CHAPTER XXX

1800.

Bonaparte and Paul I.--Lord Whitworth--Baron Sprengporten's arrival

at Paris--Paul's admiration of Bonaparte--Their close connection and

correspondence--The royal challenge--General Mack--The road to

Malmaison--Attempts at assassination--Death of Washington--National

mourning--Ambitious calculation--M. de Fontanel, the skilful orator

--Fete at the Temple of Mars--Murat's marriage with Caroline

Bonaparte--Madame Bonaparte's pearls.

The first communications between Bonaparte and Paul I. commenced a short

time after his accession to the Consulate. Affairs then began to look a

little less unfavourable for France; already vague reports from

Switzerland and the banks of the Rhine indicated a coldness existing

between the Russians and the Austrians; and at the same time, symptoms of

a misunderstanding between the Courts of London and St. Petersburg began

to be perceptible. The First Consul, having in the meantime discovered

the chivalrous and somewhat eccentric character of Paul I., thought the

moment a propitious one to attempt breaking the bonds which united Russia

and England. He was not the man to allow so fine an opportunity to pass,

and he took advantage of it with his usual sagacity. The English had

some time before refused to include in a cartel for the exchange of

prisoners 7000 Russians taken in Holland. Bonaparte ordered them all to

be armed, and clothed in new uniforms appropriate to the corps to which

they had belonged, and sent them back to Russia, without ransom, without

exchange, or any condition whatever. This judicious munificence was not

thrown away. Paul I. showed himself deeply sensible of it, and closely

allied as he had lately been with England, he now, all at once, declared

himself her enemy. This triumph of policy delighted the First Consul.

Thenceforth the Consul and the Czar became the best friends possible.

They strove to outdo each other in professions of friendship; and it may

be believed that Bonaparte did not fail to turn this contest of

politeness to his own advantage. He so well worked upon the mind of Paul

that he succeeded in obtaining a direct influence over the Cabinet of St.

Petersburg.

Lord Whitworth, at that time the English ambassador in Russia, was

ordered to quit the capital without delay, and to retire to Riga, which

then became the focus of the intrigues of the north which ended in the

death of Paul. The English ships were seized in all the ports, and, at

the pressing instance of the Czar, a Prussian army menaced Hanover.

Bonaparte lost no time, and, profiting by the friendship manifested

towards him by the inheritor of Catherine's power, determined to make

that friendship subservient to the execution of the vast plan which he

had long conceived: he meant to undertake an expedition by land against

the English colonies in the East Indies.

The arrival of Baron Sprengporten at Paris caused great satisfaction

among the partisans of the Consular Government, that is to say, almost

every one in Paris. M. Sprengporten was a native of Swedish Finland.

He had been appointed by Catherine chamberlain and lieutenant-general of

her forces, and he was not less in favour with Paul, who treated him in

the most distinguished manner. He came on an extraordinary mission,

being ostensibly clothed with the title of plenipotentiary, and at the

same time appointed confidential Minister to the Consul. Bonaparte was

extremely satisfied with the ambassador whom Paul had selected, and with

the manner in, which he described the Emperor's gratitude for the

generous conduct of the First Consul. M. Sprengporten did not conceal

the extent of Paul's dissatisfaction with his allies. The bad issue, he

said, of the war with France had already disposed the Czar to connect

himself with that power, when the return of his troops at once determined

him.

We could easily perceive that Paul placed great confidence in M.

Sprengporten. As he had satisfactorily discharged the mission with which

he had been entrusted, Paul expressed pleasure at his conduct in several

friendly and flattering letters, which Sprengporten always allowed us to

read. No one could be fonder of France than he was, and he ardently

desired that his first negotiations might lead to a long alliance between

the Russian and French Governments. The autograph and very frequent

correspondence between Bonaparte and Paul passed through his hands. I

read all Paul's letters, which were remarkable for the frankness with

which his affection for Bonaparte was expressed. His admiration of the

First Consul was so great that no courtier could have written in a more

flattering manner.

This admiration was not feigned on the part of the Emperor of Russia: it

was no less sincere than ardent, and of this he soon gave proofs. The

violent hatred he had conceived towards the English Government induced

him to defy to single combat every monarch who would not declare war

against England and shut his ports against English ships. He inserted a

challenge to the King of Denmark in the St. Petersburg Court Gazette; but

not choosing to apply officially to the Senate of Hamburg to order its

insertion in the 'Correspondant', conducted by M. Stoves, he sent the

article, through Count Pahlen, to M. Schramm, a Hamburg merchant. The

Count told M. Schramm that the Emperor would be much pleased to see the

article of the St. Petersburg Court Gazette copied into the

Correspondant; and that if it should be inserted, he wished to have a

dozen copies of the paper printed on vellum, and sent to him by an

extraordinary courier. It was Paul's intention to send a copy to every

sovereign in Europe; but this piece of folly, after the manner of Charles

XII., led to no further results.

Bonaparte never felt greater satisfaction in the-whole course of his life

than he experienced from Paul's enthusiasm for him. The friendship of a

sovereign seemed to him a step by which he was to become a sovereign

himself. At the same time the affairs of La Vendee began to assume a

better aspect, and he hoped soon to effect that pacification in the

interior which he so ardently desired.

It was during the First Consul's residence at the Luxembourg that the

first report on the civil code was made to the legislative body. It was

then, also, that the regulations for the management of the Bank of France

were adopted, and that establishment so necessary to France was founded.

There was at this time in Paris a man who has acquired an unfortunate

celebrity, the most unlucky of modern generals--in a word, General Mack.

I should not notice that person here were it not for the prophetic

judgment which Bonaparte then pronounced on him. Mack had been obliged

to surrender himself at Championnet some time before our landing at

Frejus. He was received as a prisoner of war, and the town of Dijon had

been appointed his place of residence, and there he remained until after

the 18th Brumaire. Bonaparte, now Consul, permitted him to come to

Paris, and to reside there on his parole. He applied for leave to go to

Vienna, pledging himself to return again a prisoner to France if the

Emperor Francis would not consent to exchange him for Generals Wrignon

and Grouchy, then prisoners in Austria. His request was not granted, but

his proposition was forwarded to Vienna. The Court of Vienna refused to

accede to it, not placing perhaps so much importance on the deliverance

of Mack as he had flattered himself it would.

Bonaparte speaking to me of him one day said, "Mack is a man of the

lowest mediocrity I ever saw in my life; he is full of self-sufficiency

and conceit, and believes himself equal to anything. He has no talent.

I should like to see him opposed some day to one of our good generals;

we should then see fine work. He is a boaster, and that is all. He is

really one of the most silly men existing; and, besides all that, he is

unlucky." Was not this opinion of Bonaparte, formed on the past, fully

verified by the future?

It was at Malmaison that Bonaparte thus spoke of General Mack. That

place was then far from resembling what it afterwards became, and the

road to it was neither pleasant nor sure. There was not a house on the

road; and in the evening, during the season when we were there, it was

not frequented all the way from St. Germain. Those numerous vehicles,

which the demands of luxury and an increasing population have created,

did not then, as now, pass along the roads in the environs of Paris.

Everywhere the road was solitary and dangerous; and I learned with

certainty that many schemes were laid for carrying off the First Consul

during one of his evening journeys. They were unsuccessful, and orders

were given to enclose the quarries, which were too near to the road. On

Saturday evening Bonaparte left the Luxembourg, and afterwards the

Tuileries, to go to Malmaison, and I cannot better express the joy he

then appeared to experience than by comparing it to the delight of a

school-boy on getting a holiday.

Before removing from the Luxembourg to the Tuileries Bonaparte determined

to dazzle the eyes of the Parisians by a splendid ceremony. He had

appointed it to take place on the 'decadi', Pluviose 20 (9th February

1800), that is to say, ten days before his final departure from the old

Directorial palace. These kinds of fetes did not resemble what they

afterwards became; their attraction consisted in the splendour of

military dress: and Bonaparte was always sure that whenever he mounted

his horse, surrounded by a brilliant staff from which he was to be

distinguished by the simplicity of his costume, his path would be crowded

and himself greeted with acclamations by the people of Paris. The object

of this fete was at first only to present to the 'Hotel des Invalides',

their called the Temple of Mars, seventy-two flags taken from the Turks

in the battle of Aboukir and brought from Egypt to Paris; but

intelligence of Washington's death, who expired on the 14th of December

1799, having reached Bonaparte; he eagerly took advantage of that event

to produce more effect, and mixed the mourning cypress with the laurels

he had collected in Egypt.

Bonaparte did not feel much concerned at the death of Washington, that

noble founder of rational freedom in the new world; but it afforded him

an opportunity to mask his ambitious projects under the appearance of a

love of liberty. In thus rendering honour to the memory of Washington

everybody would suppose that Bonaparte intended to imitate his example,

and that their two names would pass in conjunction from mouth to mouth.

A clever orator might be employed, who, while pronouncing a eulogium on

the dead, would contrive to bestow some praise on the living; and when

the people were applauding his love of liberty he would find himself one

step nearer the throne, on which his eyes were constantly fixed. When

the proper time arrived, he would not fail to seize the crown; and would

still cry, if necessary, "Vive la Liberte!" while placing it on his

imperial head.

The skilful orator was found. M. de Fontanes

--[L. de Fontenes (1767-1821) became president of the Corps

Legislatif, Senator, and Grand Master of the University. He was the

centre of the literary group of the Empire,]--

was commissioned to pronounce the funeral eulogium on Washington, and the

flowers of eloquence which he scattered about did not all fall on the

hero of America.

Lannes was entrusted by Bonaparte with the presentation of the flags; and

on the 20th Pluviose he proceeded, accompanied by strong detachments of

the cavalry then in Paris, to the council-hall of the Invalides, where he

was met by the Minister of War, who received the colours. All the

Ministers, the councillors of, State, and generals were summoned to the

presentation. Lannes pronounced a discourse, to which herthier replied,

and M. de Fontanes added his well-managed eloquence to the plain military

oratory of the two generals. In the interior of this military temple a

statue of Mars sleeping had been placed, and from the pillars and roof

were suspended the trophies of Denain, Fontenoy, and the campaign of

Italy, which would still have decorated that edifice had not the demon of

conquest possessed Bonaparte. Two Invalides, each said to be a hundred

years old, stood beside the Minister of War; and the bust of the

emancipator of America was placed under the trophy composed of the flags

of Aboukir. In a word, recourse was had to every sort of charlatanism

usual on such occasions. In the evening there was a numerous assembly at

the Luxembourg, and Bonaparte took much credit to himself for the effect

produced on this remarkable day. He had only to wait ten days for his

removal to the Tuileries, and precisely on that day the national mourning

for Washington was to cease, for which a general mourning for freedom

might well have been substituted.

I have said very little about Murat in the course of these Memoirs except

mentioning the brilliant part he performed in several battles. Having

now arrived at the period of his marriage with one of Napoleon's sisters

I take the opportunity of returning to the interesting events which

preceded that alliance.

His fine and well-proportioned form, his great physical strength and

somewhat refined elegance of manner,--the fire of his eye, and his fierce

courage in battle, gave to Murat rather the character of one of those

'preux chevaliers' so well described by Ariosto and Taro, that, that a

Republican soldier. The nobleness of his look soon made the lowness of

his birth be forgotten. He was affable, polished, gallant; and in the

field of battle twenty men headed by Murat were worth a whole regiment.

Once only he showed himself under the influence of fear, and the reader

shall see in what circumstance it was that he ceased to be himself.

--[Marshal Lannes, so brave and brilliant in war and so well able to

appreciate courage, one day sharply rebuked a colonel for having

punished a young officer just arrived from school at Fontainebleau

because he gave evidence of fear in his first engagement. "Know,

colonel," said he, "none but a poltroon (the term was oven more

strong) will boast that he never was afraid."--Bourrienne.]--

When Bonaparte in his first Italian campaign had forced Wurmser to

retreat into Mantua with 28,000 men, he directed Miollis, with only 4000

men, to oppose any sortie that might be attempted by the Austrian

general. In one of these sorties Murat, who was at the head of a very

weak detachment, was ordered to charge Wurmser. He was afraid, neglected

to execute the order, and in a moment of confusion said that he was

wounded. Murat immediately fell into disgrace with the General-in-Chief,

whose 'aide de camp' he was.

Murat had been previously sent to Paris to present to the Directory the

first colours taken by the French army of Italy in the actions of Dego

and Mondovi, and it was on this occasion that he got acquainted with

Madame Tallien and the wife of his General. But he already knew the

beautiful Caroline Bonaparte, whom he had seen at Rome in the residence

of her brother Joseph, who was then discharging the functions of

ambassador of the Republic. It appears that Caroline was not even

indifferent to him, and that he was the successful rival of the Princess

Santa Croce's son, who eagerly sought the honour of her hand. Madame

Tallien and Madame Bonaparte received with great kindness the first 'aide

de camp', and as they possessed much influence with the Directory, they

solicited, and easily obtained for him, the rank of brigadier-general.

It was somewhat remarkable at that time Murat, notwithstanding his

newly-acquired rank, to remain Bonaparte's 'aide de camp', the

regulations not allowing a general-in-chief an 'aide de camp' of higher

rank than chief of brigade, which was equal to that of colonel: This

insignificant act was, therefore, rather a hasty anticipation of the

prerogatives everywhere reserved to princes and kings.

It was after having discharged this commission that Murat, on his return

to Italy, fell into disfavour with the General-in Chief. He indeed

looked upon him with a sort of hostile feeling, and placed him in

Reille's division, and afterwards Baragasy d'Hilliers'; consequently,

when we went to Paris, after the treaty of Campo-Formio, Murat was not of

the party. But as the ladies, with whom he was a great favourite, were

not devoid of influence with the Minister of War, Murat was, by their

interest, attached to the engineer corps in the expedition to Egypt.

On board the Orient he remained in the most complete disgrace. Bonaparte

did not address a word to him during the passage; and in Egypt the

General-in-Chief always treated him with coldness, and often sent him

from the headquarters on disagreeable services. However, the

General-in-Chief having opposed him to Mourad Bey, Murat performed such

prodigies of valour in every perilous encounter that he effaced the

transitory stain which a momentary hesitation under the walls of Mantua

had left on his character. Finally, Murat so powerfully contributed to

the success of the day at Aboukir that Bonaparte, glad to be able to

carry another laurel plucked in Egypt to France, forgot the fault which

had made so unfavourable an impression, and was inclined to efface from

his memory other things that he had heard to the disadvantage of Murat;

for I have good reasons for believing, though Bonaparte never told me

so, that Murat's name, as well as that of Charles, escaped from the lips

of Junot when he made his indiscreet communication to Bonaparte at the

walls of Messoudiah. The charge of grenadiers, commanded by Murat on

the 19th Brumaire in the hall of the Five Hundred, dissipated all the

remaining traces of dislike; and in those moments when Bonaparte's

political views subdued every other sentiment of his mind, the rival of

the Prince Santa Croce received the command of the Consular Guard.

--[Joachim Murat (1771-1616), the son of an innkeeper, aide de camp

to Napoleon in Italy, etc.; Marshal, 1804; Prince in 1806; Grand

Admiral; Grand Duc de Berg et de Clesves, 1808; King of Naples,

1808. Shot by Bourbons 13th October 1815. Married Caroline

Bonaparte (third sister of Napoleon) 20th January 1600.]--

It may reasonably be supposed that Madame Bonaparte, in endeavouring to

win the friendship of Murat by aiding his promotion, had in view to gain

one partisan more to oppose to the family and brothers of Bonaparte; and

of this kind of support she had much need. Their jealous hatred was

displayed on every occasion; and the amiable Josephine, whose only fault

was being too much of the woman, was continually tormented by sad

presentiments. Carried away by the easiness of her character, she did

not perceive that the coquetry which enlisted for her so many defenders

also supplied her implacable enemies with weapons to use against her.

In this state of things Josephine, who was well convinced that she had

attached Murat to herself by the bonds of friendship and gratitude, and

ardently desired to see him united to Bonaparte by a family connection,

favoured with all her influence his marriage with Caroline. She was not

ignorant that a close intimacy had already sprung up at Milan between

Caroline and Murat, and she was the first to propose a marriage. Murat

hesitated, and went to consult M. Collot, who was a good adviser in all

things, and whose intimacy with Bonaparte had initiated him into all the

secrets of the family. M. Collot advised Murat to lose no time, but to

go to the First Consul and formally demand the hand of his sister. Murat

followed his advice. Did he do well? It was to this step that he owed

the throne of Naples. If he had abstained he would not have been shot at

Pizzo. 'Sed ipsi Dei fata rumpere non possunt!'

However that might be, Bonaparte received, more in the manner of a

sovereign than of a brother in arms, the proposal of Murat. He heard him

with unmoved gravity, said that he would consider the matter, but gave no

positive answer.

This affair was, as may be supposed, the subject of conversation in the

evening in the; salon of the Luxembourg. Madame Bonaparte employed all

her powers of persuasion to obtain the First Consul's consent, and her

efforts were seconded by Hortense, Eugene, and myself, "Murat," said he,

among other things, "Murat is an innkeeper's son. In the elevated rank

where glory and fortune have placed me, I never can mix his blood with

mine! Besides, there is no hurry: I shall see by and by." We forcibly

described to him the reciprocal affection of the two young people, and

did not fail to bring to his observation Murat's devoted attachment to

his person, his splendid courage and noble conduct in Egypt. "Yes," said

he, with warmth, "I agree with you; Murat was superb at Aboukir." We did

not allow so favourable a moment to pass by. We redoubled our

entreaties, and at last he consented. When we were together in his

cabinet in the evening, "Well; Bourrienne," said he to me, "you ought to

be satisfied, and so am I, too, everything considered. Murat is suited

to my sister, and then no one can say that I am proud, or seek grand

alliances. If I had given my sister to a noble, all your Jacobins would

have raised a cry of counter-revolution. Besides, I am very glad that my

wife is interested in this marriage, and you may easily suppose the

cause. Since it is determined on, I will hasten it forward; we have no

time to lose. If I go to Italy I will take Murat with me. I must strike

a decisive blow there. Adieu."

When I entered the First Consul's chamber at seven o'clock the next day

he appeared even more satisfied than on the preceding evening with the

resolution he had taken. I easily perceived that in spite of all his

cunning, he had failed to discover the real motive which had induced

Josephine to take so lively an interest respecting Murat's marriage with

Caroline. Still Bonaparte's satisfaction plainly showed that his wife's

eagerness for the marriage had removed all doubt in his mind of the

falsity of the calumnious reports which had prevailed respecting her

intimacy with Murat.

The marriage of Murat and Caroline was celebrated at the Luxembourg, but

with great modesty. The First Consul did not yet think that his family

affairs were affairs of state. But previously to the celebration a

little comedy was enacted in which I was obliged to take a part, and I

will relate how.

At the time of the marriage of Murat Bonaparte had not much money, and

therefore only gave his sister a dowry of 30,000 francs. Still, thinking

it necessary to make her a marriage present, and not possessing the means

to purchase a suitable one, he took a diamond necklace which helonged to

his wife and gave it to the bride. Josephine was not at all pleased with

this robbery, and taxed her wits to discover some means of replacing her

necklace.

Josephine was aware that the celebrated jeweler Foncier possessed a

magnificent collection of fine pearls which had belonged, as he said, to

the late Queen, Marie Antoinette. Having ordered them to be brought to

her to examine them, she thought there were sufficient to make a very

fine necklace. But to make the purchase 250,000 francs were required,

and how to get them was the difficulty. Madame Bonaparte had recourse to

Berthier, who was then Minister of War. Berthier, after, biting his

nails according to his usual habit, set about the liquidation of the

debts due for the hospital service in Italy with as much speed as

possible; and as in those days the contractors whose claims were admitted

overflowed with gratitude towards their patrons, through whom they

obtained payment, the pearls soon passed from Foncier's shop to the

casket of Madame Bonaparte.

The pearls being thus obtained, there was still another difficulty, which

Madame Bonaparte did not at first think of. How was she to wear a

necklace purchased without her husband's knowledge? Indeed it was the

more difficult for her to do so as the First Consul knew very well that

his wife had no money, and being, if I may be allowed the expression,

something of the busybody, he knew, or believed he knew, all Josephine's

jewels. The pearls were therefore condemned to remain more than a

fortnight in Madame Bonaparte's casket without her daring to use them.

What a punishment for a woman! At length her vanity overcame her

prudence, and being unable to conceal the jewels any longer, she one day

said to me, "Bourrienne, there is to be a large party here to-morrow, and

I absolutely must wear my pearls. But you know he will grumble if he

notices them. I beg, Bourrienne, that you will keep near me. If he asks

me where I got my pearls I must tell him, without hesitation, that I have

had them a long time."

Everything happened as Josephine feared and hoped.

Bonaparte, on seeing the pearls, did not fail to say to Madame, "What is

it you have got there? How fine you are to-day! Where did you get these

pearls? I think I never saw them before."--"Oh! 'mon Dieu'! you have

seen them a dozen times! It is the necklace which the Cisalpine Republic

gave me, and which I now wear in my hair."--"But I think--"--"Stay: ask

Bourrienne, he will tell you."--"Well, Bourrienne, what do you say to it?

Do you recollect the necklace?"--"Yes, General, I recollect very well

seeing it before." This was not untrue, for Madame Bonaparte had

previously shown me the pearls. Besides, she had received a pearl

necklace from the Cisalpine Republic, but of incomparably less value than

that purchased from Fancier. Josephine performed her part with charming

dexterity, and I did not act amiss the character of accomplice assigned

me in this little comedy. Bonaparte had no suspicions. When I saw the

easy confidence with which Madame Bonaparte got through this scene, I

could not help recollecting Suzanne's reflection on the readiness with

which well-bred ladies can tell falsehoods without seeming to do so.

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