sitting; but he would shrug up his shoulders and say, "More modeling!

Good Heavens, how vexatious!" Canova expressed great displeasure at not

being able to study his model as he wished to do, and the little anxiety

of Bonaparte on the subject damped the ardour of his imagination.

Everybody agrees in saying that he has not succeeded in the work, and I

have explained the reason. The Duke of Wellington afterwards possessed

this colossal statue, which was about twice his own height.

CHAPTER XI.

1802.

Bonaparte's principle as to the change of Ministers--Fouche--His

influence with the First Consul--Fouche's dismissal--The departments

of Police and Justice united under Regnier--Madame Bonaparte's

regret for the dismissal of Fouche--Family scenes--Madame Louis

Bonaparte's pregnancy--False and infamous reports to Josephine--

Legitimacy and a bastard--Raederer reproached by Josephine--Her

visit to Ruel--Long conversation with her--Assertion at St. Helena

respecting a great political fraud.

It is a principle particularly applicable to absolute governments that a

prince should change his ministers as seldom as possible, and never

except upon serious grounds. Bonaparte acted on this principle when

First Consul, and also when he became Emperor. He often allowed unjust

causes to influence him, but he never dismissed a Minister without cause;

indeed, he more than once, without any reason, retained Ministers longer

than he ought to have done in the situations in which he had placed them.

Bonaparte's tenacity in this respect, in some instances, produced very

opposite results. For instance, it afforded M. Gaudin' time to establish

a degree of order in the administration of Finance which hefore his time

had never existed; and on the other hand, it enabled M. Decres to reduce

the Ministry of Marine to an unparalleled state of confusion.

Bonaparte saw nothing in men but helps and obstacles. On the 18th

Brumaire Fouche was a help. The First Consul feared that he would become

an obstacle; it was necessary, therefore, to think of dismissing him.

Bonaparte's most sincere friends had from the beginning been opposed to

Fouche's having any share in the Government. But their disinterested

advice produced no other result than their own disgrace, so influential a

person had Fouche become. How could it be otherwise? Fouche was

identified with the Republic by the death of the King, for which he had

voted; with the Reign of Terror by his sanguinary missions to Lyons and

Nevers; with the Consulate by his real though perhaps exaggerated

services; with Bonaparte by the charm with which he might be said to have

fascinated him; with Josephine by the enmity of the First Consul's

brothers. Who would believe it? Fouche ranked the enemies of the

Revolution amongst his warmest partisans. They overwhelmed him with

eulogy, to the disparagement even of the Head of the State, because the

cunning Minister, practising an interested indulgence, set himself up as

the protector of individuals belonging to classes which, when he was

proconsul, he had attacked in the mass. Director of public opinion, and

having in his hands the means at his pleasure of inspiring fear or of

entangling by inducements, it was all in his favour that he had already

directed this opinion. The machinery he set in motion was so calculated

that the police was rather the police of Fouche than that of the Minister

of the General Police. Throughout Paris, and indeed throughout all

France, Fouche obtained credit for extraordinary ability; and the popular

opinion was correct in this respect, namely, that no man ever displayed

such ability in making it be supposed that he really possessed talent.

Fouche's secret in this particular is the whole secret of the greater

part of those persons who are called statesmen.

Be this as it may, the First Consul did not behold with pleasure the

factitious influence of which Fouche had possessed himself. For some

time past, to the repugnance which at bottom he had felt towards.

Fouche, were added other causes of discontent. In consequence of having

been deceived by secret reports and correspondence Bonaparte began to

shrug up his shoulders with an expression of regret when he received

them, and said, "Would you believe, Bourrienne, that I have been imposed

on by these things? All such denunciations are useless--scandalous.

All the reports from prefects and the police, all the intercepted

letters, are a tissue of absurdities and lies. I desire to have no more

of them." He said so, but he still received them. However, Fouche's

dismissal was resolved upon. But though Bonaparte wished to get rid of

him, still, under the influence of the charm, he dared not proceed

against him without the greatest caution. He first resolved upon the

suppression of the office of Minister of Police in order to disguise the

motive for the removal of the Minister. The First Consul told Fouche

that this suppression, which he spoke of as being yet remote, was

calculated more than anything else to give strength to the Government,

since it would afford a proof of the security and internal tranquillity

of France. Overpowered by the arguments with which Bonaparte supported

his proposition, Fouche could urge no good reasons in opposition to it,

but contented himself with recommending that the execution of the design,

which was good in intention, should, however, be postponed for two years.

Bonaparte appeared to listen favourably to Fouche's recommendation, who,

as avaricious for money as Bonaparte of glory, consoled himself by

thinking that for these two years the administration of the gaming tables

would still be for him a Pactolus flowing with gold. For Fouche, already

the possessor of an immense fortune, always dreamed of increasing it,

though he himself did not know how to enjoy it. With him the ambition of

enlarging the bounds of his estate of Pont-Carre was not less felt than

with the First Consul the ambition of extending the frontier of France.

Not only did the First Consul not like Fouche, but it is perfectly true

that at this time the police wearied and annoyed him. Several times he

told me he looked on it as dangerous, especially for the possessor of

power. In a Government without the liberty of the press he was quite

right. The very services which the police had rendered to the First

Consul were of a nature to alarm him, for whoever had conspired against

the Directory in favour of the Consulate might also conspire against the

Consulate in favour of any other Government. It is needless to say that

I only allude to the political police, and not to the municipal police,

which is indispensable for large towns, and which has the honourable

mission of watching over the health and safety of the citizens.

Fouche, as has been stated, had been Minister of Police since the 18th

Brumaire. Everybody who was acquainted with, the First Consul's

character was unable to explain the ascendency which he had suffered

Fouche to acquire over him, and of which Bonaparte himself was really

impatient. He saw in Fouche a centre around which all the interests of

the Revolution concentrated themselves, and at this he felt indignant;

but, subject to a species of magnetism, he could not break the charm

which enthralled him. When he spoke of Fouche in his absence his

language was warm, bitter, and hostile. When Fouche was present,

Bonaparte's tone was softened, unless some public scene was to be acted

like that which occurred after the attempt of the 3d Nivose.

The suppression of the Ministry of Police being determined on, Bonaparte

did not choose to delay the execution of his design, as he had pretended

to think necessary. On the evening of the 12th of September we went to

Mortfontaine. We passed the next day, which was Monday, at that place,

and it was there, far removed from Fouche, and urged by the combined

persuasions of Joseph and Lucien, that the First Consul signed the decree

of suppression. The next morning we returned to Paris. Fouche came to

Malmaison, where we were, in the regular execution of his duties. The

First Consul transacted business with him as usual without daring to tell

him of his dismissal, and afterwards sent Cambaceres to inform him of it.

After this act, respecting which he had hesitated so long, Bonaparte

still endeavoured to modify his rigour. Having appointed Fouche a

Senator, he said in the letter which he wrote to the Senate to notify the

appointment:

"Fouche, as Minister of Police, in times of difficulty, has by his

talent, his activity, and his attachment to the Government done all

that circumstances required of him. Placed in the bosom of the

Senate, if events should again call for a Minister of Police the

Government cannot find one more worthy of its confidence."

From this moment the departments of Justice and Police united were

confided to the hands of Regnier.' Bonaparte's aversion for Fouche

strangely blinded him with respect to the capabilities of his successor.

Besides, how could the administration of justice, which rests on fixed,

rigid, and unchangeable bases, proceed hand in hand with another

administration placed on the quicksand of instantaneous decisions, and

surrounded by stratagems and deceptions? Justice should never have

anything to do with secret police, unless it be to condemn it.

--[M. Abrial, Minister of Justice, was called to the Senate at the

same time as Fouche. Understanding that the assimilation of the two

men was more a disgrace to Abrial than the mere loss of the

Ministry, the First Consul said to M. Abrial: "In uniting the

Ministry of Police to that of Justice I could not retain you in the

Ministry, you are too upright a man to manage the police." Not a

flattering speech for Regnier.--Bourrienne.]--

What could be expected from Regnier, charged as he was with incompatible

functions? What, under such circumstances, could have been expected even

from a man gifted with great talents? Such was the exact history of

Fouche's disgrace. No person was more afflicted at it than Madame

Bonaparte, who only leaned the news when it was announced to the public.

Josephine, on all occasions, defended Fouche against her husband's

sallies. She believed that he was the only one of his Ministers who told

him the truth. She had such a high opinion of the way in which Fouche

managed the police that the first time I was alone with her after our

return from Mortfontaine she said to me, "My dear Bourrienne; speak

openly to me; will Napoleon know all about the plots from the police of

Moncey, Duroc, Junot, and of Davoust? You know better than I do that

these are only wretched spies. Has not Savary also eventually got his

police? How all this alarms me. They take away all my supports, and

surround me only with enemies."--"To justify your regrets we should be

sure that Fouche has never been in agreement with Lucien in favour of the

divorce."--"Oh, I do not believe that. Bonaparte does not like him, and

he would have been certain to tell me of it when I spoke favourably to

him of Fouche. You will see that his brothers will end by bringing him

into their plan."

I have already spoken of Josephine's troubles, and of the bad conduct of

Joseph, but more particularly of Lucien, towards her; I will therefore

describe here, as connected with the disgrace of Fouche, whom Madame

Bonaparte regretted as a support, some scenes which occurred about this

period at Malmaison. Having been the confidant of both parties, and an

involuntary actor in those scenes, now that twenty-seven years have

passed since they occurred what motive can induce me to disguise the

truth in any respect?

Madame Louis Bonaparte was enceinte. Josephine, although she tenderly

loved her children, did not seem to behold the approaching event which

the situation of her daughter indicated with the interest natural to the

heart of a mother. She had long been aware of the calumnious reports

circulated respecting the supposed connection between Hortense and the

First Consul, and that base accusation cost her many tears. Poor

Josephine paid dearly for the splendour of her station! As I knew how

devoid of foundation these atrocious reports were, I endeavoured to

console her by telling her what was true, that I was exerting all my

efforts to demonstrate their infamy and falsehood. Bonaparte, however,

dazzled by the affection which was manifested towards him from all

quarters, aggravated the sorrow of his wife by a silly vanity. He

endeavoured to persuade her that these reports had their origin only in

the wish of the public that he should have a child, so that these seeming

consolations offered by self-love to Josephine's grief gave force to

existing conjugal alarms, and the fear of divorce returned with all its

horrors. Under the foolish illusion of his vanity Bonaparte imagined

that France was desirous of being governed even by a bastard if supposed

to be a child of his,--a singular mode truly of founding a new

legitimacy!

Josephine, whose susceptibility appears to me even now excusable, well

knew my sentiments on the subject of Bonaparte's founding a dynasty, and

she had not forgotten my conduct when two years before the question had

been agitated on the occasion of Louis XVIII.'s letters to the First

Consul. I remember that one day, after the publication of the parallel

of Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, Josephine having entered our cabinet

without being announced, which she sometimes did when from the good

humour exhibited at breakfast she reckoned upon its continuance,

approached Bonaparte softly, seated herself on his knee, passed her hand

gently through his hair and over his face, and thinking the moment

favourable, said to him in a burst of tenderness, "I entreat of you,

Bonaparte, do not make yourself a King! It is that wretch Lucien who

urges you to it. Do not listen to him!" Bonaparte replied, without

anger, and even smiling as he pronounced the last words, "You are mad,

my poor Josephine. It is your old dowagers of the Faubourg St. Germain,

your Rochefoucaulds, who tell you all these fables!...... Come now, you

interrupt me--leave me alone."

What Bonaparte said that day good-naturedly to his wife I have often

heard him declare seriously. I have been present at five or six

altercations on the subject. That there existed, too, an enmity

connected with this question between the family of BEAUHARNAIS and the

family of Bonaparte cannot be denied.

Fouche, as I have stated, was in the interest of Josephine, and Lucien

was the most bitter of her enemies. One day Raederer inveighed with so

much violence against Fouche in the presence of Madame Bonaparte that she

replied with extreme warmth, "The real enemies of Bonaparte are those who

feed him with notions of hereditary descent, of a dynasty, of divorce,

and of marriage!" Josephine could not check this exclamation, as she

knew that Roederer encouraged those ideas, which he spread abroad by

Lucien's direction. I recollect one day when she had been to see us at

our little house at Ruel: as I walked with her along the high road to her

carriage, which she had sent forward, I acknowledged too unreservedly my

fears on account of the ambition of Bonaparte, and of the perfidious

advice of his brothers. "Madame," said I, "if we cannot succeed in

dissuading the General from making himself a King, I dread the future for

his sake. If ever he re-establishes royalty he will in all probability

labour for the Bourbons, and enable them one day to re-ascend the throne

which he shall erect. No one, doubtless, without passing for a fool, can

pretend to say with certainty what series of chances and events such a

proceeding will produce; but common sense alone is sufficient to convince

any one that unfavourable chances must long be dreaded. The ancient

system being re-established, the occupation of the throne will then be

only a family question, and not a question of government between liberty

and despotic power. Why should not France, if it ceases to be free,

prefer the race of her ancient kings? You surely know it. You had not

been married two years when, on returning from Italy, your husband told

me that he aspired to royalty. Now he is Consul for life. Would he but

resolve to stop there! He already possesses everything but an empty

title. No sovereign in Europe has so much power as he has. I am sorry

for it, Madame, but I really believe that, in spite of yourself, you will

be made Queen or Empress."

Madame Bonaparte had allowed me to speak without interruption, but when I

pronounced the words Queen and Empress she exclaimed, "My God!

Bourrienne, such ambition is far from my thoughts. That I may always

continue the wife of the First Consul is all I desire. Say to him all

that you have said to me. Try and prevent him from making himself

King."--"Madame," I replied, "times are greatly altered. The wisest men,

the strongest minds, have resolutely and courageously opposed his

tendency to the hereditary system. But advice is now useless. He would

not listen to me. In all discussions on the subject he adheres

inflexibly to the view he has taken. If he be seriously opposed his

anger knows no bounds; his language is harsh and abrupt, his tone

imperious, and his authority bears down all before him."--"Yet,

Bourrienne, he has so much confidence in you that of you should try once

more!"--"Madame, I assure you he will not listen to me. Besides, what

could I add to the remarks I made upon his receiving the letters of Louis

XVIII., when I fearlessly represented to him that heing without children

he would have no one to whom to bequeath the throne--that, doubtless,

from the opinion which he entertained of his brothers, he could not

desire to erect it for them?" Here Josephine again interrupted me by

exclaiming, "My kind friend, when you spoke of children did he say

anything to you? Did he talk of a divorce?"--"Not a word, Madame, I

assure you."--"If they do not urge him to it, I do not believe he will

resolve to do such a thing. You know how he likes Eugene, and Eugene

behaves so well to him. How different is Lucien. It is that wretch

Lucien, to whom Bonaparte listens too much, and of whom, however, he

always speaks ill to me."--"I do not know, Madame, what Lucien says to

his brother except when he chooses to tell me, because Lucien always

avoids having a witness of his interviews with your husband, but I can

assure you that for two years I have not heard the word 'divorce' from

the General's mouth."--"I always reckon on you, my dear Bourrienne; to

turn him away from it; as you did at that time."--"I do not believe he is

thinking of it, but if it recurs to him, consider, Madame, that it will

be now from very different motives: He is now entirely given up to the

interests of his policy and his ambition, which dominate every other

feeling in him. There will not now be any question of scandal, or of a

trial before a court, but of an act of authority which complaisant laws

will justify and which the Church perhaps will sanction."--"That's true.

You are right. Good God! how unhappy I am."

--[When Bourrienne complains of not knowing what passed between

Lucien and Napoleon, we can turn to Lucien's account of Bourrienne,

apparently about this very time. "After a stormy interview with

Napoleon," says Lucien, "I at once went into the cabinet where

Bourrienne was working, and found that unbearable busybody of a

secretary, whose star had already paled more than once, which made

him more prying than ever, quite upset by the time the First Consul

had taken to come out of his bath. He must, or at least might, have

heard some noise, for enough had been made. Seeing that he wanted

to know the cause from me, I took up a newspaper to avoid being

bored by his conversation" (Iung's Lucien, tome ii. p.156)]--

Such was the nature of one of the conversations I had with Madame

Bonaparte on a subject to which she often recurred. It may not perhaps

be uninteresting to endeavour to compare with this what Napoleon said at

St. Helena, speaking of his first wife. According to the Memorial

Napoleon there stated that when Josephine was at last constrained to

renounce all hope of having a child, she often let fall allusions to a

great political fraud, and at length openly proposed it to him. I make

no doubt Bonaparte made use of words to this effect, but I do not believe

the assertion. I recollect one day that Bonaparte, on entering our

cabinet, where I was already seated, exclaimed in a transport of joy

impossible for me to describe, "Well, Bourrienne, my wife is at last

enceinte!" I sincerely congratulated him, more, I own, out of courtesy

than from any hope of seeing him made a father by Josephine, for I well

remembered that Corvisart, who had given medicines to Madame Bonaparte,

had nevertheless assured me that he expected no result from them.

Medicine was really the only political fraud to which Josephine had

recourse; and in her situation what other woman would not have done as

much? Here, then, the husband and the wife are in contradiction, which

is nothing uncommon. But on which side is truth? I have no hesitation

in referring it to Josephine. There is indeed an immense difference

between the statements of a women--trusting her fears and her hopes to

the sole confidant of her family secrets, and the tardy declaration of a

man who, after seeing the vast edifice of his ambition leveled with the

dust, is only anxious, in his compulsory retreat, to preserve intact and

spotless the other great edifice of his glory. Bonaparte should have

recollected that Caesar did not like the idea of his wife being even

suspected.

CHAPTER XII.

1802.

Citizen Fesch created Cardinal Fesch--Arts and industry--Exhibition

in the Louvre--Aspect of Paris in 1802--The Medicean Venus and the

Velletrian Pallas--Signs of general prosperity--Rise of the funds--

Irresponsible Ministers--The Bourbons--The military Government--

Annoying familiarity of Lannes--Plan laid for his disgrace--

Indignation of Lannes--His embassy to Portugal--The delayed

despatch--Bonaparte's rage--I resign my situation--Duroc--

I breakfast with Bonaparte--Duroc's intercession--Temporary

reconciliation.

Citizen Fesch, who, when we were forced to stop at Ajaccio on our return

from Egypt, discounted at rather a high rate the General-in-Chief's

Egyptian sequins, became again the Abbe Fesch, as soon as Bonaparte by

his Consular authority re-erected the altars which the Revolution had

overthrown. On the 15th of August 1802 he was consecrated Bishop, and

the following year received the Cardinal's hat. Thus Bonaparte took

advantage of one of the members of his family being in orders to elevate

him to the highest dignities of the Church. He afterwards gave Cardinal

Fesch the Archbishopric of Lyons, of which place he was long the titular.

--[Like Cambaceres the Cardinal was a bit of a gourmet, and on one

occasion had invited a large party of clerical magnates to dinner.

By a coincidence two turbots of singular beauty arrived as presents

to his Eminence on the very morning of the feast. To serve both

would have appeared ridiculous, but the Cardinal was most anxious to

have the credit of both. He imparted his embarrassment to his chef:

"'Be of good faith, your Eminence,' was the reply, 'both shall appear

and enjoy the reception so justly their due.' The dinner was

served: one of the turbots relieved the soup. Delight was on every

face--it was the moment of the 'eprouvette positive'. The 'maitre

a'hotel' advances; two attendants raise the turbot and carry him off

to cut him up; but one of them loses his equilibrium: the attendants

and the turbot roll together on the floor. At this sad sight the

assembled Cardinals became as pale as death, and a solemn silence

reigned in the 'conclave'--it was the moment of the 'eprouvette

negative'; but the 'maitre a'hotel' suddenly turns to one of the

attendants, Bring another turbot,' said he, with the most perfect

coolness. The second appeared, and the eprouvette positive was

gloriously renewed." (Hayward's Art of Dining, P. 65.)]--

The First Consul prided himself a good deal on his triumph, at least in

appearance, over the scruples which the persons who surrounded him had

manifested against the re-establishment of worship. He read with much

self-satisfaction the reports made to him, in which it was stated that

the churches were well frequented: Indeed, throughout the year 1802, all

his attention wad directed to the reformation of manners, which had

become more dissolute under the Directory than even during the Reign of

Terror.

In his march of usurpation the First Consul let slip no opportunity of

endeavouring to obtain at the same time the admiration of the multitude

and the approbation of judicious men. He was very fond of the arts, and

was sensible that the promotion of industry ought to be the peculiar care

of the head of the Government. It must, however, at the same time be

owned that he rendered the influence of his protection null and void by

the continual violations he committed on that liberty which is the

animating principle of all improvement.

During the supplementary days of the year X., that is to say, about the

beginning of the autumn of 1802, there was held at the Louvre an

exhibition of the products of industry. The First Consul visited the

exhibition, and as even at that period he had begun to attribute every

good result to himself, he seemed proud of the high degree of perfection

the manufacturing arts had attained in France. He was, above all,

delighted with the admiration this exhibition excited among the numerous

foreigners who resorted to Paris during the peace.

In fact, throughout the year 1802 the capital presented an interesting

and animating-spectacle. The appetite for luxury and pleasure had

insinuated itself into manners--which were no longer republican, and the

vast number of Russians and English who drove about everywhere with

brilliant equipages contributed not a little to this metamorphosis.

All Paris flocked to the Carrousel on review days, and regarded with eyes

of delight the unusual sight of rich foreign liveries and emblazoned

carriages. The parties at the Tuileries were brilliant and numerous, and

nothing was wanting but the name of levees. Count Markoff, who succeeded

M. de Kalitscheff as Russian ambassador; the Marquis de Lucchesini, the

Prussian ambassador; and Lord Whitworth, the Minister from England, made

numerous presentations of their countrymen to the First Consul, who was

well pleased that the Court he was forming should have examples set by

foreign courtiers. Never since the meeting of the States-General had the

theatres been so frequented, or fetes so magnificent; and never since

that period had Paris presented so cheering an aspect. The First Consul,

on his part, spared no exertion to render the capital more and more

worthy the admiration of foreigners. The statue of the Venus de Medicis,

which had been robbed from the gallery of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, now

decorated the gallery of the Louvre, and near it was placed that of the

Velletrian Pallas, a more legitimate acquisition, since it was the result

of the researches of some French engineers at Velletri. Everywhere an

air of prosperity was perceptible, and Bonaparte proudly put in his claim

to be regarded as the author of it all. With what heartfelt satisfaction

did he likewise cast his eye upon what he called the grand thermometer of

opinion, the price of the funds! For if he saw them doubled in value in

consequence of the revolution of the 18th Brumaire, rising as they did at

that period from seven to sixteen francs, this value was even more than

tripled after the vote of Consulship for life and the 'Senates-consulte'

of the 4th of August,--when they rose to fifty-two francs.

While Paris presented so satisfactory an aspect the departments were in a

state of perfect tranquillity; and foreign affairs had every appearance

of security. The Court of the Vatican, which since the Concordat may be

said to have become devoted to the First Consul, gave, under all

circumstances, examples of submission to the wishes of France. The

Vatican was the first Court which recognised the erection of Tuscany into

the Kingdom of Etruria, and the formation of the Helvetic, Cisalpine, and

Batavian Republics. Prussia soon followed the example of the Pope, which

was successively imitated by the other powers of Europe.

The whole of these new states, realms, or republics were under the

immediate influence of France. The Isle of Elba, which Napoleon's first

abdication afterwards rendered so famous, and Piedmont, divided into six

departments, were also united to France, still called it Republic.

Everything now seemed to concur in securing his accession to absolute

power. We were now at peace with all the world, and every circumstance

tended to place in the hands of the First Consul that absolute power

which indeed was the only kind of government he was capable of forming

any conception of. Indeed, one of the characteristic signs of Napoleon's

government, even under the Consular system, left no doubt as to his real

intentions. Had he wished to found a free Government it is evident that

he world have made the Ministers responsible to the country, whereas he

took care that there should be no responsibility but to himself. He

viewed them, in fact, in the light of instruments which he might break as

he pleased. I found this single index sufficient to disclose all his

future designs In order to make the irresponsibility of his Ministers to

the public perfectly clear, he had all the acts of his Government signed

merely by M. Maret, Secretary of State. Thus the Consulship for life was

nothing but an Empire in disguise, the usufruct of which could not long

satisfy the First Consul's ambition. His brothers influenced him, and it

was resolved to found a new dynasty.

It was not in the interior of France that difficulties were likely first

to arise on Bonaparte's carrying his designs into effect, but there was

some reason to apprehend that foreign powers, after recognising and

treating with the Consular Government, might display a different feeling,

and entertain scruples with regard to a Government which had resumed its

monarchical form. The question regarding the Bourbons was in some

measure kept in the background as long as France remained a Republic, but

the re-establishment of the throne naturally called to recollection the

family which had occupied it for so many ages. Bonaparte fully felt the

delicacy of his position, but he knew how to face obstacles, and had been

accustomed to overcome them: he, however, always proceeded cautiously, as

when obstacles induced him to defer the period of the Consulship for

life.

Bonaparte laboured to establish iii France not only an absolute

government, but, what is still worse, a military one. He considered a

decree signed by his hand possessed of a magic virtue capable of

transforming his generals into able diplomatists, and so he sent them on

embassies, as if to show the Sovereigns to whom they were accredited that

he soon meant to take their thrones by assault. The appointment of

Lannes to the Court of Lisbon originated from causes which probably will

be read with some interest, since they serve to place Bonaparte's

character in, its true light, and to point out, at the same time, the

means he disdained not to resort to, if he wished to banish his most

faithful friends when their presence was no longer agreeable to him.

Bonaparte had ceased to address Lannes in the second person singular; but

that general continued the familiarity of thee and thou in speaking to

Napoleon. It is hardly possible to conceive how much this annoyed the

First Consul. Aware of the unceremonious candour of his old comrade,

whose daring spirit he knew would prompt him to go as great lengths in

civil affairs as on the field of battle, Bonaparte, on the great occasion

of the 18th Brumaire, fearing his reproaches, had given him the command

of Paris in order to ensure his absence from St. Cloud.

After that time, notwithstanding the continually growing greatness of the

First Consul, which, as it increased, daily exacted more and more

deference, Lannes still preserved his freedom of speech, and was the only

one who dared to treat Bonaparte as a comrade, and tell him the truth

without ceremony. This was enough to determine Napoleon to rid himself

of the presence of Lannes. But under what pretest was the absence of the

conqueror of Montebello to be procured? It was necessary to conjure up

an excuse; and in the truly diabolical machination resorted to for that

purpose, Bonaparte brought into play that crafty disposition for which he

was so remarkable.

Lannes, who never looked forward to the morrow, was as careless of his

money as of his blood. Poor officers and soldiers partook largely of his

liberality. Thus he had no fortune, but plenty of debts when he wanted

money, and this was not seldom, he used to come, as if it were a mere

matter of course, to ask it of the First Consul, who, I must confess,

never refused him. Bonaparte, though he well knew the general's

circumstances, said to him one day, "My friend, you should attend a

little more to appearances. You must have your establishment suitable to

your rank. There is the Hotel de Noailles--why don't you take it, and

furnish it in proper style?" Lannes, whose own candour prevented him

from suspecting the artful designs of others, followed the advice of the

First Consul The Hotel de Noailles was taken and superbly fitted up.

Odiot supplied a service of plate valued at 200,000 francs.

General Lannes having thus conformed to the wishes of Bonaparte came to

him and requested 400,000 francs, the amount of the expense incurred, as

it were, by his order. "But," said the First Consul, "I have no

money."--"You have no money! What the devil am I to do, then?"

"But is there none in the Guard's chest? Take what you require, and we

will settle it, hereafter."

Mistrusting nothing, Lannes went to the treasurer of the Guards, who made

some objections at first to the advance required, but who soon yielded on

learning that the demand was made with the consent of the First Consul.

Within twenty-four hours after Lannes had obtained the 400,000 francs the

treasurer received from the head commissary an order to balance his

accounts. The receipt for the 400,000 francs advanced to Lannes, was not

acknowledged as a voucher. In vain the treasurer alleged the authority

of the First Consul for the transaction. Napoleon's memory had suddenly

failed him; he had entirely forgotten all about it. In a word, it was

incumbent on Lannes to refund the 400,000 francs to the Guards' chest;

and, as I have already said, he had no property on earth, but debts in

abundance. He repaired to General Lefebre, who loved him as his son, and

to him he related all that had passed. "Simpleton," said Lefebvre,

"why did you not come to me? Why did you go and get into debt with that

-----? Well, here are the 400,000 francs; take them to him, and let him

go to the devil!"

Lannes hastened to the First Consul. "What!"--he exclaimed, "is it

possible you can be guilty of such baseness as this? To treat me in such

a manner! To lay such a foul snare for me after all that I have done for

you; after all the blood I have shed to promote your ambition! Is this

the recompense you had in store for me? You forget the 13th Vendemiaire,

to the success of which I contributed more than you! You forget

Millesimo: I was colonel before you! For whom did I fight at Bassano?

You were witness of what I did at Lodi and at Governolo, where I was

wounded; and yet you play me such a trick as this! But for me, Paris

would have revolted on the 18th Brumaire. But for me, you would have

lost the battle of Marengo. I alone, yes, I alone, passed the Po, at

Montebello, with my whole division. You gave the credit of that to

Berthier, who was not there; and this is my reward--humiliation. This

cannot, this shall not be. I will----" Bonaparte, pale with anger,

listened without stirring, and Lannes was on the point of challenging him

when Junot, who heard the uproar, hastily entered. The unexpected

presence of this general somewhat reassured the First Consul, and at the

same time calmed, in some degree, the fury of Lannes. "Well," said

Bonaparte, "go to Lisbon. You will get money there; and when you return

you will not want any one to pay your debts for you." Thus was

Bonaparte's object gained. Lannes set out for Lisbon, and never

afterwards annoyed the First Consul by his familiarities, for on his

return he ceased to address him with thee and thou.

Having described Bonaparte's ill-treatment of Lannes I may here subjoin a

statement of the circumstances which led to a rupture between the First

Consul and me. So many false stories have been circulated on the subject

that I am anxious to relate the facts as they really were.

Nine months had now passed since I had tendered my resignation to the

First Consul. The business of my office had become too great for me,

and my health was so much endangered by over-application that my

physician, M. Corvisart, who had for a long time impressed upon me the

necessity of relaxation, now formally warned me that I should not long

hold out under the fatigue I underwent. Corvisart had no doubt spoken to

the same effect to the First Consul, for the latter said to me one day,

in a tone which hetrayed but little feeling, "Why, Corvisart says you

have not a year to live." This was certainly no very welcome compliment

in the mouth of an old college friend, yet I must confess that the doctor

risked little by the prediction.

I had resolved, in fact, to follow the advice of Corvisart; my family

were urgent in their entreaties that I would do so, but I always put off

the decisive step. I was loath to give up a friendship which had

subsisted so long, and which had been only once disturbed: on that

occasion when Joseph thought proper to play the spy upon me at the table

of Fouche. I remembered also the reception I had met with from the

conqueror of Italy; and I experienced, moreover, no slight pain at the

thought of quitting one from whom I had received so many proofs of

confidence, and to whom I had been attached from early boyhood. These

considerations constantly triumphed over the disgust to which I was

subjected by a number of circumstances, and by the increasing vexations

occasioned by the conflict between my private sentiments and the nature

of the duties I had to perform.

I was thus kept in a state of perplexity, from which some unforeseen

circumstance alone could extricate me. Such a circumstance at length

occurred, and the following is the history of my first rupture with

Napoleon:

On the 27th of February 1802, at ten at night, Bonaparte dictated to me a

despatch of considerable importance and urgency, for M. de Talleyrand,

requesting the Minister for Foreign Affairs to come to the Tuileries next

morning at an appointed hour. According to custom, I put the letter into

the hands of the office messenger that it might be forwarded to its

destination.

This was Saturday. The following day, Sunday, M. de Talleyrand came as

if for an audience about mid-day. The First Consul immediately began to

confer with him on the subject of the letter sent the previous evening,

and was astonished to learn that the Minister had not received it

until the morning. He immediately rang for the messenger, and ordered me

to be sent for. Being in a very bad humour, he pulled the bell with so

much fury that he struck his hand violently against the angle of the

chimney-piece. I hurried to his presence. "Why," he said, addressing me

hastily, "why was not my letter delivered yesterday evening?"--"I do not

know: I put it at once into the hands of the person whose duty it was to

see that it was sent."--"Go and find the cause of the delay, and come

back quickly." Having rapidly made my inquiries, I returned to the

cabinet. "Well?" said the First Consul, whose irritation seemed to have

increased. "Well, General, it is not the fault of anybody, M. de

Talleyrand was not to be found, either at the office or at his own

residence, or at the houses of any of his friends where he was thought

likely to be." Not knowing with whom to be angry, restrained by the

coolness of M. de Talleyrand, yet at the same time ready to burst with

rage, Bonaparte rose from his seat, and proceeding to the hall, called

the messenger and questioned him sharply. The man, disconcerted by the

anger of the First Consul, hesitated in his replies, and gave confused

answers. Bonaparte returned to his cabinet still more irritated than he

had left it.

I had followed him to the hall, and on my way back to the cabinet I

attempted to soothe him, and I begged him not to be thus discomposed by a

circumstance which, after all, was of no great moment. I do not know

whether his anger was increased by the sight of the blood which flowed

from his hand, and which he was every moment looking at; but however that

might be, a transport of furious passion, such as I had never before

witnessed, seized him; and as I was about to enter the cabinet after him

he threw back the door with so much violence that, had I been two or

three inches nearer him, it must infallibly have struck me in the face.

He accompanied this action, which was almost convulsive, with an

appellation, not to be borne; he exclaimed before M. de Talleyrand,

"Leave me alone; you are a fool." At an insult so atrocious I confess

that the anger which had already mastered the First Consul suddenly

seized on me. I thrust the door forward with as much impetuosity as he

had used in throwing it back, and, scarcely knowing what I said,

exclaimed, "You are a hundredfold a greater fool than I am!" I then

banged the door and went upstairs to my apartment, which was situated

over the cabinet.

I was as far from expecting as from wishing such an occasion of

separating from the First Consul. But what was done could not be undone;

and therefore, without taking time for reflection, and still under the

influence of the anger that had got the better of me, I penned the

following positive resignation:

GENERAL--The state of my health no longer permits me to continue in your

service. I therefore beg you to accept my resignation.

BOURRIENNE.

Some moments after this note was written I saw Bonaparte's saddle-horses

brought up to the entrance of the Palace. It was Sunday morning, and,

contrary to his usual custom on that day, he was going to ride out.

Duroc accompanied him. He was no sooner done than I, went down into his

cabinet, and placed my letter on his table. On returning at four o'clock

with Duroc Bonaparte read my letter. "Ah! ah!" said he, before opening

it, "a letter from Bourrienne." And he almost immediately added, for the

note was speedily perused, "He is in the sulks.--Accepted." I had left

the Tuileries at the moment he returned, but Duroc sent to me where I was

dining the following billet:

The First Consul desires me, my dear Bourrienne, to inform you that he

accepts your resignation, and to request that you will give me the

necessary information respecting your papers.--Yours,

DUROC.

P.S.:--I will call on you presently.

Duroc came to me at eight o'clock the same evening. The First Consul was

in his cabinet when we entered it. I immediately commenced giving my

intended successor the necessary explanations to enable him to enter upon

his new duties. Piqued at finding that I did not speak to him, and at

the coolness with which I instructed Duroc, Bonaparte said to me in a

harsh tone, "Come, I have had enough of this! Leave me." I stepped down

from the ladder on which I had mounted for the purpose of pointing out to

Duroc the places in which the various papers were deposited and hastily

withdrew. I too had quite enough of it!

I remained two more days at the Tuileries until I had suited myself with

lodgings. On Monday I went down into the cabinet of the First Consul to

take my leave of him. We conversed together for a long time, and very

amicably. He told me he was very sorry I was going to leave him, and

that he would do all he could for me. I pointed out several places to

him; at last I mentioned the Tribunate. "That will not do for you," he

said; "the members are a set of babblers and phrasemongers, whom I mean to

get rid of. All the troubles of States proceed from such debatings. I

am tired of them." He continued to talk in a strain which left me in no

doubt as to his uneasiness about the Tribunate, which, in fact, reckoned

among its members many men of great talent and excellent character.

--[In 1802 the First Consul made a reduction of fifty members of the

Tribunate, and subsequently the whole body was suppressed.

--Bourrienne.]--

The following day, Tuesday, the First Consul asked me to breakfast with

him. After breakfast, while he was conversing with some other person,

Madame Bonaparte and Hortense pressed me to make advances towards

obtaining a re-instalment in my office, appealing to me on the score of

the friendship and kindness they had always shown me. They told me that

I had been in the wrong, and that I had forgotten myself. I answered

that I considered the evil beyond remedy; and that, besides, I had really

need of repose. The First Consul then called me to him, and conversed a

considerable time with me, renewing his protestations of goodwill towards

me.

At five o'clock I was going downstairs to quit the Tuileries for good

when I was met by the office messenger, who told me that the First Consul

wished to see me. Duroc; who was in the room leading to the cabinet,

stopped me as I passed, and said, "He wishes you to remain. I beg of you

not to refuse; do me this favour. I have assured him that I am incapable

of filling your office. It does not suit my habits; and besides, to tell

you the truth, the business is too irksome for me." I proceeded to the

cabinet without replying to Duroc. The First Consul came up to me

smiling, and pulling me by the ear, as he did when he was in the best of

humours, said to me, "Are you still in the sulks?" and leading me to my

usual seat he added, "Come, sit down."

Only those who knew Bonaparte can judge of my situation at that moment.

He had at times, and when he chose, a charm in his manners which it was

quite impossible to resist. I could offer no opposition, and I resumed

my usual office and my accustomed labours. Five minutes afterwards it

was announced that dinner was on table. "You will dine with me?" he

said. "I cannot; I am expected at the place where I was going when Duroc

called me back. It is an engagement that I cannot break."--"Well, I have

nothing to say, then. But give me your word that you will be here at

eight o'clock."--"I promise you." Thus I became again the private

secretary of the First Consul, and I believed in the sincerity of our

reconciliation.

CHAPTER XIII.

1802-1803.

The Concordat and the Legion of Honour--The Council of State and the

Tribunate--Discussion on the word 'subjects'--Chenier--Chabot de

l'Allier's proposition to the Tribunate--The marked proof of

national gratitude--Bonaparte's duplicity and self-command--Reply to

the 'Senatus-consulte'--The people consulted--Consular decree--

The most, or the least--M. de Vanblanc's speech--Bonaparte's reply--

The address of the Tribunate--Hopes and predictions thwarted.

It may truly be said that history affords no example of an empire founded

like that of France, created in all its parts under the cloak of a

republic. Without any shock, and in the short space of four years, there

arose above the ruins of the short-lived Republic a Government more

absolute than ever was Louis XIV.'s. This extraordinary change is to be

assigned to many causes; and I had the opportunity of observing the

influence which the determined will of one man exercised over his

fellow-men.

The great object which Bonaparte had at heart was to legitimate his

usurpations by institutions. The Concordat had reconciled him with the

Court of Rome; the numerous erasures from the emigrant list gathered

round him a large body of the old nobility; and the Legion of Honour,

though at first but badly received, soon became a general object of

ambition. Peace, too, had lent her aid in consolidating the First

Consul's power by affording him leisure to engage in measures of internal

prosperity.

The Council of State, of which Bonaparte had made me a member, but which

my other occupations did not allow me to attend, was the soul of the

Consular Government. Bonaparte felt much interest in the discussions of

that body, because it was composed of the most eminent men in the

different branches of administration; and though the majority evinced a

ready compliance with his wishes, yet that disposition was often far from

being unanimous. In the Council of State the projects of the Government

were discussed from the first with freedom and sincerity, and when once

adopted they were transmitted to the Tribunate, and to the Legislative

Body. This latter body might be considered as a supreme Legislative

Tribunal, before which the Tribunes pleaded as the advocates of the

people, and the Councillors of State, whose business it was to support

the law projects, as the advocates of the Government. This will at once

explain the cause of the First Consul's animosity towards the Tribunate,

and will show to what the Constitution was reduced when that body was

dissolved by a sudden and arbitrary decision.

During the Consulate the Council of State was not only a body politic

collectively, but each individual member might be invested with special

power; as, for example, when the First Consul sent Councillors of State

on missions to each of the military divisions where there was a Court of

Appeal, the instructions given them by the First Consul were extensive,

and might be said to be unlimited. They were directed to examine all the

branches of the administration, so that their reports collected and

compared together presented a perfect description of the state of France.

But this measure, though excellent in itself, proved fatal to the State.

The reports never conveyed the truth to the First Consul, or at least if

they did, it was in such a disguised form as to be scarcely recognisable;

for the Councillors well knew that the best way to pay their court to

Bonaparte was not to describe public feeling as it really was, but as he

wished it to be. Thus the reports of the councillors of State only

furnished fresh arguments in favour of his ambition.

I must, however, observe that in the discussions of the Council of State

Bonaparte was not at all averse to the free expression of opinion. He,

indeed, often encouraged it; for although fully resolved to do only what

he pleased, he wished to gain information; indeed, it is scarcely

conceivable how, in the short space of two years, Bonaparte adapted his

mind so completely to civil and legislative affairs. But he could not

endure in the Tribunate the liberty of opinion which he tolerated in the

Council; and for this reason--that the sittings of the Tribunate were

public, while those of the Council of State were secret, and publicity

was what he dreaded above all things. He was very well pleased when he

had to transmit to the Legislative Body or to the Tribunate any proposed

law of trifling importance, and he used then to say that he had thrown

them a bone to gnaw.

Among the subjects submitted to the consideration of the Council and the

Tribunate was one which gave rise to a singular discussion, the ground of

which was a particular word, inserted in the third article of the treaty

of Russia with France. This word seemed to convey a prophetic allusion

to the future condition of the French people, or rather an anticipated

designation of what they afterwards became. The treaty spoke of "the

subjects of the two Governments." This term applied to those who still

considered themselves citizens, and was highly offensive to the

Tribunate. Chenier most loudly remonstrated against the introduction of

this word into the dictionary of the new Government. He said that the

armies of France had shed their blood that the French people might be

citizens and not subjects. Chenier's arguments, however, had no effect

on the decision of the Tribunate, and only served to irritate the First

Consul. The treaty was adopted almost unanimously, there being only

fourteen dissentient voices, and the proportion of black balls in the

Legislative Body was even less.

Though this discussion passed off almost unnoticed, yet it greatly

displeased the First Consul, who expressed his dissatisfaction in the

evening. "What is it," said he, "these babblers want? They wish to be

citizens--why did they not know how to continue so? My government must

treat on an equal footing with Russia. I should appear a mere puppet in

the eyes of foreign Courts were I to yield to the stupid demands of the

Tribunate.. Those fellows tease me so that I have a great mind to end

matters at once with them." I endeavoured to soothe his anger, and

observed, that one precipitate act might injure him. "You are right," he

continued; "but stay a little, they shall lose nothing by waiting."

The Tribunate pleased Bonaparte better in the great question of the

Consulate for life, because he had taken the precaution of removing such

members as were most opposed to the encroachments of his ambition. The

Tribunate resolved that a marked proof of the national gratitude should

be offered to the First Consul, and the resolution was transmitted to the

Senate. Not a single voice was raised against this proposition, which

emanated from Chabot de l'Allier, the President of the Tribunate. When

the First Consul came back to his cabinet after receiving the deputation

of the Tribunate he was very cheerful, and said to me, "Bourrienne, it is

a blank cheque that the Tribunate has just offered me; I shall know how

to fill it up. That is my business."

The Tribunate having adopted the indefinite proposition of offering to

the First Consul a marked proof of the national gratitude, it now only

remained to determine what that proof should be. Bonaparte knew well

what he wanted, but he did not like to name it in any positive way.

Though in his fits of impatience, caused by the lingering proceedings of

the Legislative Body and the indecision of some of its members, he often

talked of mounting on horseback and drawing his sword, yet he so far

controlled himself as to confine violence to his conversations with his

intimate friends. He wished it to be thought that he himself was

yielding to compulsion; that he was far from wishing to usurp permanent

power contrary to the Constitution; and that if he deprived France of

liberty it was all for her good, and out of mere love for her. Such

deep-laid duplicity could never have been conceived and maintained in any

common mind; but Bonaparte's was not a mind of the ordinary cast. It

must have required extraordinary self-command to have restrained so long

as he did that daring spirit which was so natural to him, and which was

rather the result of his temperament than his character. For my part, I

confess that I always admired him more for what he had the fortitude not

to do than for the boldest exploits he ever performed.

In conformity with the usual form, the proposition of the Tribunate was

transmitted to the Senate. From that time the Senators on whom Bonaparte

most relied were frequent in their visits to the Tuileries. In the

preparatory conferences which preceded the regular discussions in the

Senate it has been ascertained that the majority was not willing that the

marked proof of gratitude should be the Consulate for life; it was

therefore agreed that the reporter should limit his demand to a temporary

prolongation of the dignity of First Consul in favour of Bonaparte. The

reporter, M. de Lacepede, acted accordingly, and limited the prolongation

to ten years, commencing from the expiration of the ten years granted by

the Constitution. I forget which of the Senators first proposed the

Consulate for life; but I well recollect that Cambaceres used all his

endeavours to induce those members of the Senate whom he thought he could

influence to agree to that proposition. Whether from flattery or

conviction I know not, but the Second Consul held out to his colleague,

or rather his master, the hope of complete success Bonaparte on hearing

him shook his head with an air of doubt, but afterwards said to me, "They

will perhaps make some wry faces, but they must come to it at last!"

It was proposed in the Senate that the proposition of the Consulate for

life should take the priority of that of the decennial prolongation; but

this was not agreed to; and the latter proposition being adopted, the

other, of course, could not be discussed.

There was something very curious in the 'Senatus-consulte' published on

the occasion. It spoke in the name of the French people, and stated

that, "in testimony of their gratitude to the Consuls of the Republic,"

the Consular reign was prolonged for ten years; but that the prolongation

was limited to the First Consul only.

Bonaparte, though much dissatisfied with the decision of the Senate,

disguised his displeasure in ambiguous language. When Tronchet, then

President of the Senate, read to him, in a solemn audience, at the head

of the deputation, the 'Senatus-consulte' determining the prorogation,

he said in reply that he could not be certain of the confidence of the

people unless his continuance in the Consulship were sanctioned by their

suffrages. "The interests of my glory and happiness," added he, "would

seem to have marked the close of my public life at the moment when the

peace of the world is proclaimed. But the glory and the happiness of the

citizen must yield to the interests of the State and wishes of the

public. You, Senators, conceive that I owe to the people another

sacrifice. I will make it if the voice of the people commands what your

suffrage authorises."

The true meaning of these words was not understood by everybody, and was

only manifest to those who were initiated in the secret of Bonaparte's

designs. He did not accept the offer of the Senate, because he wished

for something more. The question was to be renewed and to be decided by

the people only; and since the people had the right to refuse what the

Senate offered, they possessed, for the same reason, the right to give

what the Senate did not offer.

The moment now arrived for consulting the Council of State as to the mode

to be adopted for invoking and collecting the suffrages of the people.

For this purpose au extraordinary meeting of the Council of State was

summoned on the 10th of May. Bonaparte wished to keep himself aloof from

all ostensible influence; but his two colleagues laboured for him more

zealously than he could have worked for himself, and they were warmly

supported by several members of the Council. A strong majority were of

opinion that Bonaparte should not only be invested with the Consulship

for life, but that he should be empowered to nominate his successor. But

he, still faithful to his plan, affected to venerate the sovereignty of

the people, which he held in horror, and he promulgated the following

decree, which was the first explanation of his reply to the Senate.