_RYERSON SCHOOL BILL OF 1871._
From 1850 to 1871 no wholly new principles relating to the Common
Schools were adopted by the Legislature, although some changes were
necessarily made. The legislation of 1850 had, from time to time, to be
supplemented by amendments in order that the spirit of the previous
legislation should be made applicable to the needs of a rapidly growing
community.
An Act passed in 1853[134] provided further machinery for the working of
Trustee Boards; gave a liberal annual grant for an educational museum;
set apart L500 a year toward teachers' pensions, and increased by L1,000
a year the grant to Normal Schools.
[134] See copy of Act reprinted in D. H. E., Vol. X., p. 133.
An Act passed in 1860[135] more clearly defined the powers of trustees,
the manner of conducting elections, and auditing school accounts. The
same Act made Saturday a school holiday.
[135] See copy of Act reprinted
in D. H. E., Vol. XV., pp. 45-49.
The Act of 1871[136] was the last important school legislation prepared
by Ryerson.[137] The important features of the Act may be summed up
under four headings, viz., compulsory and free education, efficient
inspection, teachers' pensions, and the licensing of teachers under
Government direction.[138]
[136] See copy of Act reprinted in D. H. E., Vol. XXII., pp. 213-222.
[137] The Act of 1874, in as far as it contained new principles, was
forced upon Ryerson by the Government of Sir Oliver Mowat.
[138] For changes made in Grammar Schools by Act of 1871, see Chapter
IX.
The free school was the natural complement of the Act of 1850. The
permissive legislation then enacted allowing trustee boards and
ratepayers to establish free schools had been so generally acted
upon[139] that by 1871 the abolition of all rate bills upon parents
seemed to come as a matter of course. The logical corollary of free
schools is compulsory attendance, and the Act of 1871 fixed penalties to
be imposed upon parents and guardians who neglected the education of
their children. It may be doubted whether this compulsory clause has
ever been of any real advantage to the cause of education. The real
forces that move human beings are always moral forces. Many a man has
unwillingly sent his children to school because of public opinion, but
few because of fear of the law.
[139] Only some 400 schools out of 4,000 were levying rate bills in
1870. These 400 were chiefly in towns and cities. The total rate bill
levy for 1870 was about $24,000. See Superintendent's Report for 1870.
The Act provided for county inspectors who should be experts and devote
their whole time to the work of inspection. Ryerson's first Report had
foreshadowed such action, and the fact that he had to wait a
quarter-century to realize his plan shows how impossible it is to
legislate much in advance of public opinion.
The County Inspector, together with two or more qualified teachers, were
to form a County Board, with power to license second and third-class
teachers upon examinations prescribed by the Council of Public
Instruction. In this way the Superintendent had at last secured a
uniform standard of qualification for teachers throughout the whole
Province.
The small annual grant made for teachers' pensions in 1853, and
increased a few years later to $4,000 per annum, had enabled the
Superintendent to dole out pittances[140] to a few score of worn-out
teachers whose need was most pressing. Ryerson wished to establish a
system such as was in operation in Germany--a system of compulsory
payments by teachers in service sufficient to give a substantial pension
for old age. He hoped by this means to secure a body of teachers with a
professional spirit, and to enable them to spend their declining years
in independence.
[140] See D. H. E., Vol. XX., p. 143.
The Act of 1871 required compulsory payments from male teachers of four
dollars per year.[141] At a later date County Inspectors and all
first-class teachers were required to pay six dollars a year. This
payment guaranteed an annual pension upon retirement of four or six
dollars for every year's contribution. Female teachers were allowed, but
not forced, to support the Pension Fund. The compulsory payments aroused
much opposition from some teachers, especially those who were making
temporary use of the teachers' calling as a stepping-stone to some other
profession.[142] Ryerson thought that this class might very properly be
taxed a trifle for the general cause of education.
[141] No doubt this seems a ridiculously small contribution, but we must
remember that teachers received very small salaries. The Pension Fund
clause was repealed in 1885 on request of the teachers of Ontario, and
since that date no names have been added to the list. The payments by
teachers provided only a small proportion of the annual charge upon the
Pension Fund. The present annual charge (1910) upon the Fund is $55,926.
[142] See D. H. E., Vol. XXIII., pp. 253-256.
Minor provisions of the Act of 1871 gave trustee boards power to build
teachers' residences and to secure land for school sites by arbitration.
The Act also authorized the creation of Township Boards of Trustees,
where public opinion favoured them.
During its passage through the Legislature the Bill of 1871 was severely
criticized by Hon. George Brown, in the Toronto _Globe_, and by Edward
Blake, on the floor of the Assembly. Perhaps neither of these gentlemen
had any love for Ryerson, but they represented a new spirit which
Ryerson scarcely understood, and with which he certainly had no
sympathy.
Mr. Blake opposed the Bill upon several grounds, but especially upon the
abolition of rate bills and the irresponsible nature of the Council of
Public Instruction. As regards the former he expressed himself heartily
in favour of free schools, but since they were gradually becoming free
without compulsion he wished to let them alone. His objection to the
Council of Public Instruction[143] is worthy of note because it brings
out in a strong light the real bone of contention between Ryerson and
the Ontario Liberals, and enables us to understand why at a later date
it was impossible for Ryerson to work in harmony with a Liberal
Executive Council. The Council of Public Instruction was an
irresponsible body appointed by the Crown and dominated by the Chief
Superintendent. It had extensive powers. It might act arbitrarily, and
yet there was no way by which the members of the Legislature could call
it to account or insist upon explanations. Mr. Blake and his colleagues
argued that this was not compatible with representative government.
Doctor Ryerson insisted that the Education Department must be wholly
removed from party politics. Conscious of purity of purpose and
personal integrity, he was ever more desirous of giving the people what
he thought they needed than of giving them what they wanted.
[143] See Pamphlet in Parliamentary Library, Ottawa, addressed by Edward
Blake to the electors of South Bruce.
Although Ryerson had taken a partisan's part in politics before his
appointment as Superintendent, he wisely tried to administer his
Department upon a non-partisan basis. And he met with a large measure of
success because all sensible men realized that education ought not to be
a topic for partisan bickerings. For many years it was so arranged that
the leader of the Government introduced educational bills and the leader
of the Opposition seconded them.
Such a procedure was possible only so long as both political parties had
more confidence in the wisdom of the Superintendent to deal with
education than they had in the educational foresight of their own
leaders. But such a confidence could not be indefinitely retained by any
Superintendent, and certainly not by Ryerson, who was very sensitive to
criticism of his administration, and always ready to challenge any
layman who had the temerity to express an opinion upon education
contrary to his. It was inevitable that a clash should come, and it was
a great tribute to Ryerson's wisdom in gauging public opinion that the
clash was so long delayed. It was also quite to be expected that the
Liberal leaders should be the ones to precipitate the shock, seeing that
Ryerson had ridden into office upon a wave of Tory reaction.
Mr. Blake and Hon. George Brown could, however, make little headway
against Ryerson in connection with the School Bill of 1871. Except in
regard to the irresponsible nature of the Council of Public Instruction,
the Act was progressive and truly liberal. Ryerson had discussed every
clause in the Bill at County Conventions, and had behind him the support
of all actively engaged in the work of education and in the other
learned professions.