At a little village near Montelimart (our lodging place to-night), we

were accosted in very bad English by a good-looking young Frenchman,

who, from our appearance, knew us to be English. He told us that he had

been four years a prisoner at Plymouth; he complained of bad treatment,

and abused both the English and England very liberally, saying that

France was a much finer country. Poor fellow! in a prison-ship at

Plymouth he had formed his opinion of England. He gave us some good

hints about the price of provisions in this part of the country. Wine

(the vin ordinaire) is here at six sous, or three-pence the bottle. I

had been very much astonished (on ordering some wine for the soldiers in

the morning), to find that I had only ten sous to pay for each bottle.

The country through which we passed to-day is rather more interesting,

with a considerable variety of hill and dale, wood and water, but the

soil is still a miserable gravel. Both to-day and yesterday we observed

that the fields on each side of the road were planted with clumsy cropt

trees, somewhat like fruit-trees. We could not make out what these were

until to-day, when we learnt that they were mulberry trees, and that

this was a silk country. The trees are of the size of our orchard

trees; their branches, under the thickness of an inch, are all lopped

off, and from the wounds thus made, spring up the tender young branches

which produce the leaves. The trees have a most unnatural appearance

from this cause. Under these the fields here are ploughed for a most

wretched crop of wheat. The ploughs miserably constructed, but with

wheels.

This part of the country abounds with mule, which are used in carriages,

carts, waggons, ploughs, &c. These animals are of a remarkable size

here. The roads, ever since we left Lyons, excepting where we met with a

hundred or two hundred yards of pavement, have been uniformly bad.

To-day, however, we made out about 33 miles between six and five

o'clock. This town of Montelimart is celebrated for one manufacture

only, viz. a sort of cake made of almonds and white sugar, called

Nagaux. This article is sent from this place all over France!------

Distance 33 miles--to Montelimart.

* * *

Our journey to-day (_Friday_ the 24th) though rather more rapid, was not

by any means comfortable. The country hereabout has a great want of

milk and butter;--not a cow to be seen. The soil is still to appearance

wretchedly poor, yet it gives a rich produce, in grapes, figs, olives,

and mulberry leaves, for the silk worms. The wine (vin ordinaire) sells

here at six sous the bottle; it is poor in quality, yet by no means

unpalatable. The roads continue as bad as ever, rather worse indeed, for

the thin creamy mud has become thick doughy clay.

We did not arrive at Orange till half past five, but were fortunate in

finding a civil reception at the Palais Royal, the first inn on entering

the town. We met with no adventures to-day of any kind. The language of

the people has now become completely unintelligible; it is a Patois of

the most horrible nature. Many of the better sort of people among the

peasants, are able to speak French with you, but where they have only

their own dialect, you are completely at a loss. I had conceived, that

there would be no more difference between French and Patois, than

between the better and the lower dialects of Scotch and English; but the

very words are here changed: A carter asked the landlord with whom we

were conversing, for a [8]"Peetso morcel du bosse,"--_"petit morceau du

bois."_ The landlord, a respectable-looking man, gave us a good deal of

news regarding the state of the country. He says, that the people in the

south are all anxious for peace, and that those in France, who wish for

war, are those who have nothing else to live on; that nobody with a

house over his back, and a little money, desires to have war again.

The people here seem to amuse themselves with a perpetual variety of

reports. The story to-day is, that Alexander has declared his intention

of sending 60,000 men to Poland, to take possession of that country for

himself; and that Talleyrand would not hear of such a thing. The

villages that we passed to-day have a greater appearance of desolation

than any we have yet seen. Scarce a house which does not seem to be

tumbling to pieces, and those which we were unlucky enough to enter,

were as dirty and uncomfortable inside as they appeared without. On

entering the town, or rather at a little distance from the town of

Orange, we saw a beautiful triumphal arch, said to have been raised to

commemorate the victories of Marius over the Cimbri. The evening was

too gloomy for us to observe in what state of preservation the sculpture

is now, but the architecture is very grand. To-morrow we breakfast at

Avignon. But alas, the weather will not permit of our visiting

Vaucluse.----Distance 39 miles--to Orange.

* * *

_Saturday_, the 25th.--We left Orange at half past six. Our road to-day

lay through the same species of country, to which we have been condemned

for four days, producing vines, olives, and mulberries; the soil is to

all appearance a most wretched one for corn--gravel and stones. The

roads have, ever since our leaving Lyons, been very bad. After breakfast

at Avignon, we proceeded to see the ruins of the church of Notre Dame.

There are now remaining but very few vestiges of a church; the ground

formerly enclosed by the church, is now formed into a fruit garden, and

a country house has been built on the ruins. The owner of this house

wishes to let it, and hearing that a friend of ours was in need of a

house, he offered it to him for two hundred a-year. The house was such

as one could procure near London for about L.80, and such as we ought to

have in France for L.20. But the French do really think, that the

English will give any sum they ask, and that every individual is a kind

of animated bag of money.

The owner of the house was, to appearance, a broken-down gentleman; he

had been ordered to Marseilles by his physician for an affection of the

lungs; yet he strongly recommended the climate of Avignon. For my own

part, I think the situation is too low and windy to be healthy. The town

is one of the cleanest we have seen, and there are some excellent houses

in it; of the rent we could not well judge from the account of this

gentleman. We went through his garden, and were by him shewn the spot

under which the tomb of Laura is now situated. A small cypress tree had

been planted by the owner of the garden to mark the spot. He had heard

the story of Laura, and recollected many particulars of it; but still he

had not been at the pains to have the spot cleared, and the tomb exposed

to view. To any one who was acquainted with the story of Petrarch, or

who had perused his impassioned effusions, the dilapidation of this

church, and the barbarous concealment of Laura's tomb, were most

mortifying circumstances. But, neither the memory of Laura, nor of the

brave Crillon, whose tomb is also here, had any effect in averting the

progress of the revolutionary barbarians. The tomb of Crillon is now

only to be distinguished by the vestiges of some warlike embellishments

in the wall opposite which it was situated. There is a large space now

empty in the midst of these ornaments, from which a large marble slab

had lately been taken out. On this slab, the owner of the garden said,

an inscription, commemorating the virtues of Crillon, had been engraved.

A small stone, with his arms very beautifully engraved, was shewn us in

the garden. I could not leave the garden without stealing a branch from

the cypress which shaded Laura's tomb.

Through this garden runs the rivulet of Vaucluse. Its course is through

the town of Avignon; where we remained for three hours, and then

continued our journey; but the day was far advanced, and by the evening

we only arrived at a wretched, little inn called Bonpas. We were here

told that we could have no lodging. Luckily for us the moon was up, and

very clear; we therefore pushed on for Orgon, which, although said in

the post-book to be two posts and a half from Bonpas, we reached in

about an hour and a half. On our arrival we were fortunate enough to

find lodging; and had scarcely seated ourselves in our parlour, when the

people told us, that last night the mail had been robbed, and both the

postillion and conducteur killed on the spot,----Distance 42 miles--to

Orgon.

* * *

_Sunday_, the 26th,--We left Orgon, as usual, at six o'clock, and

travelled before breakfast to Font Royal, a distance of 11 miles. Here

the unfortunate _conducteur_ of the mail was lying desperately wounded;

the surgeon, however, expected him to live. The postmaster here was not

well satisfied with the conduct of the soldiers or gens-d'armes who

attended the mail. The robbers were only four in number, and the

attendants, viz. the postillion, conducteur and gens-d'armes, he

thought, ought to have been a match for them. The robbers were

frightened off while searching for the money, and fled without taking

any thing of consequence.

It is a very bad arrangement which they have in France, of sending large

sums of money in gold and silver by the mail; for it holds out a much

stronger inducement than would otherwise be given to the robbers. The

mail, in France, is a very heavy coach, and has only three horses. The

roads to-day were worse than any we have yet passed; and the country,

for the first part of our journey, is as dull and insipid as it is

possible to conceive. The soil most wretched, but still producing great

riches in olives, grapes, figs, and mulberries. The grapes are

delightful, even now when almost out of season, and the wine made from

them is very fine. Within a mile or two of Aix, (from the top of a steep

descent over a very barren, and bleak hill), you are delighted with the

most complete change in the scene: In a moment, an extensive valley,

highly cultivated, opens on the view. It is divided into a beautiful

variety of vineyards, wheat fields, gardens, plantations of olives and

figs, and is enclosed by hedge-rows of almond and mulberry trees. Round

the valley rise a succession of romantic hills, covered with woods, and

forming a fine conclusion to the view. It was altogether an enchanting

picture. If this is the case in winter, what must it be in summer? The

town of Aix, situated in this valley, is, as far as we have seen, the

cleanest, neatest, and most comfortable-looking town in France--we are

as yet all delighted with it; but when we shall have seen it for a day

or two, I shall be better able to give an account of it.----Distance 33

miles--to Aix.

CHAPTER II.

RESIDENCE AT AIX, AND JOURNEY TO BOURDEAUX.

MONDAY, the 27th.--Having been employed the whole day in searching for

furnished lodgings, I had no time to ride about and see the town. I

shall describe it afterwards.--I saw, however, a little of the manners

of some ranks of French society.

After this, I went into the best coffeehouse in the town here, and sat

down to read the newspapers. I found in it people of all

descriptions--several of a most unprepossessing appearance, and others

really like gentlemen. One of the best dressed of these last, decorated

with the white cockade and other insignia, and having several rings of

precious stones on his fingers, a watch, with a beautiful assortment of

seals and other trinkets, was playing at Polish drafts, with an officer,

also apparently a gentleman. I entered into conversation with him; and

was surprised at his almost immediately offering me his watch, trinkets,

and rings for sale. Still I thought this might arise from French

manners: I had not a doubt he was a gentleman.--How great was my

surprise, when a gentleman from the other side of the room called him by

name, and bid him bring a cup of coffee and a glass of liqueur--My

friend was one of the waiters of the coffeehouse. Such is the mixture of

French society--such is the effect of citizenship.

Our landlord, Mr A----, keeps a retail shop for toys, perfumery,

cutlery, and all manner of articles. I did not think that we had given

him any encouragement on our first arrival; but he is now become a pest

to us: he honours us with his company at all hours, and comes and seats

himself with our other acquaintances, of whatever rank they may be. I

have been forced at last to be rude to him, in never asking him to sit

down when any one is with us. _The physician shakes him by the hand--so

does the banker_. When I had purchased my horse, our banker spoke to a

little mean-looking body, a paper-maker, to buy some corn and hay for

it. I was astonished when the banker ended his speech by an

affectionate[9] "_Adieu, a revoir a souper_." I am told, however, that

this mixture of ranks, and this condescension on the part of superiors,

is only practised at times, and to serve a purpose; and that, although

the nobleman will sit down in the kitchen of an inn, and converse

familiarly with the servants there, and though he will sit down in a

shop, and prattle with the Bourgeoise, yet he keeps his place most

proudly in society, inviting and receiving only his equals and

superiors. The familiarity of all ranks with their own servants is most

disgusting; but, from their poverty, the higher classes must condescend.

Yesterday evening, I had an interesting conversation with Mr L. B. an

intelligent and well informed man, of good family, eminent in his

profession, and high in the opinion of all the society here; he is a

devoted royalist. Among other interesting anecdotes which he related, I

can only recollect these:

Bonaparte had got into some scrape at Toulon, where he was well known as

a bad and troublesome character; he was arrested, and put under a guard

commanded by a near relation of Mr L. B. Barras, then at the height of

his power in Paris, not knowing what to do with some of his royalist

enemies, sent for Bonaparte, and proposed to him to collect a body of

troops, and to fire on the royalists. Jourdan, and many other officers

were applied to, but refused so base an employment. Bonaparte willingly

accepted it--acquitted himself to Barras's satisfaction, and Barras then

offered him the command in Italy, provided he would marry his cast-off

mistress, Madame Beauharnois. To this Bonaparte consented. Bonaparte's

mother had been, about this time, turned out of the Marseilles Theatre,

on account of her bad character; for it was well known, that she

subsisted herself and one of her daughters on the beauty of her other

daughter. Shortly after Bonaparte's appointment to the Italian army, the

same magistrate (the Mayor of Marseilles), who had formerly turned out

Madame Bonaparte, perceived her again seated in one of the front boxes;

he went up to her, and turned her out. She immediately wrote to her son,

and the poor mayor was dismissed. This anecdote is, I find, mentioned by

Goldsmith, who refers, in proof of its truth, to the newspapers of the

time, in which the conduct, and sentence of the mayor are fully

discussed.

Bonaparte, extremely dissipated himself, would yet often correct any

propensities of that kind in his relations. Pauline, the Princess

Borghese, had formed an attachment for a very handsome young Florentine;

he was one night suddenly surprised by Bonaparte's emissaries, put into

a carriage, and removed to a great distance, with orders not to return.

One of Bonaparte's relations had formed an attachment to Junot, who was

one of the handsomest men in France; Junot was immediately after sent to

Portugal, and upon his defeats there, he was disgraced publicly by

Bonaparte, and killed himself, it was believed, in a fit of despair.

The Princess Borghese, though vain, fond of dress, of extravagance, and

of pleasure of every sort, whether honest or otherwise, has yet a good

heart. A cousin of Mr L. B.'s was ordered to join the Garde d'Honneur:

One of the last and most cruel acts of Bonaparte, was the constitution

of this corps, which was meant to receive the young men of noble or rich

families. The mother and relations of this young man were inconsolable,

and the sum of money which would have been required as a ransom, was

more than they could give; for Bonaparte, well knowing that the better

families would rather pay than allow of their sons serving in his guard,

had made the price of ransom immense. In their distress, they applied to

Mr L. B., who had been at one time of service to the Princess Borghese

in his legal capacity, and he paid a visit to the Princess. She received

him most kindly, but told him that Bonaparte strictly forbade her

interfering in military matters; that she would willingly apply for the

situation of a prefect for Mr L. B. but could be of no service to his

relation. She was, however, at last prevailed on; she wrote most warmly

to her friends, and in three or four days the young man was sent back to

his happy family.

The French here date Bonaparte's downfall from the time when he first

determined on attacking the power of the Pope. They say that this attack

and the Spanish War, were both contrary to the advice of Talleyrand. In

a conversation which took place between the Emperor Alexander and

Napoleon, Alexander represented his own power as superior to Napoleon's,

because he had no Pope to, controul him; and Bonaparte then replied,

that "he would shew him and the world that the Pope was nobody."

Our conversation turned on the difference between the penal codes of

France and England. The French code, as revised, and, in many parts,

formed by Napoleon, is much more mild than ours. There are not more than

twelve crimes for which the punishment is death. In England, according

to Blackstone, there are 160 crimes punished by death; on these

subjects, I shall afterwards write more fully when I have received more

information. Mr L. B. related a curious anecdote, from which the

abolition of torture is said to have been determined.

A judge, who had long represented the folly of this method of trial,

without any success, had recourse to the following stratagem:--He went

into the stable at night, and having taken away two of his own horses,

he had them removed to distance. In the morning his coachman came

trembling to inform him of the theft. He immediately had him confined.

He was put to the torture, and, unable to bear the agony, he said that

he had stolen the horses. The judge immediately wrote to the King, and

informed him, that he himself had removed the horses. The man was

pardoned, and the judge settled a large pension on him. The subject of

the torture was considered, and the result was its abolition.

I found that the opinions as to some parts of their criminal

jurisprudence in France, were the same as are entertained on the same

subject in England. Mr L. B., who has had occasion professionally to

attend many criminal trials, is of opinion, that in this country,

terrible punishments ought to be avoided, or at least performed in

private. It is generally thought, that the horror of these punishments

deters the robber and murderer, and has a good effect on the multitude;

but I am afraid, said Mr L. B., that the multitude compassionate the

sufferer, and think the laws unjust: and experience shews, that

punishments, however horrid, do not deter the _hardened_ criminal. My

father, said he, filled the situation of judge in his native city. A

very young man, son of his baker, was convicted before the court, and

condemned to die, for robbery with murder. After sentence, my father

visited him, and asked him how he had been led to commit such a crime?

Since I was a child, said the boy, I have always been a thief. When at

school, I stole from my school-fellows,--when brought home, I stole from

my father and mother. I have long wished to rob on the high-way; the

fear of death did not prevent me. The worst kind of death is the rack,

but by going to see every execution, I have learnt to laugh even at the

rack. When young, it alarmed me, but habit has done away its terrors.

Mr L. B. is certainly a man of gentlemanly manners, and of much general

information. He is received at Aix in the first society of the old

nobility; and was, I afterwards found, reckoned a model of good

breeding, and yet, (which, in the present condition of French manners,

is by no means uncommon), I have frequently witnessed him, in general

company, introducing topics, and employing expressions, which, in our

country, would not have been tolerated for a moment, but must have been

considered an outrage to the established forms of good breeding.

The day after our conversation with Mr L. B. we received a visit from

the daughter of a Scotch friend, who is married to one of the first

counsellors here. We returned home with her to hear some music. We were

received in a very neat and very handsomely furnished house. The mother

and daughter appeared to us polite and elegant women. But I was

astonished to observe, seated on a sofa near them, a young man, whose

costume, contrasted with the ease and confidence of his manners, gave me

no small surprise. He wore an old torn great coat, a Belcher

handkerchief about his neck, a pair of, worn-out military trowsers,

stockings which had once been white, and shoes down in the heel. What my

astonishment to find this shabby looking object was a brother of the

counsellor's, and a correct model of the morning costume of the French

noblemen!

From Mr L. B. I learnt, that the worst land in Provence, when well

cultivated, produces only three for one. The common produce of tolerably

good ground, is from five to seven for one. The greatest produce known

in Provence is ten for one. But for this, the best soils are weeded, and

plenty of manure used. Our banker's account of the soil here is more

favourable; but I am doubtful whether he is a farmer. Mr L. B. has a

farm, and superintends it himself.

I had the good fortune to attend a trial, which had excited much

interest here. In the conscription which immediately preceded the

downfall of Bonaparte, it appears, that the most horrid acts of violence

and tyranny had been committed. People of all ranks, and of all ages,

had been forced at the point of the bayonet to join the army. Near

Marseilles, the _gens-d'armes_, in one of the villages, after exercising

all kinds of cruelty, had collected together a number of the peasantry,

and were leading them to be butchered. The peasants, in Provence, are

naturally bold and free. The party contrived to escape, and all but one

man hid themselves in the woods. This poor fellow was conducted alone;

his hands in irons. His comrades lay in wait for the party who were

carrying him away, and in the attempt to deliver him, three of the

gens-d'armes were killed. The unfortunate conscript was only released to

die of his wounds. Three of his comrades were seized, and indicted to

stand trial for the murder of the gens-d'armes.

I judged this a most favourable opportunity of ascertaining the public

feeling, and attended the trial accordingly. The court was a special

one, for this is one of the subjects which Bonaparte did not trust to a

jury. It was composed of five civil and three military members. The

forms of proceeding were the same as I have fully noticed in a

subsequent chapter,--the same minute interrogations were made to the

unhappy prisoners--the same contest took place between these and the

Judges. One was acquitted, and the other two found guilty of "_meurtre

volontaire, mais sans premeditation_."--Voluntary, but unpremeditated

murder. These two were condemned to labour for life, but a respite was

granted, and an appeal made to the King in their behalf. I was not

disappointed in the ebullitions of public feeling which many of the

incidents of the trial called forth. Mr L. B. and another young advocate

pleaded very well. They both touched, though rather slightly, on the

state of the country; but it was left to Mr Ayeau, the most celebrated

pleader in criminal trials, and a zealous royalist, to develope the real

condition of France, at the time of this last conscription. His speech

was short, but I think it was the most energetic, and the most eloquent

I ever heard. He began in an extraordinary manner, which at once shewed

the scope of his argument, and secured him the attention of every one

present--"Gentlemen, if that pest of society, from whom it has pleased

God to release us, was a usurper and a tyrant, it was lawful to resist

him. If Louis the XVIII. was our legitimate prince, it was lawful to

fight for him." He then shewed, in a most ingenious argument, that the

prisoners at the bar had done no more than this. Some parts of his

speech were exceedingly beautiful. He ended by saying, that "he dared

the Judges to condemn to death those who would have died for "_Louis le

desiré_."--It is generally thought here, that they will all be

pardoned.

The situation of the town of Aix, and the scenery in the valley, is

truly beautiful. It is now the middle of December, yet the air is even

warmer, I think, than with us in summer. We sit with open windows, and

when we walk, the heat of the sun is even oppressive. The flowers in the

little gardens in the valley are in full bloom; and the other day we

found the blue scented violet, and observed the strawberries in blossom.

The fields are quite green, and the woods still retain their variegated

foliage. When the mistral (a species of north-west wind, peculiar to

this climate), blows, it is certainly cold; but since our arrival, we

have only twice experienced this chilling interruption to the general

beauty and serenity of our weather. The scenery in the interior of the

hills which surround the valley, is very romantic; and the little grassy

paths which lead through them, are so dry, that our party have had

several delightful expeditions into the hills. Many of our French

friends, although probably themselves no admirers of the country,

profess themselves so fond of English society, that they insist upon

accompanying us; and it is curious to witness the artificial French

manners, and the noisy volubility of French, tongues introduced into

those retired and beautiful scenes, which, in our own country, we

associate with the simplicity and innocence of rural life.

Amidst these peaceful and amusing occupations, the easy tenor of our

lives gliding on from day to day, interrupted by no variety of event,

except the entertaining differences occasioned by foreign manners and a

foreign country; we were surprised one morning by the entrance of our

landlord, who came into our parlour with a face full of anxiety, and

informed us, that Napoleon had landed at Cannes from Elba, and had

already, with five hundred men, succeeded in reaching Grace. Mr L. B.

soon came in and confirmed the report. Although certainly considerably

alarmed at this event, especially as the greater portion of our party

was composed of ladies, I could not help feeling, that we were fortunate

in having an opportunity thus offered of ascertaining the state of

public opinion, and the true nature of the political sentiments of that

part of the country in which we are at present residing; for we are here

at Aix, within twenty-five miles of the small town where Napoleon has

landed.

I shall first detail the circumstances under which this singular event

took place; afterwards attempt to give some idea of the effects

produced by it on the multitude. On the 1st of March 1815, Napoleon

landed near Cannes, in the gulf of Juan. His first step was, to dispatch

his Aide-de-Camp, Casabianca, with another officer and 25 men, to ask

admittance into the Fort of Antibes; admitted into the Fort, they

demanded its surrender to Bonaparte. The Governor paraded his garrison,

and having made them swear allegiance to their Sovereign, he secured the

rebels. Casabianca leaped from the wall and broke his back. In the

meantime, Napoleon, finding his first scheme fail, marched straight to

Grace, with between 700 and 800 men. He there encamped with his small

force on the plain before the town, and summoned the mayor to furnish

rations for his men; to which the mayor replied; that he acknowledged no

orders from any authority except Louis XVIII. This conduct was the more

worthy of praise, as the poor mayor had not a soldier to support him.

The Emperor then attempted to have printed a proclamation in writing,

signed by him, and counter-signed by General Bertrand, in which, among

other rhodomontades, he tells the good people of France, that he comes

at the call of the French nation, who, he knew, could not suffer

themselves to be ruled by the Prince Regent of England, in the person of

Louis XVIII.--The printer refused to print it. Napoleon proceeded from

Grace to Digne, from Digne to Sisteron, and from Sisteron to Gap, where

he slept on the 6th of March. In all the villages, he endeavoured,

apparently without success, to inflame the minds of the people, and

strengthen, by recruits, his small body of troops. He has, as yet, got

no one to join him; but, on the other hand, he has met with no

resistance. This day, the 8th, he must meet with three thousand men,

commanded by General Marchand. It is thought, that if these prove true

to their allegiance, he will make good his way to Lyons; but if, on the

contrary, they oppose him, he is ruined. The commotion excited in Aix,

by this news, is not to be conceived. The hatred and detestation in

which Bonaparte is held here, becomes, I think, more apparent as the

danger is more imminent. With a very few exceptions, all ranks of people

express these sentiments. The national guard were immediately under

arms, and entreated their commanding officer and the civil authorities,

to permit them to go in pursuit of the ex-Emperor. Unfortunately the

chiefs were not well agreed on the measures which ought to be adopted.

From the excessive _sang froid_ with which Massena conducted himself, I

should not be surprised if there were some truth in the report which was

current here, that he had intelligence of the whole scheme, and kept

back, in order that he might join Bonaparte. The first and second day,

nothing was done; on the 3d, the 83d regiment was dispatched in pursuit

from Marseilles. I accompanied them for four miles, during which, they

had made two short halts. I had an opportunity of talking with a number

of the men: they were certainly liberal in their abuse of the

ex-Emperor; but several of them remarked, that it _was a hard thing to

make them fight against each other_. The French here are all of opinion,

that the troops of the line are not to be trusted. Like all other

soldiers, they long for war, and as they would be more likely to have

war Under Napoleon, than under Louis XVIII. I have little doubt they

would join him. On the first news, the whole society of Aix were in the

deepest affliction--the men agitated and disturbed--the women and

children weeping. Each hour these feelings changed, for every hour there

was some new report. The French believe every thing, and though each

report belied the other, I saw no difference in the credit attached to

them. There is no newspaper published in Aix, and the prefect, who is a

person much suspected, has taken no steps to give the public correct

information, but allows them to grope, in the dark; they have invented

accordingly the most ridiculous stories, converting hundreds into

thousands, and a few fishing boats and other small craft, into first a

squadron of Neapolitans, and then a fleet of English ships. This report

of the English ships is, I am sorry to say, still current, and the

English are looked on with an evil eye by the lower orders. Even among

our more liberal friends, there were some who asked me, what interest

the English could have in letting him escape? After some cool reasoning,

however, they acknowledged the folly of this story. The King is

universally blamed for employing, in the most responsible situations,

the Generals attached to Napoleon. The populace declare, that Soult, the

Minister of War, is at the bottom of this attempt. Now, that one can

reason on the matter, and that the impression of the magnanimity which

dictated the conduct of the allied Powers to Napoleon, is somewhat

diminished, it must be allowed, that there is some sense in the remark,

that it was folly to dismiss him to Elba, with all the appointment,

"pomp, and circumstance" of a little Sovereign, instead of confining him

in a prison, or leaving him no head to plan mischief. The people affirm

here, that this was done purposely by the English, to keep France in

continual trouble.

_15th_.--All possibility of continuing this little Journal is precluded

by the alarming progress of Napoleon, and the consequent necessity of

taking immediate steps for our departure from this country. The

ex-Emperor is every day making rapid strides to the capital; and we have

to-day intelligence that it is believed the troops in Lyons are

disaffected. I have now given up all hope, for I see plainly that every

thing is arranged--not a blow has been struck. The soldiers have every

where joined him, and there cannot be a doubt that he will reign in

France. He may not, indeed, reign long; for it is to be hoped that the

English will not shut their eyes, or be deceived by the fabricated

reports of the journals--It is to be hoped that the allied Powers are

better acquainted with the character of Napoleon than the too-good Louis

XVIII. In the mean time, it is high time for us to be off; and I think

we shall take the route of Bourdeaux. This unfortunate town (Aix), is

now a melancholy spectacle; for all the thinking part believe that the

cause of the Bourbons is lost. Our poor landlord, a violent royalist,

has just been with us. He affirms that he could have predicted all this;

for when he sold the white cockades to the military, they often said,

[10]"Eh bien; c'est bon pour le moment, mais cela ne durera pas long

temps."--Poor man, he is in perfect agony, and his wife weeps all day

long. If all the people of France thought as well as those at Aix,

Napoleon would have little chance of success; but alas, I am much afraid

he will find more friends than enemies.

The whole town is still in the greatest confusion. The national guard,

amongst whom were many of our friends, were not allowed to march till

the seventh day after the landing of Napoleon. By day-break, we were

awoke by the music of the military bands, and saw, from the windows, the

different companies, headed by their officers, many of whose faces were

familiar to us, march out, seemingly in great spirits. It was a

melancholy sight to us. There was something in our own situation; placed

in a country already involved in civil commotion, finding our poor

French friends, whose life seemed before this to be nothing but one

continued scene of amusement, now weeping for the loss of their sons and

husbands and brothers, who had marched to intercept Napoleon, and

involved in uncomfortable uncertainty as to our future plans, which for

some time made every thing appear gloomy and distressing. The interval

between the 8th and the 12th has been occupied by a constant succession

of favourable and unfavourable reports; gloomy conjectures and fearful

forebodings, have, however, with most people here, formed the prevailing

tone of public opinion. The report which was, a few days ago, circulated

here, that the escape of the ex-Emperor was a premeditated plan,

invented and executed by the English, gains ground every day. It is

completely credited by the lower classes here; and such is the enmity

against the English, that we are now obliged to give up our country

walks, rather than encounter the menacing looks and insulting speeches

of the lower orders. To-day is the 8th, and we are in a state of the

most extreme anxiety, waiting for the arrival of a courier. In this

unfortunate country, owing to the imperfection of the system of posts,

public news travel very slowly; and in proportion to the scarcity of

accurate information, is the perplexing variety of unfounded reports.

The prefect of Aix has just been here to tell us that as yet there

appears to be nothing decided; but that upon the whole, things look

favourably for the Bourbons. Bonaparte, he informs us, slept at Gape on

Sunday, and dispatched from that town three couriers with different

proclamations. Not a man joined him, and it is said he left Gape enraged

by the coolness of his reception. In the course of the day, another mail

from Gape has arrived, but still brings no intelligence, which looks as

if this unfortunate business would be speedily decided. Monsieur has

arrived at Lyons, and intends, we hear, to proceed to Grenoble. Last

night it was quite impossible for us to sleep. The crowds in the

streets, and the confusion of the mob who parade all night, expecting

the arrival of a new courier, creates a continual uproar. During the

night, we heard our poor landlady weeping; and we found out next morning

that her husband had been called off in the night to join the national

guard, which had marched in pursuit of the ex-Emperor.

_Friday_, the 10th.--Still no decisive intelligence has arrived. Every

thing, it is said, looks well, but there is a mystery and stillness

about the town to-day which alarms us.

_Saturday_, the 11th.--We have this day received from Mr L. B., who

marched with the national guard, a very interesting letter from

Sisteron. The crisis, which will determine the result of this last

daring adventure of the ex-Emperor, seems to be fast approaching. Our

friend tells us all as yet looks well. Bonaparte is surrounded and

hemmed in to the space of two leagues by troops marching from all sides.

These, however, how strong soever they may be, appear to maintain a

suspicious kind of inaction, and he continues his progress towards

Grenoble. Every thing depends on the conduct of the troops there, under

General Marchand. Their force is such, that if they continue firm, his

project is ruined. On the contrary, if their allegiance to the Bourbons

is but pretended, and if their attachment to their old commander should

revive, it is to be dreaded that this impulse will have an irresistible

effect upon the troops; and if Marchand's division joins him, all is

irretrievably lost: He will be at the head of a force sufficient to

enable him to dictate terms to Lyons, and the pernicious example of so

great a body of troops will poison the allegiance of the rest of the

army.

_Sunday_, the 12th.--Our fears have been prophetic. We have heard again

from Mr L. B. This letter is most melancholy; Marchand's corps have

joined the ex-Emperor, and he is on his march to Lyons, the second town

in the kingdom, with a force every day increasing. It is absolutely

necessary now to form some decided plan for leaving this devoted

country. Whether it will be better to embark from Marseilles or to

travel across the country to Bourdeaux, is the question upon which we

have not yet sufficient information to decide. We expect to hear

to-morrow of an engagement between the troops commanded by the Prince

D'Artois at Lyons, and the force which has joined Napoleon. Every moment

which we now remain in this kingdom is time foolishly thrown away.

Bonaparte may have friends in the sea-port towns; the organization of

this last scheme may be, and indeed every hour proves, that it has been

deeper than we at first imagined, and the possibility of escape may in a

moment be entirely precluded.

_Monday_, the 13th.--This has been a day of much agitation; a courier

has arrived, and the intelligence he brings is as bad as possible. Every

thing is lost. The Count d'Artois harangued his troops, and the answer

they made, was a universal shout of _Vive l'Empereur_. The Prince has

been obliged to return to Paris; Bonaparte has entered Lyons without the

slightest opposition, and is now on his march to the capital. We have

just been informed, that the Duc d'Angouleme is expected here this

evening or to-morrow. The guarde nationale has been paraded upon the

_Cours_, and a proclamation, exhorting them to continue faithful to the

King, read aloud to the soldiers. We hear them rapturously shouting Vive

le Roi; and they are now marching through the streets to the national

air of Henrie Quatre. Every house has displayed the white flag from its

windows.

_Thursday_, the 16th.--We have determined now to run the risk of

travelling across the country to Bourdeaux, trusting to embark from that

town for England. I have visited Marseilles, and find that there are no

vessels in that port; and in the present uncertain state of Italy, it

would be hazardous attempting to reach Nice. Bonaparte, we hear, is near

Paris, and is expected to enter that capital without opposition; but we

now receive no intelligence whose accuracy can be relied on, as the

couriers have been stopt, and all regular intercourse discontinued. The

preparations, for the arrival of the Duc d'Angouleme, continued till

this morning; and in the evening we witnessed his entry into Aix: It was

an affecting sight. At the gate of the town, he got out of his carriage,

mounted on horseback, and rode twice along the Cours, followed by his

suite. The common people, who were assembled on each side of the street,

shouted Vive le Roi, Vivent les Bourbons, apparently with enthusiasm.

The attention of the Duke seemed to be chiefly directed to the regiments

of the line, which were drawn up on the Cours. As he rode along, he

leant down and seemed to speak familiarly to the common soldiers; but

the troops remained sullen and silent. No cries of loyalty were heard

amongst them--not a single murmur of applause. They did not even salute

the Duke as he past, but continued perfectly still and silent. In the

midst of this, we could hear the sobs of the women in the crowd, and of

the ladies, who waved their handkerchiefs from the windows. As he came

near the balcony where we and our English friends were assembled, we

strained our voices with repeated cries of Vive le Roi. He heard us,

looked up, and bowed; and afterwards, with that grateful politeness, the

characteristic of the older school of French manners, he sent one of his

attendants to say, that he had distinguished the English, and felt

flattered by the interest they took in his affairs. Although it was

positively asserted by our French friends here, that Marseilles was in

the greatest confusion; and that on account of the prevalence of the

report of the English having favoured the escape of Bonaparte, all our

countrymen were liable to be insulted; I yet found the town perfectly

tranquil. Massena, I heard, had sent for some troops from Toulon; and

the 3000 national guards employ themselves night and day, in shouting

_Vive le Roi_. We shall leave Aix to-morrow morning, taking the route to

Bourdeaux.

_Friday_, the 17th of April.--Our leaving Aix this morning was really

melancholy. French friends, hearing of our approaching departure,

flocked in to bid us farewell. They were in miserably low spirits,

deploring the state of their unhappy country, weeping over the fate of

their sons and husbands, who had marched with the national guard in

pursuit of the ex-Emperor; and full of fears as to the calamities this

might bring upon them. You are happy English, said they, and are

returning to a loyal and secure country, and you leave us exposed to all

the calamities of a civil war.

After a long day's journey, we have at last arrived at Orgon, at seven

in the evening. There has been little travelling on the road to-day. The

country has nearly the same aspect as in November last. The only

difference is, that the almond trees are in full blossom, and some few

other trees, such as willows, &c. in leaf; the wheat is about half a

foot to a foot high: The day was delightfully mild; and as we drove

along, we met numberless groups of peasants who lined the road, and were

anxiously waiting for their Prince passing by. The road was strewed with

lilies, and the young girls had their laps filled with flowers as we

passed. As we past, they knew us to be English, and shouted Vive le Roi.

We are now in Languedoc, but as yet I cannot say that it equals, or at

all justifies Mrs Radcliffe's description: Flat and insipid plains of

_vignoble_ or wheat. However, there is here, as every where in France,

no want of cultivation. Napoleon had commenced, and nearly finished, a

very fine quay and buttresses between the two bridges of boats. That man

had always grand, though seldom good views. The walls of the inn here

were covered with a mixture of "Vive le Roi!" and "Vive Napoleon!" this

last mostly scratched out. National guards in every town demanded our

passport. These men and the gens-d'armes are running about in every

direction. No courier from Paris arrived here these three days. This

looks ill. The houses are better in appearance than in Provence. The

country very productive: Potatoes the finest I have seen in

France.----Distance 34 miles.

* * *

_Sunday_, 19th.--We left Nismes at six o'clock this morning, and

breakfasted at Lunel, where they appear to be full of loyalty. It was a

subject to us of much regret, that more time was not allowed us to

examine a magnificent Roman amphitheatre, half of which is nearly

entire, although the remaining part is quite ruinous. The troops in the

town were drawn up on the parade, expecting the Duke d'Angouleme. We

received a small printed paper from an officer on the road, containing

the information last received from Paris, which secured us a good

reception at the inn. The people were delighted to procure a piece of

authentic intelligence, (a thing they seldom have); they flocked round

us, and upon their entreaty, I gave them the paper to carry to the

caffèe. In the inn we found a number of recruits for the army forming by

the Duke d'Angouleme; it is said that he has already collected at Nismes

nineteen hundred men, all volunteers. The country does not improve in

romantic beauty as we advance in Languedoc; but what is better, the

cultivation is very superior; large fields of fine wheat. There seems to

be all over the south the same want of horned cattle; horses also are

very scarce and very bad:--milk never to be had unless very early, and

then in small quantity. No land wasted here. All the houses about

Montpellier are better than near Aix, and we even saw some neat country

seats, a circumstance almost unknown in all the parts of France where we

have hitherto been. The olive trees are here much larger and finer than

in Provence; but the country, although covered with olives, vines, and

wheat, is flat, ugly, and insipid. The instruments of agriculture are

even inferior to those in Provence, which last are at least a century

behind England. The plough here is as rude as in Bengal, and is formed

of a crooked branch of a tree shod with iron. As we approached near

Montpellier, the appearance of the country began to display more

beautiful features. The ground is more varied, the fields and meadows of

a richer green, a distant range of hills closes in the view, and the

olive groves are composed of larger and more luxuriant trees. Nearer to

the town, the country is divided into small nursery gardens, which,

although inferior to those in the environs of London, give an unusual

richness to the landscape. We arrived at Montpellier at six o'clock, and

from the crowd in the town, found much difficulty in procuring an hotel.

* * *

_Monday_, 20th April.--We have better news to-day; letters from the Duke

d'Angouleme announce that the whole conspiracy has been discovered, and

that Soult (Ministre de Guerre) and several other generals have been

arrested. In consequence of which, it is expected that the plans of the

conspirators will be in a great measure defeated. The French change in a

moment from the extreme of grief to the opposite, that of the most

extravagant joy. To-day they are in the highest spirits;--but things

still look very ill. No courier from Paris for these last four days. The

ex-Emperor still marching uninterruptedly towards that city, yet no one

can conceive that he will succeed, now that the King's eyes are

open;--his clemency alone has occasioned all this--he would not consent

to remove the declared friends of Napoleon.

We passed this day at Montpellier; but were prevented by the intense

heat of the sun from seeing as much of the environs as we could have

wished. The town is old and the streets shabby; but the Peyroue is one

of the most magnificent things I ever saw. It is a superb platform,

which forms the termination of the Grand Aqueduct built by Louis XIV.

and commands a magnificent extent of country. In front, the view is

terminated by a long and level line of the Mediterranean. To the

south-west the horizon is formed by the ridge of the Pyrenees; while, to

the north, the view is closed in by the distant, yet magnificent summits

of the Alps. Immediately below these extends, almost to the border of

the Mediterranean, a beautiful _paysage_, spotted with innumerable

country seats, which, seen at a distance, have the same air of neatness

and comfort as those in England. At the end of this fine platform, is a

Grecian temple, inclosing a basin, which receives the large body of

water conveyed by the aqueduct, and which empties itself again into a

wide basin with a bottom of golden-coloured sand. The limpid clearness

of the water is beyond all description. The air, blowing over the basin

from a plain of wheat and olives (evergreens in this climate), has a

charming freshness. The Esplanade here is also a fine promenade,

although the view which it commands is not so fine as that from the

Peyroue. The manufactures of Montpellier are, verdigris, blankets and

handkerchiefs; little trade going on. The climate is delightful, though

now too warm for my taste. Every thing is much farther advanced here

than at Aix. They have some very pretty gardens here, though nothing

equal to what we see every day in England. The botanical garden is very

small. We start to-morrow at six for Beziers, where we expect to find

water carriage to Toulouse.

* * *

_Tuesday_, 21st April.--We left Montpellier at five in the morning, and

although the country round the town is certainly more beautiful than the

greater part of Languedoc we have yet seen, it in a short time became

very uninteresting; an extended plain, covered with uninclosed fields of

wheat, and occasionally a plantation of olives. Before reaching Maize, a

small town situated within a mile of the shore of the Mediterranean, we

passed through a fine forest, the only considerable one we have seen in

Languedoc. The road winded along the shore; the day was delightful, and

as warm as with us in July; and the waters of the Mediterranean lay in a

perfect calm, clear and still, and beautiful, under the light of a

glorious sun. The general appearance of the country is certainly not

beautiful. It improves much upon coming near Pezenas, where the fields

are divided into green meadows, and interspersed with little gardens, in

which, although it is now only April, the fruit trees are in full

blossom, and giving to the view an uncommon beauty. The blossom of the

pears, peach, and apple-trees, is, I think, richer than I ever saw in

England. The season is not only much more advanced here than at Aix, but

the warmth and mildness of the climate gives to the fields and flowers a

more than common luxuriancy. Many of the meadows are thickly sown with

the white narcissus, and the hedges, which form their inclosures, are

covered with the deepest verdure, which is finely contrasted with the

pink-flowers of the almond trees, rising at intervals in the hedge-rows.

The wheat round Montpellier was now, in the middle of April, in the ear.

We set off to-morrow at half-past five, in order to get into the _coches

d'eau_ at Beziers before 12 (the hour of starting). Hitherto we have

proceeded without the slightest molestation. The English, I am now

thoroughly convinced, are not popular amongst the lower orders; but as

we are the couriers of good news, we are at present well received. Could

it be believed by an Englishman, that we, who travel at the miserable

rate of 30 miles a-day, _should be the first to spread the news wherever

we go_. The reason is, that we get the authentic news through our

friends and bankers, and circulate it in the inns, instead of the

ridiculous stories invented by those groping in ignorance. The feelings

of the people seem excellent every where; the troops alone maintain a

gloomy silence. The country, from Montpellier, is the same as hitherto,

flat and insipid: but the crops are much farther advanced than in

Provence. We had some fine peeps at the Mediterranean this morning. The

town of Pezenas is prettily situated, and is surrounded by numbers of

beautiful gardens, though on a small scale. All the fruit trees are here

in blossom: Green peas a foot and a half high. The ploughs in this part

of the country are more antiquated than any I have seen. The ploughing

is very shallow; but nature does all in France.----Distance about 34

miles.

* * *

_Wednesday_, 22d.--Left Pezenas at half past five, and arrived to

breakfast at half past nine at Beziers. We went to see the _coches

d'eau_, described as _superbes_ and _magnifiques_ by our French friends.

Their ideas differ from ours. It would be perfectly impossible for an

English lady to go in such a conveyance; and few gentlemen, even if

alone, would have the boldness to venture. The objections are: there is

but one room for all classes of people; they start at three and four

each morning; stop at miserable inns, and if you have heavy baggage, it

must be shifted at the locks, which is tedious and expensive. Adieu to

all our airy dreams of gliding through Languedoc in these _Cleopatrian

vessels_. They are infested with an astonishing variety of smells; they

are exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather; and they are filled

with bugs, fleas, and all kinds of bad company. The country to-day,

though still very flat, is much improved in beauty. Very fine large

meadows, bordered with willows, but too regular. Bullocks as common as

mules in the plough. Wheat far advanced, and barley, in some small

spots, in the ear. I learnt some curious particulars, if they can be

depended upon, concerning this conspiracy of Bonaparte from a Spanish

officer, who had taken a place in our cabriolet. He says, that one of

the chief means he has employed to create division in France, and to

make himself beloved, has been by carrying on a secret correspondence

with the Protestants, and persuading them that he will support them

against the Catholics; and by representing the King as wishing to

oppress them. To the army he has promised, that he will lead them again

against the allied Powers, who have triumphantly said they have

conquered them; this is a tender point with the French: At the present

time, when the troops are deserting their King, and flying to the

standard of the usurper, still even the most loyal among the people

cannot bear the idea that the allies should assist in opposing him.

We have continued with our coachman, and carry him on to Toulouse. He is

an excellent fellow, has a good berlin, with large cabriolet before, and

three of the finest mules I ever saw. He takes us at a round pace, from

15 to 20 miles before breakfast, and the rest after it, making up always

30 miles a-day. The pay for this equipage per mile is not much above a

franc and a half. We have found it the most comfortable way of

travelling for so large a party. He carries all our baggage, amounting

to more than 400 pounds, without any additional expence. The country

between Pezenas and Beziers, and between Beziers and Narbonne, is richer

and more beautiful than any part of Languedoc which we have yet seen. It

is divided into fields of wheat, which is now in the ear, divisions of

green clover grass, meadows enclosed with rows of willows, and orchards

scattered around the little villages. These orchards, which are now all

in blossom, increase in number as you approach the town of Narbonne. We

have enjoyed to-day another noble view of the distant summits of the

Pyrenees, towering into the clouds.----Distance, 34 miles--to Narbonne.

* * *

_Thursday, 23d._--We left Narbonne at half past five, and have travelled

to-day, through a country more ugly and insipid than any in the south;

barren hills, low swampy meadows, and dirty villages. There is a total

want of peasants houses on the lands; but still a very general

cultivation. Ploughs, harrows, and other instruments, a century behind.

Fewer vines now, and more wheat. At Moux, one of the police officers

read out a number of proclamations, sent by the prefect of the

department, exciting the people to exertions in repelling the usurper.

The cries of "Vive le Roi" were so faint, that the officer harangued the

multitude on their want of proper feeling. He did not, however, gain any

thing. One of the mob cried out, that they were not to be forced to cry

out "Vive le Roi." Wherever we have gone, I have heard from all ranks

that the English have supported Bonaparte, and that they are the

instigators of the civil war. In vain I have argued, that if it were our

policy to have war with France, why should we have restored the

Bourbons? Why made peace? Why wasted men and money in Spain? It is all

in vain--they are inveterately obstinate.----Distance 39 miles.

* * *

_Friday, 24th._--We left Carcassone at seven, as we have but a short

journey to-day. Arrived at Castelnaudry at half past five, and found the

inn crowded with gentlemen volunteers for the cavalry. The volunteers

are fine smart young men, and all well mounted. Their horses very

superior to the cavalry horses in general. We passed a cavalry regiment

of the line this morning, the 15th dragoons. Horses miserable little

long-tailed Highland-like ponies, but seemingly very active. The whole

country through which we have travelled since the commencement of our

journey in France, is sadly deficient in cattle. We meet with none of

these groupes of fine horses and cows, which delight us in looking over

the country in England, in almost every field you pass. This want is

more particularly remarkable in the south. The country to-day is the

same; a total want of trees, and of variety of scenery of any kind. No

peasants houses to be seen scattered over the face of the country; the

peasantry all crowd into the villages.--Yet there is no want of

cultivation. The situation of the lower classes is yet extremely

comfortable. The girls are handsome, and always well drest. The men

strong and healthy. The young women wear little caps trimmed with lace,

and the men broad-brimmed picturesque-looking hats: both have shoes and

stockings. The parish churches in this part of France are in a miserable

condition. It is no longer here, as in England, that the churches and

_Curès'_ houses are distinguished by their neatness. Here, the churches

are fallen into ruins; the windows soiled, and covered with cobwebs. The

order of the priesthood, from what I have seen, are, I should conceive,

little respected.----Distance 29 miles.

* * *

_Saturday_, the 25th.--We left Castelnaudry at five o'clock, and have

travelled to-day through a country, which, from Castelnaudry to

Toulouse, is uniformly flat and bare, and uninteresting. We were

surprised to-day by meeting on the road a party of English friends, who

had set out for Bourdeaux, returning by the same road. They informed us,

they had heard by private letters, that Bonaparte was at the gates of

Paris, on which account they had returned, and were determined to pass

into Spain. They told us, that the roads were covered by parties of

English flying in every direction; and that all the vessels at Bourdeaux

were said to have already sailed for England. It was, however,

impossible for us now to turn back; and we continued our route to

Bourdeaux with very uncomfortable feelings, anxious lest every moment

should confirm the bad news, and put a stop to our progress to the

coast, or that, when we arrived, we should find the sea-ports under an

embargo. Near Toulouse, are seen a few country seats, which relieve the

eye; but the town is old and ugly, and situated, to all appearance, in a

swampy flat. We shall see more of it to-morrow. The road from

Castelnaudry to this is very bad, the worst we have seen yet in the

south of France; it has been paved, but is much broken up.----Distance

41 miles.

* * *

_Sunday_, 26th.--It has become necessary now to change all our plans of

travelling. Upon visiting our banker this morning, I received from him a

full confirmation of the bad news--Napoleon is in Paris, and again

seated on the throne of France. Our banker has procured for us, and

another party, forming in all 29 English, a small common country boat,

covered over only with a sail. In this miserable conveyance we embarked

this afternoon at two, and arrived the first night at Maste. Our passage

down the Garonne is most rapid, and as the weather is delightful, the

conveyance is pleasant enough; but our minds are in such a state we

cannot enjoy any thing. To-morrow I shall continue more connectedly.

* * *

_Monday_, the 27th.--We are now gliding down the Garonne with the utmost

rapidity and steadiness. The scene before us presents the most perfect

tranquillity. The weather which we now enjoy is heavenly,--the air soft

and warm,--and the sun shedding an unclouded radiance upon the glassy

waters of the Garonne, in whose bosom the romantic scenery through which

we pass, is reflected in the most perfect beauty. On each side, are the

most lovely banks covered with hanging orchards, whose trees, in full

blossom, reach to the brink of the river. We have passed several small

villages very beautifully situated; and where we have not met with

these, the country is more generally scattered with the cottages of the

peasantry, which are seen at intervals, peeping through the woods which

cover the banks. As our boat passes, the villagers flock from their

doors, and place themselves in groups on the rocks which overhang the

river, or crowd into the little meadows which are interspersed between

the orchards and the gardens. At the moment in which I now write, the

sun is setting upon a scene so perfectly still and beautiful, that it is

impossible to believe we are now in the devoted country, experiencing,

at this very hour, a terrible revolution; the most disastrous political

convulsion, perhaps, which it has ever yet undergone. In former times,

the changes from the tranquillity it enjoyed under a monarchial

government, to the chaos of republicanism, and from that to the sullen

stagnation of a firm-rooted military despotism, were gradual; they were

the work of time. But the unbounded ambition of Bonaparte, after a

series of years, had brought on his downfall, by a natural course of

events, and France had begun to taste and to relish the blessings of

peace. On a sudden, that fallen Colossus is raised again, and its dark

shadow has over-spread the brightening horizon. Could it be credited,

that within one short month, that man whom we conceived detested in

France, should have journeyed from one extremity of that kingdom to

another, without meeting with the slightest resistance? I say journeyed,

for he had but a handful of men, whom, at almost every town, he left

behind him, and he proceeded on horseback, or in his carriage, with much

less precaution than at any former period of his life. France has now

nothing to hope, but from the heavy struggle that will, I trust,

immediately take place between her and the allied powers. It will be a

terrible, but, I trust, short struggle, if the measures are prompt: but

if he is allowed time to levy a new conscription; if even he has

sufficient time to collect the hordes of disbanded robbers whom his

abdication let loose in France, he possesses the same means of

conducting a long war that he ever possessed. The idea so current in

France, that this event will only occasion a civil war, is unworthy of a

moment's attention. Every inhabitant in every town he passed, was said

to be against him. We heard of nothing but the devoted loyalty of the

national guards; but at Grenoble, at Lyons, and at Paris, was there

found a man to discharge his musket? No! against a small number of

regular and veteran troops, no French militia, no volunteers will ever

fight, or if they do, it will be but for a moment; each city will yield

in its turn.

The country is improving; the banks, in many places, are beautiful; for

some days past we have been in the country of wheat, but now we are

again arrived among the vines. Very little commerce on this river,

although celebrated as possessing more than any one in France. It

reminds me of the state of commerce in India,--boats gliding down

rapidly with the stream, and toiling up in tracking. The shape, also, of

the boats is the same. We have this moment passed a boat full of

English, and the sailors have shouted out, that the white flag is no

longer flying at Bourdeaux. If the town has declared for the ex-Emperor,

I dread to think of our fate.

* * *

_Tuesday_, the 28th.--This morning, at three, I left my party, and took

a very light gig, determined (as the news were getting daily worse, and

the road full of English hurrying to Bourdeaux), to post it from Agen. I

was attended by a friend. By paying the post-boys double hires, we got

on very fast, and although, from their advanced age and infirmities, the

generality of French conveyances will not suffer themselves to be

hurried beyond their ordinary pace, this was no time to make any such

allowances. We accordingly hurried on, and after having broke down four

times, we arrived at Bourdeaux at six in the evening, a distance of more

than a hundred miles; and were delighted to see the white flag still

displayed from all the public buildings. The country from Agen to

Bourdeaux is the richest I have seen in France, chiefly laid out in

vines, dressed with much more care than any we have yet seen; many

fields also of fine wheat, and some meadows of grass pasture. Every

thing is much further advanced than in Languedoc, even allowing for the

advance in the days we have passed in travelling. Barley not only in

the ear, but some fields even yellowing. Bourdeaux is a noble town,

though not so fine, I think, as Marseilles. We arrived just in time: a

few hours later, and I should have found no passage.

* * *

_Wednesday_ morning, the 29th.--I have settled for the last

accommodations to be had, viz. a small cabin in a brig, for which I pay

L.130. The owner, like every other owner, is full of great promises; but

in these cases, I make it a rule to believe only one half. Bourdeaux

shews the most determined loyalty; but, alas! there are troops of the

line in the town, and in the fort of Blaye. Instead of sending these

troops away, and guarding the town by the national guards, they content

themselves with giving dinners to each other, and making the drunken

soldiers cry, "Vive le Roi!" In England, every thing is done by a

dinner; perhaps they are imitating the English: but dinners will not do

in this case; decided measures must be taken, or Bourdeaux will fall, in

spite of its loyalty, and the noise it makes. The journal published

here, of which I have secured most of the numbers, from Napoleon's

landing to this day, is full of enthusiastic addresses:--The general

commanding the troops to the national guards,--the national guards to

the troops,--the mayor to his constituents,--the constituents to the

mayor;--all this is well, but it will do nothing. Although every thing

is yet quiet, I am determined to hurry our departure, for I do not think

there is a doubt of the issue. Since I entered Bourdeaux, I have always

thought it would yield on the first attack.

_Thursday_, the 30th.--Things look very ill. The fort of Blaye has

hoisted the tri-coloured flag. Thank heaven our vessel passed it to-day;

we should otherwise probably have been fired upon. We go to Poillac,

where we are to embark by land, as a party of English, who attempted to

go by water, were stopt and made prisoners. The town of Bourdeaux is in

a dead calm; the sounds of loyalty have ceased, and a mysterious silence

reigns throughout the streets: I am sure all is not well. Suddenly after

all this silence, there has been a most rapid transition to sentiments

of the most devoted loyalty. This has been occasioned by a great

entertainment given by the national guards to the troops of the line; so

that I am afraid that although these regular soldiers of the regular

army, when elated with wine, choose to be devoted loyalists, their

political sentiments may undergo many different changes upon their

return to sobriety. At present, the shout of Vive le Roi, from the

different troops of the line and national guards which are patroling the

streets, is loud and reiterated. Napoleon has sent to-day his addresses

and declarations to Bourdeaux, but the couriers have been imprisoned,

and the civil authorities have sworn to continue faithful to their King.

This loyalty will be immediately put to the test, for Clausel is

advancing to the walls. The Dutchess d'Angouleme passed through the

streets, and visited the _casernes_ of the troops: Indeed her exertions

are incessant. To her addresses the people are enthusiastic in their

replies, but the troops continue, as I expected, sullen and silent; they

answered, that they would not forget their duty to her, as far as not

injuring her. I trust that she passed our hotel this evening for the

last time, and that she has left Bourdeaux for England. Every individual

in this city, the troops excepted, appears to hate and detest Napoleon

as cordially as he detests them. They expect immediate destruction if he

takes the town. Their commerce must be ruined; yet there is no

exertion--nothing but noise. Vive le Roi is in every heart, but they

are overawed by the troops; it costs nothing. Subscriptions, however,

for arming the militia, go on slowly. They seem always to keep a sharp

eye to their pockets, although, as far as shouting and bellowing is

required, they are willing to levy any contribution on their lungs. The

French are indeed miserably poor, but they are also miserably

avaricious. There is nothing even approaching to national spirit; yet

their prudence sometimes gets the better even of their economy. One

instance, which I witnessed to-day, will shew the way in which a

Frenchman acts in times like these: I was in a shop when one of the

noblesse entered, bearing a subscription paper. He addressed the

shopkeeper, saying, that he begged for his subscription, as he knew he

was a royalist. I never _subscribe_ my name in times like these, said

the cautious Frenchman, but I will give you some money. The gentleman

entreated, urging, that respectable _subscriptions_, more than money,

were wanted; but all in vain. The shopkeeper paid his ten shillings,

saying, _he would always be the first to support his King_.

I entered a bookseller's shop, and asked for the political writings of

the day. The man looked me cautiously in the face, and said he had none

of them. I happened to see one on the table, and asked him for it,

telling him that I was an Englishman, and wished to carry them with me;

he then bid me step in, and from hidden corners of the inner-shop, he

produced the whole mass of pamphlets.--All this denotes that a change is

immediately expected.

This last night has been passed as might be expected, owing to the

circumstances in which we were placed, in much agitation. Clausel is

every moment advancing up the town. Every thing is in confusion. The

troops declare they will not fire a shot. The national guards are

wavering and undecided, and this moment (five in the morning) our

coachman has knocked at our door to tell us that we cannot remain

another moment safe in the town.

* * *

_Friday_, the 31st.--We set off accordingly at sunrise, before any one

was abroad in the street. Our coachman reported, that General Clausel

had reached the gates, and that the national guard had been beat off. We

have arrived, therefore, at the most critical moment, and may be

grateful that we have escaped. The road between Bourdeaux and Poillac

is very bad. Arrived at the inn at half way, we met with the Marquis de

Valsuzenai, prefect of the town, who confirmed the bad news: We learnt

from him, that at three in the morning of the 30th, the town had

capitulated without a shot having been fired. Two men were killed by a

mistake of the soldiers firing, upon their own officers; a miserable

resistance! But it could not be otherwise, as no militia could long

stand against regulars. Still I expected tumults in the streets--rising

among the inhabitants--weeping and wailing. But no: the French are

unlike any other nation, they have no energy, no principle. Miserable

people! We arrived at Poillac just as it grew dark, and owing to the

sullen insolence of our coachman, who was a complete revolutionist, and

to his hatred for the English, which evinced itself the moment he found

that Bourdeaux had capitulated, we found it difficult to get any thing

like accommodation. I am happy to add, that this same fellow, meeting

another party of English, and beginning to be insolent, an Irish

gentleman, with that prompt and decisive justice which characterises his

country, by one blow of his fist laid him speechless upon the pavement.

Upon meeting the Prefect of Bourdeaux, between that town and the little

sea-port Poillac, in disguise, and hurrying to the shore, he informed us

that before leaving the city, he had fallen on his knees before the

Dutchess d'Angouleme, to persuade her to embark for England, and had,

after much entreaty, succeeded. That before setting out himself, he had

sent her post-horses, and most anxiously expected her arrival, although

he had doubts whether she would be permitted to leave the town. As we

pursued our route, we passed the Chateau Margot. The Marquis, to whom it

belonged, was watching on the road with his young daughter; and the

moment our carriage came in sight, he rushed up in great agitation, and

exclaiming, "Where is the Dutchess? Why does she not come. She must be

concealed at my house to-night. There are troops stationed at a league's

distance from this to prevent her escape." Then observing the fair

complexion of one of the ladies of our party, he cried out, "It is the

Dutchess, it is my beloved Princess. Oh! why have you no avant garde;

you must not proceed." The poor old man was in a state of extreme

agitation, and his daughter weeping. It was a few minutes before we

could undeceive him, and his assurances that we should be stopt by the

troops on the road, afforded us no very cheering prospect as we

proceeded on our journey. No troops, however, appeared, and we arrived

safely at Poillac at seven o'clock.

The Dutchess did not appear that night; but early next morning, we were

called to the window, by hearing a great bustle in the street. It was

occasioned by the arrival of this unfortunate Princess. She had three or

four carriages along with her, filled with her attendants, and was

escorted by a party of the national guards. Their entry into Poillac

formed a very mournful procession; she herself looked deadly pale,

although seemingly calm and collected. We saw many of the officers of

the national guard crowding round her with tears in their eyes. There

was a little chapel close to where we were lodged, and while the other

ladies went down to the frigate to prepare for the embarkation, we heard

that the Dutchess herself had gone to mass. After we imagined that the

service would be nearly concluded, two of the ladies of our party

entered the chapel, and placed themselves near to where they knew she

would pass. As she came near them, observing that they were English, and

much affected, she held out her hand to them; one of them said, "Oh, go

to our England, you will be cherished there." "Yes, yes," replied she,

"I am now going to your country;" and when they expressed a wish that

this storm would be quickly over, and that when she again returned to

France it would be for lasting happiness. The Dutchess replied with an

expression which was almost cheerful, "Indeed, I hope so." This was the

last time that any of us saw her. There was then in her expression a

look of sweet and tranquil suffering, which was irresistibly affecting.

* * *

We embarked, this morning, _Saturday_, the 1st, on board the William

Sibbald, after a night of troubles. Most fortunately for me, I had not

trusted entirely to the owner's word, and had provided three beds and

some provisions; for the captain told us, he could not provide ship

room, and neither mattress nor provision of any kind.----Here we are

then, in no very comfortable circumstances, yet thankful to escape from

this miserable country. There are others in much greater misery than we.

The Count de Lynch, Mayor of Bourdeaux, his brother, and another

relation, the General commanding the national guard, and four or five

French fugitives, have been sent on board here, by the Consul and the

English Captain of the frigate; and they have neither clothes, nor beds,

nor victuals: they leave their fortunes and their families behind them.

"Alas! what a prospect," one of them exclaimed to-day; "this is the

third fortune Bonaparte has lost to me." The unfortunate Dutchess

d'Angouleme is now safe on board the English frigate. On leaving

Bourdeaux, the Dutchess printed an address to the inhabitants, stating

the reasons of her leaving them, to prevent the town from becoming a

scene of blood and pillage. Alas! she knows not her own countrymen; they

would not fight an hour to save her life: yet it is not because they do

not love her--she is adored--the whole family are adored. The good among

the nation wish for peace, but the troops are for war, and they are

all-powerful. It is unjust to say that France ought to be allowed to

remain under Napoleon, as she has desired his return: the army chiefly

have desired it, and plotted it. They burn for pillage and for revenge

on the allies, who had humbled their pride. If the allies are not

prompt, he will again be master of his former territory. Something might

even yet be done at Bourdeaux by an English army.

We are now in the mouth of the English channel, and in full hopes, that

as our stock, of water and of patience is almost exhausted, the Captain

will put us into the first English port. May God grant us soon the sight

of an English inn, and an English post-chaise, and in a day we shall

forget all our troubles.

END OF THE JOURNAL.

CHAPTER III.

STATE OP FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON.

To trace, with accuracy, the effects of the revolution and of the

military despotism of Napoleon on the kingdom of France, it would be

necessary to attend to the following subjects:--the state of

commerce--wealth of the nation, and division of this wealth--the state

of agriculture--the condition of the towns and villages--of the noblesse

and their property--the condition of the lower ranks, namely, the

merchants, tradesmen, artificers, peasants, poor, and beggars--the state

of private and public manners--the dress of the people--their

amusements--the state of religion and morality--of criminal delinquency

and the administration of justice.

But to treat all these different subjects, and to diverge into the

necessary observations which they would naturally suggest, would form of

itself a voluminous work. In order, however, to judge fairly of the

state of France, and of the character of the people, we must select and

make observations on a few of the most material points. In my Journal,

which accompanies this, I have purposely said but little on the state of

the people and their character, as I intended to finish my travels

before I formed my opinion. I did not wish to be guilty of the same

mistake with another traveller, who, coming to an inn in which he had a

bad egg for breakfast, served by an ugly girl, immediately set down in

his Journal, "In this country, the eggs are all bad, and the women all

ugly." My readers are already aware of the opportunities I possessed of

obtaining information. They are such as present themselves to almost

every traveller in France; and they will not therefore be surprised if

my remarks are somewhat common-place. They will recollect that our party

disembarked at Dieppe, and travelled from one coast to the other by

Rouen, Paris, Lyons and Aix. By travelling very slowly, never above 30

miles a-day, I had, perhaps a better opportunity than common of seeing

the country, and of conversing with the inhabitants; and I have been

more than commonly fortunate in forming acquaintance with a number of

very well informed men in the town, which we selected as the place of

our residence in the winter: This was Aix, in Provence. I have described

it before in my Journal, and have only to add, that the head court for

four departments is held there; that there is a College for the study of

Law and Divinity, and that it is remarkable for possessing a society of

men better informed, and of more liberal education, than most other

towns in France.

The inhabitants of Provence have always been marked by excesses of

affection or disaffection. They do nothing in moderation; "Les têtes

chaudes de Provence," is an expression quite common in France. In the

commencement of the revolution, the bands of Provençals, chiefly

Marseillois, were the leaders in every outrage. And when the tyrant,

Napoleon, had fallen from his power, they were among the first to cry

"Vivent les Bourbons!" They would have torn him to pieces on his way to

Frejus, had he not been at times disguised, and at other times well

protected by the troops and police in the villages through which he

passed. It will then easily be imagined that the English were received

with open arms at Aix. They heaped on us kindnesses of every

description, and our only difficulty was to limit our acquaintance. From

among the most moderate and best informed of our friends at Aix, I

attempted to collect a few traits and anecdotes of Napoleon, and with

their assistance, I shall, in the first instance, attempt giving a

sketch of his character. It would be tedious, as well as unnecessary, to

detail all the circumstances of his life; for most of these are

generally known. I shall therefore only mention such as we are not

generally acquainted with.

* * *

NAPOLEON was born at Ajaccio, in Corsica, not, as is generally supposed,

in August 1769, but in February 1768. He had a motive for thus

falsifying even the date of his birth; he conceived that it would assist

his ambitious views, if he could prove that he was born in a province of

France, and it was not till 1769 that Corsica became entitled to that

denomination. His reputed father was not a _huissier_ (or bailiff) as is

generally stated, but a _greffier_ (or register of one of the courts of

justice). His mother is a Genoese; she is a woman of very bad

character; and it is currently reported that Napoleon was the son of

General Paoli; and that Louis and Jerome were the sons of the Marquis de

Marbeuf, governor of the island. The conduct of the Marquis to the

family of Bonaparte, then in the utmost indigence, would sanction a

belief in this account; he protected the whole family, but particularly

the sons, and he caused Napoleon to be placed at the Military School of

Brienne, where he supplied him with money. This money was never spent

among his companions, but went to purchase mathematical books and

instruments, and to assist him in erecting fortifications. The only

times when he deigned to amuse himself with others was during the

attacks of these fortifications, and immediately on these being

finished, he would retire and shut himself up among his books and

mathematical instruments. He was, when a boy, always morose, tyrannical

and domineering. "[11]Il motrait dans ces jeux cet esprit de domination

qu'il a depuis manifestée sur le grand theatre du monde; et celui qui

devoit un jour epouvanter l'Europe a commencè par etre le maitre et

l'effroi d'une troupe d'enfans[12]."

He left the military college with the rank of lieutenant of artillery,

and bearing a character which was not likely to recommend him among good

men. He had very early displayed principles of a most daring nature. In

a conversation with the master of the academy, some discussion having

taken place on the subject of the difficulty of governing a great

nation, the young Corsican remarked, "that the greatest nations were as

easily managed as a school of boys, but that kings always studied to

make themselves beloved, and thus worked their own ruin." The infant

despot of France was certainly determined that no such foolish humanity

should dictate rules to his ambition. He was once in a private company,

where a lady making some remarks on the character of Marshal Turenne,

declared that she would have loved him had he not burned the Palatinate.

"And of what consequence was that, Madame," said the young Napoleon,

"provided it assisted his plans?" We may here trace the same unfeeling

heart that ordered the explosion of the magazine of Grenelle, which, if

his orders had been executed, must have laid Paris in ruins. Some of my

readers may, perhaps, not have seen an authentic statement of this most

horrid circumstance, I shall therefore give a translation of the letter

of Maillard Lescourt, major of artillery, taken from the Journal des

Debats of the 7th April: "I was employed, on the evening before the

attack of Paris, in assembling the horses necessary for the removal of

the artillery, and was assisted in this duty by the officers of the

'Direction Generale.' At nine at night a colonel gallopped up to the

gate of the grating of St Dominique, where I was standing, and asked to

speak to the Directeur d'Artillerie. On my being shewn to him, he

immediately asked me if the powder magazine at Grenelle bad been

evacuated? I replied that it had not, and that there was neither time

nor horses for the purpose. Then, Sir, said he, it must be blown up. I

turned pale, and trembled, not reflecting that there was no occasion to

distress myself for an order which was not written, and with the bearer

of which I was unacquainted. Do you hesitate? said the Colonel.--It

immediately occurred to me, that the same order might be given to

others, if I did not accept of it; I therefore calmly replied to him,

that I should immediately set about it. Become master of this frightful

secret, I entrusted it to no one." At Paris we met with persons of much

respectability, who vouched for the truth of this statement.

There can be no doubt that this order was given by Napoleon, for at this

time the other ruling authorities had left Paris. It is by no means

inconsistent with the character of the man; never, in any instance, has

he been known to value the lives of men, where either ambition or

revenge instigated him. Beauchamp, in his history of the last campaign,

gives the following anecdote;[13] "Sire, (lui disoit un general, en le

felicitant sur la victoire de Montmirail), quel beau jour, si nous ne

voyions autour de nous tant de villes et de pays devastès. Tant mieux,

replique Napoleon, cela me donne des soldats!!"

The second capture of Rheims in that campaign was an object of little

consequence to him, but he now determined it should suffer by fire and

sword. From the heights he looked down on the town, then partly on fire,

and smiling said, [14]"Eh bien, dans une heure les dames de Rheims

auront grand peur." His resentment against the towns that declared for

the Bourbons was beyond all bounds; The following account of the murder

of the unfortunate De Goualt is taken from Beauchamp's interesting

work:[15] "On le saisit, on le conduit à l'hotel de ville, devant une

commission militaire, qui proçede à son jugement, on plutôt à sa

condamnation. Une heure s'etait à peine ecoulee qu'un officier survient

se fait ouvrir les portes, et demande si la sentence est prononçee. Les

juges vont aller aux voix, dit on. "Qu'on le fusille, sur le champ," dit

l'officier; "l'Empereur l'ordonne." Le malhereux Goualt est condamne.

Le deuil est génerale dans la ville. Le proprietaire de la maison,

qu'avoit choisi Bonaparte pour y etablir son quartier, solicite une

audience; il l'obtient. "Sire, (dit Monsieur du Chatel à Napoleon), un

jour de triomphe doit etre un jour de clemence. Je viens de supplier

votre Majesté d'accorder à toute la ville de Troyes la grace d'un de nos

malheureux compatriotes qui vient d'etre condamne a mort." "Sortez," dit

le tyran, d'un air faronche, "Vous oubliez qui vous etes chez moi." Il

etait onze heures et cet infortune sortait de l'hotel de ville, escorte

par des gens-d'armes, portant, attache à son dos, et à sa poitrine un

ecriteau en gros caracteres, dans ces mots, "Traitre a la patrie,"

qu'on lisait à la lueur des flambeaux. Le dechirant et lugubre cortege

se dirigeait vers la place du marche destine aux executions criminelles.

La on veut bander les yeux au condamne. Il s'y refuse, et dit d'une voix

ferme qu'il saura mourir pour son Roi. Lui meme donne le signal de tirer

et c'est en criant, "Vive le Roi! Vive Louis XVIII!" qu'il rend le

dernier soupir."

Tacitus, in describing the Corsicans, gives us three of the principal

ingredients in the character of Napoleon, when he says, [16]"Ulcisci,

prima lex est, altera, mentiri, tertia, negare Deos." To these we may

add unlimited ambition, insatiable vanity, considerable courage at

times, and the most dastardly cowardice at others. It must be owned,

that this last is an extraordinary mixture; but I am inclined to

believe, in despite of the many proofs of rash and impetuous courage,

that Napoleon was in the main, and whenever life and existence was at

stake, a cool and selfish coward. His rival Moreau always thought so.

Immediately before the campaign of Dresden, in a conversation on

Napoleon's character, this General observed, [17]"Ce qui characterise

cet homme, ce'st le mensonge et l'amour de la vie; Je vais l'attaquer,

je le battrai, et je le verrai a mes pieds me demander la vie."--It

pleased Providence that a part only of this prediction should be

accomplished; but we have seen that Bonaparte dared not court the death

of Moreau. Never was more decided cowardice shewn by any man than by

Napoleon after the entry of the allies into Paris. How easily might he

have fought his way, with a numerous band of determined followers, who,

to the last minute, never failed him; but he preferred remaining to beg

for his life, and to attend to the removal _of his wines and

furniture_!! But we must proceed more regularly in developing the traits

of this extraordinary man. A gentleman of Aix, one of whose near

relations had the charge of Napoleon, when his character was suspected

at Toulon, gave me the following particulars of his first employment.

During the siege of Toulon, he had greatly distinguished himself, and

had applied to the "Commissaires de Convention," who at that time

possessed great power in the army, to promote him; but these men

detesting Bonaparte's character, refused his request.--On this occasion,

General De Gominier said to them, [18]"Avancez cet officier; car si vous

ne l'avancez pas, il saura bien s'avancer lui meme." The Commissaries

could no longer refuse, and Bonaparte was appointed colonel of

artillery. Shortly after this, having got into some scrape from his

violent and turbulent disposition, he was put under arrest; and it was

even proposed that he should be tried and executed (a necessary

consequence of a trial at that period). His situation at this time was

extremely unpromising; Robespierre and his accomplices, Daunton, St

Juste, Barrere, &c. were all either put to death or forced to conceal

themselves. Bonaparte now perceived, that for the accomplishment of his

views, it was necessary that he should forsake his haughty and

domineering tone, and flatter those in power. He immediately commenced a

series of intrigues, and by the assistance of his friends at Paris, and

that good fortune which has always befriended him, he soon found an

opportunity of extricating himself from the danger which surrounded him.

Barras, who was then at the head of the administration, under the title

of Directeur, alarmed by the distracted state of Paris, and dreading the

return of the Bourbons, assembled a council of his friends and

associates in crime; it was then determined that an attack should

immediately be made on the Parisian royalists, or, as the gentleman who

gave me this account expressed it, [19]"Dissiper les royalistes, et

foudroyer les Parisiens jusque dans leurs foyers."

But where were they to find a Frenchman who would take upon him the

execution of so barbarous an order? One of the meeting mentioned

Bonaparte, and his well-known character determined the directors in

their choice. He was ordered to Paris, and the hand of Madame

Beauharnois, and the command of the army of Italy, held out to him as

the reward of his services, provided he succeeded in _dissipating_ the

royalists. It is well known that he did succeed to his utmost wish; the

streets of Paris were strewed with dead bodies, and the power of the

Directory was proclaimed by peals of artillery.

Shortly after this, Bonaparte commenced that campaign in Italy, in which

he so highly signalised himself as a great general and a brave soldier.

It is the general opinion of the French that this was the only campaign

in which Napoleon shewed personal courage; others allege, that he

continued to display the greatest bravery till the siege of Acre. To

reconcile the different opinions with respect to the character of

Napoleon in this point, is a matter of much difficulty. After having

heard the subject repeatedly discussed by officers who had accompanied

him in many of his campaigns; after having read all the pamphlets of the

day, I am inclined to think that the character given of him in that

work, perhaps erroneously believed to be written by his valet, is the

most just. This book certainly contains much exaggeration, but it is by

no means considered, by the French whom I have met, as a forgery. The

author must, from his style, be a man of some education; and he asserts

that he was with him in all his battles, from the battle of Marengo to

the campaign of Paris. He declares, that Napoleon was _courageous only

in success, brave only when victorious_; that the slightest reverse made

him a coward. His conduct in Egypt, in abandoning his army, his

barbarous and unfeeling flight from Moscow, and his last scene at

Fontainbleau, are sufficient proofs of this.

The battle of Marengo is generally instanced as the one in which

Napoleon shewed the greatest personal courage; but this statement

neither agrees with the account given in the above work, nor by Monsieur

Gaillais. From the work of the last mentioned gentleman, entitled

"Histoire de Dix huit Brumaire," I shall extract a few lines on the

subject of this battle.[20] "A la pointe du jour les Autrichiens

commencerent l'attaque, dabord assez lentement, plus vivement ensuite,

et enfin avec une telle furie que les Français furent enfoncès de tous

cotès. Dans ce moment affreux ou les morts et les mourants jonchaiènt la

terre, le premier Consul, placè au milieu de sa garde, semblait

immuable, insensible, et comme frappè de la foudre. Vainement les

generaux lui depechaient coup sur coup leurs Aides de Camp, pour

demander des secours; vainement les Aides de Camp attendaient les

ordres; il n'endonnait aucune; il donnait a peine signe de la vie.

Plusieurs penserent que croyant la battaille perdue, il voulut se faire

tuer. D'autres, avec plus de raison, se persuaderent qu'il avoit perdu

la tête, et qu'il ne voyait et n'entendait plus rien de se qui se disoit

et de ce qui se passait autour de lui. Le General Berthier vint le prier

instamment de se retirer; au lieu de lui repondre il se coucha par

terre. Cependant les Français fuyerent a toutes jambes, la bataille

etoit perdue lorsque tout a coup on entendait dire que le General

Dessaix arrive avec une division de troupes fraiches. Bientot apres on

le voit paroitre lui meme a leur tête; les fuyards se ralliaient

derrierè ses colonnes--leur courage est revenuè--la chance tourne--les

Français attaquent a leur tour avec la meme furie qu'ils avoient etê

attaquè--et brulent d'effacer la honte de leur defaite du matin."

Desaix fell in this battle, and the whole glory of it was given to

Napoleon. The last words of this gallant man were these: [21]"Je meurs

avec le regret de n'avoir pas assez vecu pour ma patrie.".

This account of Napoleon's behaviour at Marengo was confirmed to me at

Aix, by two French officers of rank who had been present at the battle.

I do not mean to give a life of Napoleon; ere a year is past, I have not

a doubt that we shall have but too many; indeed, already they are not

wanting in England. I mean only to give such anecdotes as are not so

generally known, and to attempt an explanation of the two most

interesting circumstances in his career, viz. the means he has employed

in his aggrandisement, and the causes of his downfall. It is only when

we survey the extent of his power, without reflecting on the gradual

steps which led to it, that we are astonished and confounded; for, in

reality, when his means are considered, and the state of France at the

time is placed before our eyes, much of the difficulty vanishes; and we

perceive, that any daring character, making use of the same means, might

have arrived at the same end. It is foolish to deny him (as many of his

biographers do), great military talent, for that he certainly possessed,

as long as his good fortune allowed him to display it. This talent he

not only evinced in the formation of his plans, but in the execution

also. No man knew better the means of calling forth the inexhaustible

military resources of France. The people of that country were always

brave; but Bonaparte alone knew how to make them all soldiers. The

desire of glory has ever characterized the nation, and the state of

tyranny and oppression in which they were kept under his government, had

no effect in diminishing this passion. The French people under Napoleon

furnish a striking exception to the maxim of Montesquieu, when he says,

[22]"On peut poser pour maxime, que dans chaque etat le desir de la

gloire existe avec la liberté de sujets, et diminue avec elle; la gloire

n'est jamais compagne de la servitude."

The French forget their misfortunes almost immediately. After the

campaign of Moscow, one would have thought that the hardships they

endured might have given them a sufficient disgust, and that it was

likely they would forsake one who shewed so little feeling for them. I

happened once to meet with several of the poor wretches who had been

with him; they were then on their road home; most of them were entirely

disabled; one had his toes frozen off--they declared that they _would

again fight under him if they were able_. At one of the inns, I met with

a young officer who had also been with him at Moscow: I happened to

enquire how they could bear the cold? "We were as comfortable," said he,

"as you and I are at this fire-side." The poor fellow was not twenty-one

years old. [23]"La jeunesse d'aujour-d'hui est elevee dans d'autres

principes; l'amour de la gloire sur tout a jetè des profondes racines;

il est devenu l'attribut le plus distinctif du caractere national,

exaltè par vingt ans de succes continues. Mais cette gloire meme etoit

devenue notre idole, elle absorboit toutes les pensees des braves mis

hors-de-combat par leurs blessures, toutes les esperances des jeunes

gens qui faisaient leur premieres armes. Un coup imprevu l'a frappè,

nous trouvons dans nos cœurs une vide semblable a celui qui trouve un

amant qui a perdu l'objet de sa passion; tout se qu'il voit, tout ce

qu'il entende renouvelle sa douleur. Ce sentiment rend notre situation

vague et penible; chacun cherche a se dissimuler la place qu'il sente

exister au fond de son cœur. On le regarde comme humilie, apres vingt

ans des triomphes continues, pour avoir perdu une seule partie

malhereusement etait la partie d'honneur; et qui a fait la regle de nos

destinees."--Such is the language of the military.

In conversation one evening with one of the noblesse, who had suffered

in the revolution, he told me that this military spirit extended not

only to all ranks and professions, but to all ages. He said that the

young men in the schools refused to learn any thing but mathematics and

the science of arms; and that he recollected many instances of boys ten

and twelve years of age, daily entreating their fathers and mothers to

permit them to join Napoleon. It was in vain to represent to them the

hardships they must suffer; their constant reply was, "If we die, we

will at least find glory." Read the campaign of Moscow, said another

gentleman to me, you will there see the French character:[24] "Les

François sont les seuls dans l'univers qui pourroient rire meme en

gelant."

Napoleon certainly greatly encreased the military spirit of the people:

Before his time, you heard of commerce, of agriculture, of manufactures,

as furnishing the support of the community; under him, you heard of

nothing but war. The rapid destruction of the population of France

occasioned constant promotion, and the army became the most promising

profession. It was a profession in which no education was wanting--to

which all had access. Bonaparte never allowed merit to go unrewarded.

The institution of the Legion of Honour alone was an instrument in his

hands of sufficient power to call forth the energy of a brave people; to

this rank even the private soldier might arrive. In this organization

of the army, therefore, we may trace his first means of success.

The next was his military _tactique_:--The great and simple principle on

which this was founded, is evident in every one of the pitched battles

which he gained;--he out-numbered his opponents,--he sacrificed a

troop,--a battalion,--a division,--or a whole army without bestowing a

moment's thought. Bonaparte has sometimes, though very seldom, shewn

that his heart could be touched, but never, on any occasion, did the

miserable display of carnage in the field of battle call forth these

feelings; never was he known to pity his soldiers. On seeing a body of

fresh recruits join the army, his favourite expression was always,

[25]"Eh bien, voyez encore de matiere premiere, du chair a cannon."

After a battle, when he rode over the ground, he would smile, and say,

[26]"Ma foi, voyez une grande consommation." The day after the battle of

Prusse-Eylau, his valet thus describes his visit to the field of blood:

[27]"Il faisoit un froid glacial, des mourants respiroient encore; la

foule des cadavres et les cavitès noiratres qui le sang des hommes avoit

laisse dans la neigè faisoit un affreux contraste. L'etat Major etoit

peniblement affectè. L'Empereur seul contemplait froidement cette scene

de deuil et de sang. Je poussai mon cheval quelques pas devant le sien;

j'etois eurieux de l'observer dans un pareil moment. Vous eussiez dit

qu'il etoit alors detachè de toutes les affections humaines, que tout ce

qui l'environnait n'existoit pour lui. Il parloit tranquillement des

evenemens de la veille. En passant devant une groupe des grenadiers

Russes massacrès, le cheval d'un Aide-de-Camp avoit peur. Le Prince

l'appercevait: "Ce cheval, lui dit il, froidement, est un lache."

It cannot be doubted that such a man would sacrifice regiment after

regiment to obtain his purpose; we may indeed wonder, that when known to

possess such a heart, he was obeyed by his men: But a little thought, a

little reflection on the means he took to ingratiate himself with his

troops will remove this difficulty. Look also at his dispatches, his

proclamations, and orders; they appear the effusion of the father of a

family addressing his children: "Their country required the sacrifices,

which he deplored." All thought is at an end when they are thus attacked

on their weak side. At other times, the hope of plunder was held out to

them. The words, _glory, honour, their country, laurels, immortal

fame_--these words, fascinating to the ear of any people, are more

peculiarly so to the French. When conversing with an old French officer,

who had served under the Prince of Condè in the emigrant army, on this

subject, he made this remark: "Sir, you do not know the French;

assemble them together, and having pronounced the words _glory, honour

and your country_, point to the moon, and you will have an army ready to

undertake the enterprise." Napoleon was well aware of this weakness of

the French. He would ride through the ranks on the eve of a battle,

would recall their former victories to one body; make promises to a

second; joke with a third,--cold, distant, and forbidding at all other

times, he is described as affable in the extreme on all such occasions.

The meanest soldier might then address him.

The rapid military promotion may be given as another cause of Napoleon's

success. The most distinguished corps were, of course, the greatest

sufferers; and the young man who joined the army, as a lieutenant, on

the eve of an action, was a captain the next day, perhaps a colonel

before he had seen a year's service. [28]"Des ouvriers sortis de leurs

atteliers (says Monsieur Gaillais in his "Histoire de Dix Huit

Brumaire,") des paysans echappes de villages, avec un bonnet sur la tête

et un baton a la main, devenaient au bout de six mois des soldats

intrepides, et au bout de deux ans des officiers agueris, et des

generaux redoubtables au plus anciens generaux de l'Europe." Nothing

struck me more forcibly than the youth of the French officers. The

generals only are veterans, for Bonaparte well knew, that experience is

as necessary as courage in a General.

Next, we may direct our attention to the means which this despot

possessed, by filling the war department with his own creatures; by

giving liberal salaries and unlimited power to the prefects of the

different departments, he amassed both troops and pay to support them.

The tyrannic measures for levying these became at last insupportable;

the people were rising in the villages, and by force of arms rescuing

their companions; and it is very probable that he might have found,

latterly, a want of men; but for years he has had at his disposal three

hundred thousand men annually. In describing the effects of the

conscription, one of the members of the Senate made use of the

following expression:--[29]"On moissonne les homines trois fois

l'anneé."

With such supplies, what single power could resist him? War with him

became a mere mechanical calculation. Among the causes of his elevation,

the use he made of the other continental Powers must not be forgotten;

whether gained by corruption, treachery, or force, they all became his

allies; they were all compelled to assist him with troops. When the

Sovereigns of these countries consented to his plans, they were

permitted to govern their own kingdoms, otherwise the needy family of

Bonaparte supplied the _roitelets_ at a moment's warning. These little

monarchs, he is said to have treated with the utmost contempt.

My readers may perhaps be inclined to smile, when I mention among the

causes of Napoleon's elevation, the use made by him of ballad-singers,

newsmongers, pedlars, &c. But really, on a deliberate view of his system

of juggling and deception, I am inclined to believe, that it was one of

his most powerful engines. The people of France are not only the most

vain, but the most credulous in the world. To work on their feelings,

he kept in constant pay author of every description, from the man who

composed the Vaudeville, which was sold for half a sous, to the authors

of the many clever political pamphlets which daily appear in France: for

the dissemination of these, he had agents, not only in France, but in

distant countries. When he aimed at the subjugation of any part of the

continent, his first endeavour was always to disseminate seditious and

inflammatory pamphlets against its Government. It is never doubted in

France, that even in _England_, he had his emissaries.

Editors of newspapers, in every part of the globe, were in his pay. The

method in which the newspaper, called the Argus, was published, is an

extraordinary proof of this fact. The Argus, whose principal object was

to abuse the English, was first of all written in French, by one of the

"Commissaires de Police;" it was then translated into English, and a few

copies were circulated in this language, to keep up the idea, that it

was smuggled over from England; after these found their way, the French

copy, or in other words, the original, was widely circulated. A more

infamous trick can scarce be conceived. Extracts from this paper were,

by express order of Napoleon, published in every French paper. Nothing

was considered by him as beneath his notice. He encouraged dancing,

feasting, gaming. The theatres, concerts, public gardens, were under his

protection. The traiteurs, the keepers of caffès, of brothels, of

ale-houses, the limonadiers, and the wine-merchants, were his particular

favourites. His object in this was, to produce a degree of profligacy in

the public manners, and a disgust at industry; and the consequence was,

the resort of all ranks to the army, as the easiest and most lucrative

profession.

With regard to the many other causes which will suggest themselves to my

readers in reading a history of his campaigns, I shall say nothing; for

on all of these, as well as on the causes of his downfall, which I shall

merely enumerate, I leave them to make their own observations. I have

already been very tedious, and have yet much to observe on different

points of his character.

To the last rigorous measures for the conscription, to the institution

of the "Droits Reunis;" to the formation of the garde d'honneur; and to

his attack on the religion of France, Bonaparte owed his first

unpopularity. The hatred of the French is as impetuous as their

admiration. They exclaimed against every measure when they were once

exasperated against him: still he had many friends; still he possessed

an army which kept the nation in awe. This army he chose to sacrifice in

Spain and Russia. The nation could no longer supply him, and the strong

coalition which took place against him, was not to be repelled by a

broken-down army. His military talent seemed latterly to have forsaken

him, and never was the expulsion of a tyrant so easily accomplished.

His excessive vanity never left him--of this, the Moniteur for the last

ten years is a sufficient proof; but in reading the accounts of him, I

was particularly struck with the instances which follow.

Anxious to impress on the minds of the Directors, the necessity of the

expedition to Egypt, he made a speech, in which the meanest flattery was

judiciously mingled with his usual vanity. [30]"Ce n'est que sous un

gouvernement aussi sage aussi grand que le votre, qu'un simple soldat

tel que moi pouvait conçevoir le projet de porter la guerre en

Egypte.--Oui, Directeurs, à peine serais je maitre d'Egypte, et des

solitudes de la Palestine, que l'Angleterre vous donnera un vaisseau de

premier bord pour un sac de bled."

Some days before his celebrated appearance among the "Cinq Cents," his

friends advised him to repair thither well armed, and attended with

troops. [31]"Si je me presente avec des troupes (disait Napoleon), c'est

pour complaire à mes amis, car en verité j'ai la plus grande envie d'y

paraitre comme fit jadis Louis XIV. au Parlement, en bottes, et un fouet

à la main."

In his speech to the Corps Legislatif, on the 1st of January 1814, he

made use of the following words at the close of an oration, composed of

the same unmeaning phrases, strung together in fifty different shapes.

[32]"Je suis de ces homines qu'on tue, mais qu'on ne dishonore pas.

Dans trois mois nous aurons la paix, ou l'enemi sera chasse de notre

territoire--ou, je serai mort."

A further specimen of Napoleon's style, will, I think, amuse my readers;

I shall, therefore, copy out an extract of his speech to the Legislative

Body: [33]"Je vous ai appellè autour de moi pour faire le bien, vous

avez fait le mal, vous avez entre vous des gens devouès à l'Angleterre,

qui correspondent avec le Prince Regent par l'entremise de l'avocat

Deseze. Les onze-douziemes parmi vous sont bons; les autres sont des

factieux. Retournez dans vos departments;--je vous y suivrai de l'œil.

Je suis un homme qu'on peut tuer, mais qu'on nè saurait deshonnorer.

Quel est celui d'entre vous qui pouvait supporter le fardeau du

pouvoir; il a ecrasè l'Assemble Constituante, qui dicta des loix à un

monarque faible. Le Fauxbourg St Antoine nous aurait secondé, mais il

vous est bientot abandonnè. Que sont devenus les Jacobins, les

Girondins, les Vergniaux, les Guadets, et tant d'autres? Ils sont morts.

Vous avez cherché à me barbouiller aux gens de la France. C'est un

attentat;--qu'est que le trone, au reste? Quatre morçeaux de bois dorè

recouverts de velours. Je vous avais indiqué un Commité Secret; c'etait

là qu'il fallait laver notre linge. J'ai un titre, vous n'en avez point.

Qui etes vous dans la Constitution? Vous n'avez point d'autorite. C'est

le Trone qui est la Constitution. Tout est dans le trone et dans moi.

Je vous le repete, vous avez parmi vous des factieux. Monsieur Laisnè

est un mechant homme; les autres sont des factieux. Je les connais, et

je les poursuivrai. Je vous le demande, Etait ce cependant que les

ennemies sont chez nous qu'il fallait faire de pareilles choses? La

nature m'a doué d'un courage fort; il peut resister à tout. Il en a

beaucoup coutè a mon orgueil, je l'ai sacrifiè. Je suis au dessus de vos

miserables declamations. J'avais demandé des consolations et vous m'avez

dishonoré. Mais non; mes victoires ecrasent vos criailleries. Je suis de

ceux qui triomphent ou qui meurent. Retournez dans vos departments."

The vanity of Napoleon led him to suppose that he was fitted to lay

down the law to the most eminent among the French philosophers; that he

could improve the French language, the theatre, the state of society,

the public seminaries, the weights and measures of the realm. He

meddled, in short, with every thing. Under the walls of Moscow, he

composed a proclamation in the morning, declaring that he would soon

dictate a code of laws to the Russians; and, in the evening, he dictated

a code of regulations for the theatres of Paris. His ardent wish was, to

have it thought that he had time and capacity for every thing. It arose

from this, that he trusted to no one, and having himself every thing to

do, that he did nothing well. If he went to visit a college, he prepared

Latin and Greek sentences for the occasion; in many of his speeches he

introduced scrapes of classic lore. His love of Greek terms is admirably

described in a little epigram, made on his new _tarif_ of weights and

measures, in which the _grams_ and _killograms_, and _metres_ and

_killometres_ are introduced.

Les Grecs pour nous ont tant d'attraits

Qui pour se faire bien entendre,

Et pour comprendre le Français

Ce'st le Greque qu'il faut apprendre.

He was particularly anxious that his police should be perfect. He

pursued, for the accomplishment of his views, the same plan so

successfully employed under the celebrated Sartine. He had spies in

every private family, and every rank and denomination. These he did not

employ as Sartine did, for the detection of thieves and robbers; with

him, the dreadful machine of espionage was organised, in order that he

might always know the state of public feeling; that knowing also the

character of each individual, he might be the better able to select

instruments fit for his purposes. Fouche had brought this system to the

utmost perfection. Bonaparte distrusted him, and demanded proofs of his

activity. Fouche desired him to appoint a day, on which he should give

him a full account of every action performed by him. The day was

appointed, the utmost precaution was used by the Emperor; but the spies

gave an account of his every action from six in the morning till eight

at night. They refused to inform Fouche what had become of Bonaparte

after eight; but said, that if the Emperor desired it, they would inform

him in person. The Emperor did not press the subject farther, but

confessed _that he had not spent the remainder of the evening in the

best of company_. Ever after this he was satisfied with the state of

the police. To give some idea of the activity of this system, I may

mention a curious anecdote, which I received from our banker: One of the

most respectable bankers in Paris, whose name I have forgot, was sitting

at supper with his chief _commis_ or clerk. They were served by one

faithful old servant, who, during 30 years, had been tried, and had

always been found worthy of confidence. The conversation turned on the

subject of the last campaign--this was before the campaign of Paris. The

_commis_ happened to remark, that he thought Bonaparte's career was

nearly finished, and that he would meet his fate presently. The next

morning the banker received a letter from the Police Department,

instructing him to order the departure of his _commis_ from Paris within

24 hours, and from France within a month.

The same gentleman gave me a genuine edition of the celebrated story of

Sartine's stopping the travellers at the gates of Paris. It may amuse my

readers, although, I dare say, they have seen it before in other shapes.

A very rich lace merchant from Brussels, was in the habit of constantly

frequenting the fair of St Denis. On these occasions, he repaired to

Paris in the public diligence, accompanied by his trunks of lace. He

had apartments at an hotel in the Rue des Victoires, which he had for

many years occupied; and to secure which, he used always to write some

weeks before. An illness had prevented his visiting the fair during two

years; on the third, he wrote as usual to his landlord, and received an

answer, that the death of the landlord had occasioned a change in the

firm and tenants of the house; but that he was well known to them, and

that they would keep for him his former rooms, and would do their utmost

to give him satisfaction.

The merchant set out--arrived at the barrier of Paris; the diligence was

stopped, and a gentleman whom he had never seen before, accosted him by

name, and desired him to alight. The merchant was a good deal surprised

at this; but you may judge of his alarm, when he heard an order given to

the _conducteur_ to unloose numbers one, two, three--the trunks, in

which was contained his whole fortune. The gentleman desired he would

not be afraid, but trust every thing to him. The diligence was ordered

away, and the lace merchant, in a state of agony, was conveyed by his

new acquaintance to the house of Monsieur de Sartine. He there began an

enumeration of his grievances, but was civilly interrupted by M. de

Sartine--"Sir, you have not much reason to complain; but for your visit

to me here, you would have been murdered this night at twelve." The

minister then detailed to him the plan that had been laid for his

murder, and astonished him by shewing a copy, not only of the letter

which he had written to the landlord of the hotel, but also the answer

returned by the landlord. Monsieur de Sartine then begged that he would

place the most implicit confidence in him, and remain in his house until

he should recover himself from his fright. He would then return to the

coach in waiting, and would be attended to the hotel by one of his

emissaries as valet. The merchant told him that the people of the house

would not be deceived by a stranger, for they were well acquainted with

all his concerns, and even with his writing. "Examine your attendant,"

said M. de Sartine; "you will find him well instructed, and he speaks

your dialect as you do yourself." A few questions convinced the merchant

that the minister had made a good selection. M. de Sartine then

described the reception he would meet with, the rooms he was to occupy,

the persons he should see, and laid down directions for his conduct;

telling him, at the same time, that if at a loss, he should consult his

attendant. On his arrival at the inn, every thing shewed the wonderful

correctness of the information. His reception was kind as ever. Dinner

was served up; and the merchant, according to his practice, engaged

himself till a late hour in his usual occupations. The valet played his

part to a miracle, and saw his master to bed, after repeating to him the

instructions of Monsieur de Sartine. The merchant, as may well be

supposed, did not sleep much. At twelve, a trap door in the floor opened

gently, and a man ascended into the apartment, having a dark lanthorn in

one hand, and in the other, some small rings of iron, used for gagging

people to prevent their speaking. He had just ascended, when the valet

knocked him down and secured him; the room was immediately filled with

the officers of the police. The house had been surrounded to prevent

escape; and in a cellar under the room where the merchant had slept, and

which communicated with the trap door, were found the master, mistress,

and all the members of the gang--they were all secured.

Let us proceed with the character of Napoleon. All the world is well

acquainted with his vices; it is less probable that they have ever heard

of his virtues, of his having shown that he felt as a man. The

following instance is authentic:

After the capture of Berlin, the command of the city was given to one of

the Prussian generals, who had sworn fidelity to Bonaparte. This officer

betrayed his trust, and communicated to the King of Prussia all the

information which he obtained of the motions of the French army.

Bonaparte obtained sufficient proof of his crime, by intercepted

letters. The officer was arrested, a military trial was ordered, and

sentence of death pronounced. The wife of the officer threw herself at

the feet of Bonaparte, and implored the life of her husband. He was

touched, and drawing out from his pocket the letters which proved the

crime, he tore them to pieces, saying, that in thus destroying the

proofs of his guilt, he deprived himself of the power of afterwards

punishing it. The officer was immediately released.