Expectation that Henry would return to the Roman Communion--Henry persists
in carrying out the Reformation--The Crown and the clergy--Meeting of a
new Parliament--Fresh repudiation of the Pope's authority--Complications
of the succession--Attitude of the Princess Mary--Her reluctant
submission--The King empowered to name his successor by will--Indication
of his policy--The Pilgrimage of Grace--Cost of the Reformation--The
martyrs, Catholic and Protestant.
Whether Henry, on the exposure of the character of the woman for whom, in
the world's union, he had quarrelled with Rome and broken the union of
Christendom, would now reverse his course and return to the communion of
the Apostolic See, was the question on which all minds were exercising
themselves. The Pope and the European Powers were confident, believing the
reports which had reached them of the discontent in England. Cranmer
feared it, as he almost confessed in the letter which he wrote to the King
when he first heard of the arrest of Anne. She had been conspicuously
Lutheran; her family and her party were Lutheran, and the disgrace might
naturally extend to the cause which they represented. The King was to show
that he had not, as he said himself, "proceeded on such light grounds."
The divorce had been the spark which kindled the mine; but the explosive
force was in the temper of the English nation. The English nation was
weary of a tribunal which sold its decrees for money, or allowed itself to
be used as a tool by the Continental Sovereigns. It was weary of the
iniquities of its own Church Courts, which had plundered rich and poor at
their arbitrary pleasure--of a clergy which, protected by the immunities
which Becket had won for them, and restrained by no laws save those which
they themselves allowed, had made their lives a scandal and their
profession an offence. The property which had been granted them in pious
confidence for holy uses was squandered in luxurious self-indulgence; and
they had replied to the reforms which were forced upon them by disloyalty
and treason. They had been coerced into obedience; they had been brought
under the control of the law, punished for their crimes in spite of their
sacred calling under which they had claimed exemption, and been driven
into the position of ordinary citizens. Their prelates were no longer able
to seize and burn _ex officio_ obnoxious preachers, or imprison or ruin
under the name of heretics rash persons who dared to speak the truth of
them.
In exasperation at the invasion of these time-honoured privileges, they
denounced as sacrilege the statutes which had been required to restrain
them. They had conspired to provoke the Pope to excommunicate their
Sovereign, and solicited the Catholic Powers to invade their country and
put the Reformers down with fire and sword. The King, who had been the
instrument of their beneficent humiliation, did not intend either to
submit the internal interests of the country to the authority of a foreign
bishop, or to allow the black regiments at home to recover the power which
they had so long abused.
Cromwell's commissioners were still busy on the visitation of the
religious houses. Each day brought in fresh reports of their condition.
These communities, supposed to be special servants of God, had become
special servants of the Devil. The eagerness with which the Pope solicited
Henry's return, the assurance that he had always been his friend--had
always maintained that Henry was right in the divorce case, when he had a
Bull ready in his desk taking his crown from him--was in itself sufficient
evidence of the fitness of such a ruler to be the Supreme Judge in
Christendom. Just as little could the Emperor be trusted, whose
affectations of friendship were qualified by secret reservations. The King
had undertaken a great and beneficent work in his own realm and meant to
go through with it. The Pope might do as he pleased. The Continental
Princes might quarrel or make peace, hold their Councils, settle as they
liked their own affairs, in their own way; England was sufficient for
herself. He had called his people under arms; he had fortified the coasts;
he had regenerated the navy. The nation, or the nobler part of it, he
believed to be loyal to himself--to approve what he had done and to be
ready to stand by him. He was not afraid of attack from abroad. If there
was a rebellious spirit at home, if the clergy were mutinous because the
bit was in their mouths, if the Peers of the old blood were alarmed at the
growth of religious liberty and were discontented because they could no
longer deal with it in the old way, the King was convinced that he was
acting for the true interests of the country, that Parliament would uphold
him, and that he could control both the ecclesiastics and the nobles. The
world should see that the reforms which he had introduced into England
were not the paltry accidents of a domestic scandal, but the first steps
of a revolution deliberately resolved on and sternly carried out which was
to free the island for ever from the usurped authority of an Italian
Prelate, and from the poisonous influences within the realm of a corrupt
and demoralising superstition.
The call of Parliament after Anne's execution was the strongest evidence
of confidence in his people which Henry had yet given. He had much to
acknowledge and much to ask. He had to confess that, although he had been
right in demanding a separation from his brother's wife, he had fatally
mistaken the character of the woman whom he had chosen to take her place.
The succession which he had hoped to establish he had made more intricate
than before. He had now three children, all technically illegitimate. The
Duke of Richmond was the son of the only mistress with whom he was ever
known to have been really connected. The Duke was now eighteen years old.
He had been educated as a Prince, but had no position recognised by the
law. Elizabeth's mother had acknowledged to having committed herself
before her marriage with the King, and many persons doubted whether
Elizabeth was the King's true daughter. Mary's claim was justly considered
as the best, for, though her mother's marriage had been declared illegal,
she had been born _bona fide parentum_. What Parliament would do in such
extraordinary circumstances could not be foreseen with any certainty, and
the elections had to be made with precipitancy and without time for
preparation. The writs were issued on the 7th of May. The meeting was to
be on the 8th of June. The Crown could influence or control the elections
at some particular places. At Canterbury Cromwell named the
representatives who were to be chosen,[442] as, till the Reform Bill of
1832, they continued to be named by the patrons of boroughs. Yet it would
be absurd to argue from single instances that the Crown could do what it
pleased. Even with leisure to take precautions and with the utmost
exercise of its powers, it could only affect the returns, in the great
majority of the constituencies, through the Peers and landowners, and the
leading citizens in the corporations. With only four weeks to act in, a
Queen to try and execute, and a King to marry in the interval, no
ingenuity and no industry could have sufficed to secure a House of Commons
whose subserviency could be counted on, if subserviency was what the King
required. It is clear only that, so far as concerned the general opinion
of the country, the condemnation of Anne Boleyn had rather strengthened
than impaired his popularity. As Queen she had been feared and disliked.
Her punishment was regarded as a creditable act of justice, and the King
was compassionated as a sufferer from abominable ingratitude.
Little is known in detail of the proceedings of this Parliament. The Acts
remain: the debates are lost. The principal difficulties with which it had
to deal concerned Anne's trial and the disposition of the inheritance of
the Crown. On the matter of real importance, on the resolution of King and
Legislature to go forward with the Reformation, all doubts were promptly
dispelled. An Act was passed without opposition reasserting the extinction
of the Pope's authority, and another taking away the protection of
sanctuary from felonious priests. The succession was a harder problem. Day
after day it had been debated in the Council. Lord Sussex had proposed
that, as all the children of the King were illegitimate, the male should
be preferred to the female and the crown be settled on the Duke of
Richmond.[443] Richmond was personally liked. He resembled his father in
appearance and character, and the King himself was supposed to favour this
solution. With the outer world the favourite was the Princess Mary. Both
she and her mother were respected for a misfortune which was not due to
faults of theirs, and the Princess was the more endeared by the danger to
which she was believed to have been exposed through the machinations of
Anne. The new Queen was her strongest advocate, and the King's affection
for her had not been diminished even when she had tried him the most. He
could not have been ignorant of her correspondence with Chapuys: he
probably knew that she had wished to escape out of the realm, and that the
Pope, who was now suing to him, had meant to bestow his own crown upon
her. But her qualities were like his own, tough and unmalleable, and in
the midst of his anger he had admired her resolution. Every one expected
that she would be restored to her rank after Anne's death. The King had
apparently been satisfied with her letter to him. Cromwell was her friend,
and Chapuys, who had qualified her submission, was triumphant and
confident. He was led to expect that an Act would be introduced declaring
her the next heir--nay, he had thought that such an Act had been passed.
Unfortunately for him the question of her acknowledgment of the Act of
Supremacy was necessarily revived. Had she or had she not accepted it? The
Act had been imposed, with the Statute of Treasons attached, as a test of
loyalty to the Reformation. It was impossible to place her nearest to the
throne as long as she refused obedience to a law essential to the
national independence. To refuse was to confess of a purpose of undoing
her father's work, should he die and the crown descend to her. She had
supposed that "she was out of her trouble" while she had saved her
conscience by the reservation in her submission. Chapuys found her again
"in extreme perplexity and anger." The reservation had been observed. The
Duke of Norfolk, Lord Sussex, a Bishop, and other Privy Councillors, had
come with a message to her, like those which had been so often carried
ineffectually to her mother, to represent the necessity of obedience.
Chapuys said that she had confounded them with her wise answers, and that,
when they could not meet her arguments, they "told her that, if she was
their daughter, they would knock her head against the wall till it was as
soft as a baked apple." In passing through Mary and through Chapuys the
words, perhaps, received some metaphorical additions. It is likely enough,
however, that Norfolk, who was supporting her claims with all his power,
was irritated at the revival of the old difficulties which he had hoped
were removed. The Princess "in her extreme necessity" wrote for advice to
the Ambassador. The Emperor was no longer in a condition to threaten, and
to secure Mary's place as next in the succession was of too vital
importance to the Imperialists to permit them to encourage her in scruples
of conscience. Chapuys answered frankly that, if the King persisted, she
must do what he required. The Emperor had distinctly said so. Her life was
precious, she must hide her real feelings till a time came for the redress
of the disorders of the realm. Nothing was demanded of her expressly
against God or the Articles of Faith, and God looked to intentions rather
than acts.
Mary still hesitated. She had the Tudor obstinacy, and she tried her will
against her father's. The King was extremely angry. He had believed that
she had given way and that the troubles which had distracted his family
were at last over. He had been exceptionally well-disposed towards her. He
had probably decided to be governed by the wishes of the people and to
appoint her by statute presumptive heir, and she seemed determined to make
it impossible for him. He suspected that she was being secretly
encouraged. To defend her conduct, as Cromwell ventured to do, provoked
him the more, for he felt, truly, that to give way was to abandon the
field. Lady Hussey was sent to the Tower; Lord Exeter and Sir William
Fitzwilliam were suspended from attendance on the Council; and even
Cromwell, for four or five days, counted himself a lost man. Jane Seymour
interceded in vain. To refuse to acknowledge the supremacy was treason,
and had been made treason for ample reason. Mary, as the first subject in
the realm, could not be allowed to deny it. Henry sent for the Judges, to
consider what was to be done, and the Court was once more in terror. The
Judges advised that a strict form of submission should be drawn, and that
the Princess should be required to sign it. If she persisted in her
refusal, she would then be liable to the law. The difficulty was overcome,
or evaded, in a manner characteristic of the system to which Mary so
passionately adhered. Chapuys drew a secret protest that, in submitting,
she was yielding only to force. Thus guarded, he assured her that her
consent would not be binding, that the Pope would not only refrain from
blaming her, but would highly approve. She was still unsatisfied, till she
made him promise to write to the Imperial Ambassador at Rome to procure a
secret absolution from the Pope for the full satisfaction of her
conscience. Thus protected, she disdainfully set her name to the paper
prepared by the Judges, without condescending to read it, and the marked
contempt, in Chapuys's opinion, would serve as an excuse for her in the
future.[444]
While the crisis lasted the Council were in permanent session. Timid Peers
were alarmed at the King's peremptoriness, and said that it might cost him
his throne. The secret process by which Mary had been brought to yield may
have been conjectured, and her resistance was not forgotten, but she had
signed what was demanded, and it was enough. In the Court there was
universal delight. Chapuys congratulated Cromwell, and Cromwell led him to
believe that the crown would be settled as he wished. The King and Queen
drove down to Richmond to pay the Princess a visit. Henry gave her a
handsome present of money and said that now she might have anything that
she pleased. The Queen gave her a diamond. She was to return to the court
and resume her old station. One cloud only remained. If it was generally
understood that the heir presumptive in her heart detested the measures in
which she had formally acquiesced, the country could no longer be expected
to support a policy which would be reversed on the King's death. Mary's
conduct left little doubt of her real feelings, and therefore it was not
held to be safe to give her by statute the position which her friends
desired for her. The facility with which the Pope could dispense with
inconvenient obligations rendered a verbal acquiescence an imperfect
safeguard. Parliament, therefore, did not, after all, entail the crown
upon her, in the event of the King's present marriage being unfruitful,
but left her to deserve it and empowered the King to name his own
successor.
Chapuys, however, was able to console himself with the reflection that the
Bastard, as he called Elizabeth, was now out of the question. The Duke of
Richmond was ill--sinking under the same weakness of constitution which
had been so fatal in the Tudor family and of which he, in fact, died a few
weeks later. The prevailing opinion was that the King could never have
another child. Mary's prospects, therefore, were tolerably "secure. I must
admit," Chapuys wrote on the 8th of July, "that her treatment improves
every day. She never had so much liberty as now, or was served with so
much state even by the little Bastard's waiting-women. She will want
nothing in future but the name of Princess of Wales,[445] and that is of
no consequence, for all the rest she will have more abundantly than
before."
Mary, in fact, now wanted nothing save the Pope's pardon for having
abjured his authority. Chapuys had undertaken that it would be easily
granted. The Emperor had himself asked for it, yet not only could not
Cifuentes obtain the absolution, but he did not so much as dare to speak
to Paul on the subject. The absolution for the murder of an Archbishop of
Dublin had been bestowed cheerfully and instantly on Fitzgerald. Mary was
left with perjury on her conscience, and no relief could be had. There
appeared to be some technical difficulty. "Unless she retracted and
abjured in the presence of the persons before whom she took the oath, it
was said that the Pope's absolution would be of no use to her." There was,
perhaps, another objection. Cifuentes imperfectly trusted Paul. He feared
that if he pressed the request the secret would be betrayed and that
Mary's life would be in danger.[446]
Time, perhaps, and reflection alleviated Mary's remorse and enabled her to
dispense with the Papal anodyne, while Cromwell further comforted the
Ambassador in August by telling him that the King felt he was growing old,
that he was hopeless of further offspring, and was thinking seriously of
making Mary his heir after all.[447]
Age the King could not contend with, but for the rest he had carried his
policy through. The first act of the Reformation was closing, and he was
left in command of the situation. The curtain was to rise again with the
Lincolnshire and Yorkshire rebellion, to be followed by the treason of the
Poles. But there is no occasion to tell a story over again which I can
tell no better than I have done already, nor does it belong to the subject
of the present volume. The Pilgrimage of Grace was the outbreak of the
conspiracy encouraged by Chapuys to punish Henry, and to stop the progress
of the Reformation; Chapuys's successors in the time of Elizabeth followed
his example; and with them all the result was the same--the ruin of the
cause which with such weapons they were trying to maintain, and the deaths
on the scaffold of the victims of visionary hopes and promises which were
never to be made good.
All the great persons whom Chapuys names as willing to engage in the
enterprise--the Peers, the Knights, who, with the least help from the
Emperor, would hurl the King from his throne, Lord Darcy and Lord Hussey,
the Bishop of Rochester, as later on, the Marquis of Exeter, Lord
Montague, and his mother--sank one after another into bloody graves. They
mistook their imaginations for facts, their passions for arguments, and
the vain talk of an unscrupulous Ambassador for solid ground on which to
venture into treason. In their dreams they saw the phantom of the Emperor
coming over with an army to help them. Excited as they had been, they
could not part with their hopes. They knew that they were powerful in
numbers. Their preparations had been made, and many thousands of clergy
and gentlemen and yeomen had been kindled into crusading enthusiasm. The
flame burst out sporadically and at intervals, without certain plan or
purpose, at a time when the Emperor could not help them, even if he had
ever seriously intended it, and thus the conflagration, which at first
blazed through all the northern counties, was extinguished before it
turned to civil war. The common people who had been concerned in it
suffered but lightly. But the roots had penetrated deep; the conspiracy
was of long standing; the intention of the leaders was to carry out the
Papal censures, and put down what was called heresy. The rising was really
formidable, for the loyalty of many of the great nobles was not above
suspicion, and, if not promptly dealt with, it might have enveloped the
whole island. Those who rise in arms against Governments must take the
consequences of failure, and the leaders who had been the active spirits
in the sedition were inexorably punished. In my History of the time I have
understated the number of those who were executed. Care was taken to
select only those who had been definitely prominent. Nearly three hundred
were hanged in all--in batches of twenty-five or thirty, in each of the
great northern cities; and, to emphasize the example and to show that the
sacerdotal habit would no longer protect treason, the orders were to
select particularly the priests and friars who had been engaged. The
rising was undertaken in the name of religion. The clergy had been the
most eager of the instigators. Chapuys had told the Emperor that of all
Henry's subjects the clergy were the most disaffected, and the most
willing to supply money for an invasion. They were therefore legitimately
picked out for retribution, and in Lincoln, York, Hull, Doncaster,
Newcastle, and Carlisle, the didactic spectacle was witnessed of some
scores of reverend persons swinging for the crows to eat in the sacred
dress of their order. A severe lesson was required to teach a
superstitious world that the clerical immunities existed no longer and
that priests who broke the law would suffer like common mortals; but it
must be clearly understood that, if these men could have had their way,
the hundreds who suffered would have been thousands, and the victims would
have been the poor men who were looking for a purer faith in the pages of
the New Testament.
When we consider the rivers of blood which were shed elsewhere before the
Protestant cause could establish itself, the real wonder is the small cost
in human life of the mighty revolution successfully accomplished by Henry.
With him, indeed, Chapuys must share the honour. The Catholics, if they
had pleased, might have pressed their objections and their remonstrances
in Parliament; and a nation as disposed for compromise as the English
might have mutilated the inevitable changes. Chapuys's counsels tempted
them into more dangerous and less pardonable roads. By encouraging them in
secret conspiracies he made them a menace to the peace of the realm. He
brought Fisher to the block. He forced the Government to pass the Act of
Supremacy as a defence against treason, and was thus the cause also of the
execution of Sir Thomas More and the Charterhouse Monks.
To Chapuys, perhaps, and to his faithful imitators later in the
century--De Quadra and Mendoza--the country owes the completeness of the
success of the Reformation. It was a battle fought out gallantly between
two principles--a crisis in the eternal struggle between the old and the
new. The Catholics may boast legitimately of their martyrs. But the
Protestants have a martyrology longer far and no less honourable, and
those who continue to believe that the victory won in England in the
sixteenth century was a victory of right over wrong, have no need to blush
for the actions of the brave men who, in the pulpit or in the Council
Chamber, on the scaffold or at the stake, won for mankind the spiritual
liberty which is now the law of the world.
Footnotes:
[1] _Calendar of State Papers, Hen. VIII., Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv.
Introduction, p. 223.
[2] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic, Hen. VIII._, vol. iv. p. 1112.--Hen.
VIII. to Clement VII., Oct. 23, 1526.--_Ib._ p. 1145. Giberto to Gambara,
Dec. 20, 1526.--_Ib._ p. 1207.
[3] Giberto, Bishop of Verona, to Wolsey, Feb. 10, 1527.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv. pp. 1282-3.
[4] Giberto, Bishop of Verona, to Wolsey, Feb. 10, 1527.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, April 26, 1527, vol. iv. p. 1386.
[5] Inigo de Mendoza to the Emperor, Jan. 19, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 24.
[6] Alonzo Sanchez to Charles V., May 7, 1527.--_Ib._ p. 176.
[7] Mendoza to Charles V., March 18, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iii.
part 2, p. 110.
[8] Report from England, Nov. 10, 1531.--_Venetian Calendar._ Falieri
arrived in England in 1528, and the general parts of the Report cover the
intervening period.
[9] Inigo de Mendoza to Charles V., May 18, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. iii. part 2, p. 193.
[10] Lope de Soria to Charles V., May 25, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iii. part 2, p. 209.
[11] Mendoza to Charles V., July 13, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. ii.
part 2, p. 276.
[12] _Ib._ vol. iii. part 2, p. 273.
[13] Andrea Navagero to the Signory, July 17, 1527.--_Venetian Calendar._
[14] Mendoza to Charles V., July 17, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar._
[15] Wolsey to Henry VIII., July 5.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. part 2. Bishop Fisher to Paul, _ibid._, p. 1471.
[16] Charles V. to Inigo de Mendoza, July 29.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1500.
[17] _Ibid._
[18] Charles V. to Mendoza, Sept. 30, 1527.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 1569.
[19] The Emperor to the Cardinal of York, Aug. 31, 1527.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iii. part 2, p. 357.
[20] Wolsey to Henry VIII., Aug. --, 1527.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2.
[21] The Cardinals of France to Clement VII., Sept. 16, 1527.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iii. part 2, p. 383.
[22] Mendoza to Charles V., Aug. 16, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iii.
part 2, p. 327.
[23] The date of Henry's resolution to marry Anne is of some consequence,
since the general assumption is that it was the origin of the divorce.
Rumour, of course, said so afterwards, but there is no evidence for it.
The early love-letters written by the King to her are assigned by Mr.
Brewer to the midsummer of 1527. But they are undated, and therefore the
period assigned to them is conjecture merely.
[24] Mendoza to Charles V., Oct. 26, 1527.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iii.
part 2, p. 432.
[25] _Ibid._
[26] Knight to Henry VIII., Dec. 4.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. part 2, pp. 1633-4.
[27] I follow Mr. Brewer's translation.
[28] 1. When he says, "It is thought," let him be examined whom he ever
heard say any such thing of the King. 2. Where, when, and why he spoke
those words to Sir Wm. Essex and Sir Wm. Barentyne. 3. Whether he
communicated the matter to any other. 5, 6. Whether he thought the words
true and why. 7, 8. Whether he did not think the words very slanderous to
any man's good name. 10, 15. Whether he thinks such reports conducive to
the peace of the Commonwealth, or fitting for a true subject to
spread.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, 1537, p. 333.
[29] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1672.
[30] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1672.
[31] Casalis to Wolsey, January 13, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1694.
[32] Three foreigners held English sees, not one of which either of them
had probably ever visited. Campeggio was Bishop of Salisbury; Ghinucci,
the auditor of the Rota, was Bishop of Worcester; and Catherine's Spanish
confessor, who had come with her to England, was Bishop of Llandaff.
[33] Wolsey to Gardiner and Fox, February --, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1740.
[34] Embassy to the German Princes, January 5, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. vii. p. 10.
[35] Casalis to Peter Vannes, April, 1538.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1842.
[36] Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, June or July, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 1960.
[37] Eleanor Carey was the sister of Mary Boleyn's husband.
[38] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv., Introduction, pp. 388-9.
[39] The Emperor to Mendoza, July 5, 1528.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iii.
part 2, p. 728.
[40] Mendoza to the Emperor, September 18, 1528.--_Ibid._ vol. iii. part
2, p. 788.
[41] Charles V. to Queen Catherine, September 1, 1528.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iii. part 2, p. 779.
[42] Campeggio to Salviati and to Sanga, October 17, 1528.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 2099-2102.
[43] Campeggio to Salviati, October 26, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 2108.
[44] Campeggio to Sanga, Oct. 28.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol.
vi. part 2, p. 2113.
[45] Sanga to Campeggio, Dec. --, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. vi. part 2, p. 2210.
[46] Wolsey to Casalis, Nov. 1, 1528.--_Ib._ vol. iv. part 2, p. 2120.
[47] Catherine to Charles V., Nov. 24, 1528.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iii. part 2, p. 855.
[48] Mendoza to Charles V., Dec. 2, 1528.--_Ib._ p. 862. Jan. 16,
1529.--_ib._ p. 878.
[49] Sylvester Darius to Wolsey, Nov. 25, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 2126.
[50] Du Bellay to Montmorency, Dec. 9, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 2177.
[51] John Casalis to Wolsey, Dec. 17, 1528.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 2186.
[52] Mendoza to Charles V., Feb. 4, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iii.
part 2.
[53] Knight and Benet to Wolsey, Jan. 8, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. part 3, p. 2262.
[54] Mai to Charles V., April 3, 1529,--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iii. part
2, p. 973.
[55] Micer Mai to the Emperor, May 11, 1529.--_Ibid._ vol. iv. part 1, p.
20.
[56] In Spanish the words are even more emphatically contemptuous: "Y que
ennoramala que se curasen de sus bulas y de sus bellaquerias, si las
querian dar o no dar, y que no pongan lengua en los reyes y querir ser
jueces de la subjeccion de los reynos."
[57] Micer Mai to the Emperor, June 5, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 60.
[58] Campeggio to Sanga, April 3, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. p. 2379.
[59] Gardiner to Henry VIII., April 21.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. p. 2415.
[60] Bryan to Henry VIII.--_Ibid._ p. 2418.
[61] Wolsey to Gardiner, May 5, 1529.--_Ibid._ p. 2442.
[62] Campeggio to Salviati, May 12, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, p. 2451.
[63] Du Bellay to Montmorency, May 22, 1529.--_Ibid._ vol. iv. p. 2469.
[64] _Ibid._ May 28, 1529, p. 2476-7.
[65] The Duke of Suffolk to Henry VIII., June 4, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2491.
[66] Sanga to Campeggio, May 29, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. p. 2479.
[67] Casalis to Wolsey, June 13, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
pp. 2507-8.
[68] Mendoza to Charles V., June 17, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 96.
[69] Campeggio to Salviati, June 16, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2509.
[70] Wolsey to Casalis, June 22, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. p. 2526.
[71] "La mas necia y bellaca carta que se pudiera hacer en el Infierno."
[72] Mai to Charles V., August 4, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part
1, page 155 (abridged).
[73] Same to the same, August 28.--_Ibid._ p. 182.
[74] Benet, Casalis, and Vannes to Henry VIII.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. pp. 2567-8.
[75] Campeggio to Salviati, June 29, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2538.
[76] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2581.
[77] Mai to Charles V., Sept. 3, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part
1, p. 195.
[78] This was not an idle boast. A united army of French and English might
easily have marched across the Alps; and nothing would have pleased
Francis better than to have led such an army, with his brother of England
at his side, to drive out the Emperor.
[79] Wolsey to Benet, etc., July 27.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. p. 2591.
[80] Paget to Petre.--_State Papers, Henry VIII._, vol. x. p. 466.
[81] Chapuys to the Regent Margaret, Sept. 18, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. iv. part 1, p. 214.
[82] Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 2.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. part 2,
p. 225.
[83] _Ibid._ p. 229.
[84] Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 2, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. vi.
part 1, pp. 236-7.
[85] _Ibid._ p. 236.
[86] _Ibid._ p. 274.
[87] Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 2, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. vi.
part 1, p. 294.
[88] The transcripts of these documents were furnished to me by the late
Sir Francis Palgrave, who was then Keeper of the Records.
[89] Cardinal Wolsey and Lord Darcy, July 1, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. pp. 2548-62.
[90] Du Bellay to Montmorency, Oct. 17, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. pt. 3, p. 2675.
[91] Chapuys to the Emperor, Oct. 25, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
pt. 1, p. 304.
[92] Hen. VIII. to Campeggio, Oct. 22, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2677.
[93] To Salviati, Nov. 5.--_Ibid._ p. 2702.
[94] Hen. VIII. to Clement VII.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol.
iv. p. 2660.
[95] Casalis to Henry VIII., Dec. 26, 1529.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2722.
[96] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 6, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 344.
[97] _Ibid._
[98] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 6, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 351.
[99] Charles V. to Ferdinand, Jan. 11, 1530.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2742.
[100] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 9, 1529--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 359.
[101] _Ibid._ p. 361.
[102] _Ibid._ p. 366.
[103] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 9, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 367.
[104] _Ibid._ p. 368.
[105] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 9, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 369.
[106] Wolsey to Gardiner, Jan. 1530.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. iv. p. 2763.
[107] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 6, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
pp. 449-50.
[108] Chapuys to Charles V. Jan. 31, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
p. 387.
[109] Charles V. to Ferdinand, Jan. 11, 1530.--_Ibid._ vol. iv. part 1,
pp. 405-6.
[110] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 6, 1530.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol, iv. p. 2780.
[111] Bishop of Tarbes to Francis I., from Bologna, March 27,
1530.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 2826.
[112] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 31, 1529.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 394.
[113] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 12, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 417.
[114] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 20, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 436.
[115] _Ibid._ April 23, 1530, p. 511.
[116] Chapuys to Charles V., April 23, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 533.
[117] _Ibid._ p. 600.
[118] "J'ay receu lettres du medicin du Cardinal, par lesquelles il
m'advertit que son maystre pour non scavoir en quelles termes sont les
affaires de la Reyne, il ne scauroit particulierement quel conseil donner
et que estant informe, il y vouldroit donner conseil et addresse comme ce
estoit pour gagner paradis. Car de la depend son bien, honneur et repoz,
et qu'il lui semble pour maintenant que l'on debvroyt proceder a plus
grandes censures et a la _invocation du bras seculier_. Car maintenant il
n'y a nul nerf."
[119] T. Arundel to Wolsey, Oct. 16, 1530.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 3013.
[120] Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 27, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 3035.
[121] Anne Boleyn.
[122] Chapuys to Charles V., July 11, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 630.
[123] Mai to Charles V., Oct. 2 and Oct. 10, 1530.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. pp. 3002, 3009.
[124] Answer of the Pope, Sept. 27, 1530.--_Ibid._ p. 2291.
[125] Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 4, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 707.
[126] Chapuys to Charles, Sept. 20, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 726.
[127] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 1, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 734.
[128] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 1, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 734.
[129] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 15, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 759.
[130] Henry VIII. to Clement VII., Dec. 6, 1530.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. iv. p. 3055.
[131] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 21, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 853.
[132] _Ibid._
[133] Catherine to the Pope, Dec. 17, 1530.--_Ibid._ p. 855.
[134] Catherine to the Pope, December 17, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iv. part 1, p. 855.
[135] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 1, 1531.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 10.
[136] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 12.
[137] Chapuys to Charles, Dec. 21, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 854.
[138] Chapuys to Charles V., January 13, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iv. part 2, p. 22.
[139] Chapuys to Charles V., January 13, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iv. part 2, p. 23.
[140] _Ibid._ p. 26.
[141] Muxetula to Charles V., Jan. 12, 1531.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 18.
[142] Mai to Covos, Feb. 13, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2,
p. 59.
[143] Chapuys to the Emperor, Jan. 23, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 39.
[144] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 14, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 63.
[145] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 21, 1530.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 69; and _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 49. There
are a few verbal differences between the two versions.
[146] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 21, 1530.--_Ibid._
[147] Chapuys to Charles V., March 22, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 94. _Ibid._--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 68.
[148] Micer Mai to Covos, March 28, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 105. Ortiz to the Archbishop of Santiago, April 11,
1531.--_Ibid._ p. 116.
[149] Queen Catherine to the Emperor, April 5, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. iv. part 1, p. 112.
[150] Micer Mai to Charles V., April 21, 1531.--_Ibid._ p. 130.
[151] Chapuys to Charles V., April 2, 1531.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 83.
[152] Micer Mai to Charles V., May 25, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 165.
[153] Chapuys to Charles V., June 6, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 170.
[154] Chapuys to Charles V., June 6, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 172.
[155] Answer to the Papal Legate respecting the Cause of England, July,
1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 203.
[156] Chapuys to Charles V., June 24, 1531.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. pp. 144-5.
[157] The Emperor's Answer to the Legate, July 26, 1531.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 218.
[158] Catherine's phrase for the excommunication of her husband.
[159] Queen Catherine to Charles V., July 28.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iv. part 2, p. 220.
[160] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 239.
[161] Chapuys to Charles V., January 4, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 335.
[162] Chapuys to Charles V., October 1, 1531---_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
part 2, p. 256.
[163] Mai to Covos, Oct. 24, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2,
p. 276.
[164] _Ibid._
[165] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 16, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 263.
[166] Catherine to Charles V., Nov. 6, 1531.--_Ib._ p. 279. I must remind
the reader that I have to compress the substance both of this and many
other letters.
[167] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 4, 1531.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 320.
[168] Mai to Charles V., Dec. 12.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 1, p.
328.
[169] Catherine to Charles V., Dec. 15, 1531.--_Ib._ p. 331.
[170] Mai to the Emperor, Jan. 15, 1532--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part
1, p. 360.
[171] Clement VII. to Henry VIII., Jan. 25, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 358.
[172] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 1, p. 368.
[173] Henry VIII. to the Bishop of Durham, Feb. 24, 1532.
Compressed.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 387.
[174] Archbishop Warham, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v.
p. 541.
[175] _History of England_, vol. i. p. 322, etc.
[176] Carlo Capello to the Signory, July 10, 1532.--_Venetian Calendar_,
vol. iv. p. 342.
[177] Chapuys to Charles V., May 13, 1532.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 446.
[178] "Le Roy et son Conseil scavoient bien qu'il y en avoient a faire
sans vouloir mestre le chat entre les jambes dautres." Chapuys to the
Emperor, Feb. 14, 1532.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 1, p. 384;
_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 381.
[179] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 28, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 392.
[180] An address purporting to have been presented by Convocation on this
occasion, not only complaining of the annates, but inviting a complete
separation from the See of Rome, was perhaps no more than a draft
submitted to the already sorely humiliated body, and not accepted by
it.--_History of England_, vol. i. p. 332-3. The French Ambassador says
distinctly that the clergy agreed to nothing, but their refusal was
treated as of no consequence.
[181] Chapuys to Charles V., May 22, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 476.
[182] Maitre d'hotel to the Emperor, and Governor of Brescia.
[183] Montfalconet to Charles V., May, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 479.
[184] Chapuys to the Emperor, April 16, 1532.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iv. part 1, p. 425. In 1499 Louis XII. repudiated his first wife, Jeanne
de France, and married Anne of Brittany, widow of Charles VIII.
[185] _Spanish Calendar_, vol iv. part 1, p. 447.
[186] Ortiz to Charles V., May, 1532.--_Ibid._ p. 438.
[187] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 539.
[188] Ortiz to Charles V., July 28, 1532.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 486.
[189] Ortiz to Charles V., July 28, 1532.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 414.
[190] Ortiz to Charles V., July 28, 1532.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 469.
[191] Charles V. to Mary of Hungary, Nov. 7, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 642.
[192] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 1, 1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. v. p. 592.
[193] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 1, p. 512.
[194] Ortiz to the Emperor, Sept. 30, 1532.--_Ib._ p. 533.
[195] Instructions to Cardinal Grammont and Tournon, Nov. 13,
1532.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 648.
[196] Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 10.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. v. p. 644.
[197] _Ibid._ p. 667.
[198] To the Emperor, Nov. 11.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 1, p.
554.
[199] Queen Catherine to Chapuys, Nov. 22, 1532.--_Compressed Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iv. part 1, p. 291. The editor dates this letter Nov.
1531. He has mistaken the year. No report had gone abroad that the King
was married to Anne before his return from France.
[200] Clement VII. to Henry VIII., Nov. 15, 1532; second date, Dec.
23.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. v. p. 650.
[201] Ortiz to the Empress, Jan. 19, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, pp. 579-80.
[202] Carlo Capello to the Signory, March 15, 1533.--_Venetian Calendar_,
vol. iv. p. 389.
[203] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 9, 1533, vol. vi. p. 62. The same letter
will be found in the _Spanish Calendar_, with some differences in the
translation. The original French is in parts obscure.
[204] Chapuys to the Emperor, Feb. 23, 1533. _Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 1, p. 609.
[205] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 65.
[206] Ghinucci and Lee to Henry VIII., March 11, 1533.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 100.
[207] More to Erasmus.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 144.
[208] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 15.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. vi. p. 73. _Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 600.
[209] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 9, 1533. Compressed.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 592-600.
[210] Chapuys here mentions this very curious fact: "The Earl of
Wiltshire," he wrote on Feb. 15, "has never declared himself up to this
moment. On the contrary, he has hitherto, as the Duke of Norfolk has
frequently told me, tried to dissuade the King rather than otherwise from
the marriage."--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 602.
[211] Henry VIII. to Francis I., March 11, 1533.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 103.
[212] Chapuys to Charles V., March 11, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 619.
[213] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, April 21, 1533, vol. iv. p. 171.
[214] Chapuys to Charles V., March 31.--_Ibid._ vol. vi. p. 128.
[215] Chapuys to Charles V., March 31.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_,
vol. vi. p. 128.
[216] Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., April 14, 1533.--_Ibid._ pp. 159-60.
[217] Chapuys to Charles V., March 31, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 626.
[218] Chapuys to Charles V., April 10, 1533. Compressed.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. pp. 149-51. _Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 630.
[219] Chapuys to Charles V., April 16, 1533.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 163, etc., abridged. Also _Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iv. part 2, p. 635.
[220] I have related elsewhere the story of the Dunstable trial, and do
not repeat it.--_History of England_, vol. i, pp. 417-423.
[221] Chapuys to Charles V., April 27, 1533. Abridged.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iv, part 2, p. 648.
[222] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 650-658.
[223] The Count de Cifuentes to Charles V., May 7, 1533.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. pp. 203-4.
[224] _Ibid._, May 10.
[225] Ortiz to Charles V., May 3, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part
2, p. 659.
[226] Chapuys to Charles V., May 18, 1533.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vi. pp. 225-6.
[227] Chapuys to Henry VIII., May 5, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 668.
[228] Cranmer had sworn the usual oath, but with a reservation that his
first duty was to his Sovereign and the laws of his country.
[229] Chapuys to Charles V., May 26, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 687.
[230] Chapuys to Charles V., May 29, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 699.
[231] Cifuentes to Charles V., May 29, 1533.--_Ibid._ p. 702.
[232] The Cardinal of Jaen to Charles V., June 16, 1533.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 709.
[233] Davalos to Charles V., June 30 and July 5, 1533.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, pp. 725-728.
[234] _Ibid._
[235] Davalos to Charles V., June 30 and July 5, 1533.--_Spanish
Calendar_, vol. iv. part 2, p. 749.
[236] _Ibid._ p. 734.
[237] Chapuys to Charles V., June 28, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, pp. 718-20.
[238] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 399.
[239] Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 3, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, pp. 759-60.
[240] Chapuys to Granvelle, Nov. 21, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. 9, p. 289.
[241] Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 23, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 777.
[242] Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 10, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 789.
[243] _Ibid._ p. 788.
[244] Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 3, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 842.
[245] The King's infirmities were not a secret. In 1533, upon Elizabeth's
birth, a Senor de Gambaro, who was an intimate friend of the Duke of
Norfolk, wrote at Rome for Cifuentes a curious account of the situation
and prospects of things in England. Among other observations he says: "The
[expected] child will be weak, owing to his father's condition." Avisos de
las Cosas de Inglaterra dados por Sr. de Gambaro en Roma.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 683.
[246] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 486. _Spanish
Calendar_, vol. vi. part 2, p. 813.
[247] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 486. _Spanish
Calendar_, vol. vi. part 2, p. 813.
[248] News from Flanders.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vi. p.
493.
[249] _I. e._ the calling in the secular arm, which had not been actually
done in the Brief _de Attentatis_.
[250] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 10, 1533.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 511.
[251] _Ibid._
[252] Cifuentes to Charles V., Oct. 23, 1533.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 534.
[253] _Ibid._
[254] The Papal Nuncio to Charles V., Oct. 22.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
iv. part 2, p. 830.
[255] Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 3, 1533.--_Ibid._ pp. 839-41.
[256] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 6, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 871.
[257] Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 20, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 859. Catherine to Charles V., Nov. 21.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 578.
[258] Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 24, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 864.
[259] Gardiner to Henry VIII., Nov. 1533.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vi. p. 571.
[260] Chapuys to Charles, Dec. 9, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv. part
2, p. 875.
[261] Chapuys to Charles, Jan. 17, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vii. p. 31.
[262] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 11, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 31.
[263] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 17, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vii. pp. 31-33.
[264] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 16, 1533.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. iv.
part 2, p. 883.
[265] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 32.
[266] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 3, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
1.
[267] Cifuentes to Charles V., Jan. 23, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 17.
[268] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 28, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 24.
[269] Cifuentes to Charles V., March 24.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
84.
[270] Ortiz to Charles V., March 24, 1534.--_Ibid._ vol. v. p. 89.
[271] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 21, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 53-54.
[272] _Haine novercule._
[273] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 26, 1534. Abridged.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. v. p. 59, etc.
[274] Chapuys to Charles V., March 7, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 73.
[275] Chapuys to Charles V., March 30.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 96.
[276] Chapuys to Charles V., 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 96.
[277] Chapuys to Charles V., April 22, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 126, 127.
[278] _Ibid._ May 14, p. 151.
[279] Chapuys to Charles V., April 14, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 125-31.
[280] _Ibid._ May 21, 1534, p. 167.
[281] Chapuys to Charles V., May 14, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 153, 154.
[282] Chapuys to Charles V., May 14, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 153, 154.
[283] Chapuys to Charles V., May 19, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 155-66.
[284] Lee and Tunstall to Henry VIII., May 21, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. vii. p. 270.
[285] Chapuys to Charles V., May 29, 1534,--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
169.
[286] Thus much was certainly meant by the King's words: "He could not
allow any of his native subjects to refuse to take the oath."--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. vii. p. 272.
[287] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 172.
[288] Cifuentes to Charles V., June 6, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 174 et seq.
[289] Chapuys to Charles V., June 23, 1534. Abridged.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. v. pp. 198-99.
[290] Chapuys to Charles V., July 27, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 219-20.
[291] Chapuys to Charles V., July 27, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vii. p. 389.
[292] Cifuentes to Charles V., Aug. 1, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 229.
[293] Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 11, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 243-4.
[294] Chapuys to Charles V., Aug. 29, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, p. 250.
[295] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 24, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 294 et seq.
[296] Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 30, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vii. p. 466; _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 608.
[297] Chapuys to Charles V., Oct. 13, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 279.
[298] Chapuys to Charles V., Nov. 3, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. vii. p. 519.
[299] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 19, 1534.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 343.
[300] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 14, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 14.
[301] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 28, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 38.
[302] "Veuillant denoter par icelle, puisque n'a moyen de m'envoyer dire
securement, que la saison sera propice pour jouer des cousteaulx."--
_Ibid._ Jan. 1, p. 1; and _MS. Vienna_.
[303] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 28, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 38.
[304] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 9, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. pp. 68-72.
[305] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 25, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 100.
[306] "Car estant la Royne si haultain de coeur, luy venant en fantasye,
a l'appuy de la faveur de la Princesse, elle se pourroit mettre au champs
et assembler force des gents et luy faire la guerre aussy hardiment que
fit la Royne sa mere." Chapuys a l'Empereur, Mar. 23, 1535.--_MS. Vienna._
[307] Chapuys to Granvelle, March 23, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 432; and _MS. Vienna_.
[308] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 25, 1534.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 105.
[309] _Spanish Calendar_, Feb. 26, 1535, vol. v. p. 402.
[310] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, Feb. 26, 1535, vol. viii. p. 106.
[311] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. pp. 421-22.
[312] Chapuys to Charles V., March 7, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
pp. 413-422.
[313] "Il me dit que vostre Majeste ne se debvoit arrester pour empescher
ung si inestimable bien que produiroit en toute la Chresteanete l'union et
la bonne intelligence dentre vostre Majeste et le Roi son maistre pour
l'affaire des Royne et Princesse qui n'estoient que mortelles; et que ne
seroit grande dommage de la morte de la dicte Princesse au pris du bien
que sortiroit de la dicte union et intelligence; en quoy il me prioit
vouloir considerer quand seroy seul et desoccupe." Chapuys to Charles V.,
March 23, 1535.--_MS. Vienna_; and _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 426.
This and other of Chapuys's most important letters I transcribed myself at
Vienna.
[314] "Me repliequant de nouveaulx quel dommage ou danger seroyt que la
dicte Princesse feust morte oyres que le peuple en murmurast, et quelle
raison auroit vostre Majeste en fayre cas."
[315] Queen Catherine to Charles V., April 8.--_MS. Vienna_; _Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 197.
[316] Chapuys to Charles V., April 4, 1535.--_MS. Vienna_; _Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 193.
[317] Chapuys to Granvelle, April 5, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 194 and _MS. Vienna_.
[318] Chapuys to Charles V., April 17, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 209.
[319] "Le premier estoit si Dieu vouloit visiter le Roy de quelque petite
maladie." The word _petite_ implied perhaps in Chapuys's mind that Dr.
Butts contemplated a disorder of which he could control the dimensions,
and the word, if he used it, is at least as suspicious as Cromwell's
language about Mary.
[320] "Affirmant pour tout certain qu'il y avoit une xx des principaulx
Seigneurs d'Angleterre et plus de cent Chevaliers tout disposes et prests
a employer personnes, biens, armes, et subjects, ayant le moindre
assistance de vostre Majeste." Chapuys to Charles V., April 25,
1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 222; and _MS.
Vienna_.
[321] Chapuys to Charles V., May 5, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
452.
[322] _Ibid._
[323] Charles V. to Chapuys, May 10, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
459.
[324] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 459.
[325] Chapuys to Charles V., May 8, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
457.
[326] Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., May 27, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 462.
[327] Chapuys to Charles V., May 23, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 280; _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 465.
[328] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 484.
[329] Chapuys to Charles V., June 5, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
483.
[330] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 486.
[331] Chapuys to Charles V., June 30, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 500.
[332] The Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, June 6, 1535.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. viii. p. 320.
[333] Examination of Fisher in the Tower, June 12, 1535.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. viii. pp. 331 et seq.
[334] News from England, July 1, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p.
507.
[335] Chapuys to Charles V., July 11, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 512.
[336] Cifuentes to Charles V., July 16, 1535.--_Ibid._ p. 515.
[337] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 532.
[338] Chapuys to Charles V., July 25, 1535.--_Ibid._ vol. v. p. 518.
[339] Memorandum on the Affairs of England.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 522.
[340] _Ibid._ p. 535.
[341] Ortiz to the Empress, Sept. 1, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 84.
[342] "Cuando se viese con la Senora Reyna su hermana despues de dadas mis
afectuosas encomiendas rogarle de mi parte quisiese tener mencion de my
con el Christianisimo Rey su marido y hacer quanto pudiese ser, que el sea
buen amigo al Rey mi Senor procurando de quitarle del pecado, en que
esta." Catherine to the Regent Mary, Aug. 8, 1535.--_MS. Vienna._
[343] Chapuys to Charles V., Sept. 25, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. ix. pp. 140-141.
[344] Chapuys to Granvelle, Sept. 25, 1535.--_Vienna MS._; _Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 141.
[345] The executory brief was not identical with the Bull of Deposition.
The first was the final act of Catherine's process, a declaration that
Henry, having disobeyed the sentence on the divorce delivered by Clement
VII., was excommunicated, and an invitation to the Catholic Powers to
execute the judgment by force. The second involved a claim for the Holy
See on England as a fief of the Church--an intimation that the King of
England had forfeited his crown and that his subjects' allegiance had
reverted to their Supreme Lord. The Pope and Consistory preferred the
complete judgment, as more satisfactory to themselves. The Catholic Powers
objected to it for the same reason. The practical effect would be the
same.
[346] Cifuentes to Charles V., Oct. 8, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
p. 547.
[347] "Et luy supplier de la part de la Reyne, ma mere, et myenne en
l'honneur de Dieu et pour aultres respects que dessus vouloit entendre et
pourvoyr aux affaires dycy. En quoy fera tres agreable service a Dieu, et
n'en acquerra moins de gloire qu'en la conqueste de Tunis et de toute
l'affaire d'Afrique." _De la Princesse de l'Angleterre a l'Ambassadeur_,
October, 1535.--_MS. Vienna_; _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. p. 559.
[348] Queen Catherine to the Pope, October 10, 1535.--_MS. Vienna._
[349] The Bishop of Tarbes to the Bailly of Troyes, October,
1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 187.
[350] Chapuys to Charles V., October 13, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 196.
[351] Chapuys to Granvelle, October 13, 1535.--_Ibid._ p. 199.
[352] _Ibid._ pp. 225, 228.
[353] _Spanish Calendar_, October 24, 1535, vol. v. p. 559.
[354] Ortiz to the Emperor, November 4, 1535.--_Ibid._ vol. v. p. 565.
[355] Du Bellay and the Bishop of Macon to Francis I., November 12,
1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 273.
[356] Froude's _History of England_, vol. ii. p. 386.
[357] Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, November 15, 1535.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 276.
[358] Charles V. to Cifuentes, November, 1535.--_Ibid._ vol. ix. p. 277.
[359] "Tout a cest instant la Marquise de Exeter m'a envoye dire que le
Roy a dernierement dit a ses plus prives conseillers qu'il ne voulloit
plus demeurer en les fascheuses crainctes et grevements qu'il avoit de
long temps eus a cause des Royne et Princesse; et qu'il y regardassent a
ce prochain Parlement l'en faire quiete, jurant bien et tres obstinement
qu'il n'actendoit plus longuement de y pourvoir." Chapuys to Charles V.,
Nov. 6, 1535.--_MS. Vienna._
[360] "Afin que par ce moyen, perdant l'espoir de la clemence et
misericorde de Vostre Majeste toute-fois fussent plus determinez a se
defendre." Chapuys a l'Empereur.--_MS. Vienna_, Nov. 23.
[361] The Emperor to Chapuys.--_MS. Vienna._
[362] Chapuys to Granvelle, Nov. 21, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 290.
[363] Ortiz to the Empress, Nov. 22, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. ix. pp. 293-4.
[364] Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, Dec. 9.--_Ibid._ vol. ix. p. 317.
[365] Cifuentes to Charles V., Nov. 30, 1535.--_Ibid._ vol. ix. p. 303.
[366] Chapuys to Charles V., Dec. 18, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 333.
[367] Cardinal du Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon, Dec.
22, 1535.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. ix. pp. 341-43.
[368] The Bishop of Faenza to M. Ambrogio, Dec. 13, 1535.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. ix. p. 326.
[369] Queen Catherine to Dr. Ortiz, Dec. 13, 1535.--_Ibid._ vol. ix. p.
325.
[370] Queen Catherine to Charles V., Dec. 13, 1535.--_MS. Vienna._
[371] The Emperor to Thomas Cromwell, Dec. 13, 1535.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. ix. p. 588.
[372] "Et que vostre Ma{te} luy avoit use de la plus grande ingratitude
que l'on scauroit dire, solicitant a l'appetit d'une femme tant de choses
contre luy, que luy avoit faict innumerables maux et fascheries, et de
telle importance, que vostre Ma{te} par menasses et force avoit faict
donner la sentence contre luy, comme le mesme Pape l'avoit confesse."
Chapuys a l'Empereur, Dec. 30, 1535.--_MS. Vienna_; _Spanish Calendar_,
vol. v. p. 595.
[373] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 21, 1536.--_MS. Vienna_; _Spanish
Calendar_, vol. v. part 2, p. 18.
[374] "Je demanday par plusieurs fois au medecin s'il y avoit quelque
soubcon de venin. Il me dict qu'il s'en doubtoit, car depuys qu'elle avoit
beu d'une cervise de Galles elle n'avoit fait bien; et qu'il failloit que
ne fust poison termine et artificeux, car il ne veoit les signes de simple
et pur venin." Chapuys a l'Empereur, Jan. 9, 1536.--_MS. Vienna_;
_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 22.
[375] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 9 and Jan. 21, 1536.--_MS. Vienna_;
_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. part 2, pp. 2-10.
[376] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 21, 1536.--_MS. Vienna_; _Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 47.
[377] Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 21 and Jan. 29.--_Spanish Calendar_,
vol. v. part 2, pp. 10-26.
[378] "L'on m'a dicte que la Concubine consoloit ses demoiselles qui
pleuroient, leur disant que c'estoit pour le mieulx, car elle en seroit
tant plus tost enceinte, et que le fils qu'elle pourterait ne seroit
dubieulx comme fust este icelle, estant concen du vivant de la Royne."
Chapuys to Granvelle, Feb. 25, 1536.--_MS. Vienna_; _Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. p. 135.
[379] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb, 17, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. p. 116.
[380] Charles V. to the Emperor, Feb. 1, 1536.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol.
v. part 2, p. 33.
[381] Report of the Privy Council of Spain, Feb. 26, 1536.--_Ibid._ p. 60.
[382] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 224.
[383] Chapuys to Charles V., Feb. 25, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. pp. 131 et seq.
[384] "Et aussy quant a l'auctorite de l'Eglise Anglicane l'on pourroit
persuader au Roy que la chose se appoineteroit a son honnneur, proufit, et
bien du royaulme."
[385] _I. e._ as part of it. Charles V. to Chapuys, March 28, 1536.--_MS.
Vienna_; _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. pp. 224 et seq.;
_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. part 2, pp. 71 et seq. There are some
differences in the translations in the two Calendars. When I refer to the
MS. at Vienna I use copies made there by myself.
[386] Chapuys to Charles V., April 1, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. p. 243.
[387] Chapuys to Charles V., April 1, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. p. 242.
[388] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, June 2, 1536, vol. x. pp. 428 et
seq.
[389] Chapuys to Charles V., April 21, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. pp. 287 et seq.; _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. part 2,
pp. 85 et seq.
[390] April 21.--_Calendar, Foreign and Domestic._
[391] Henry VIII. to Pate, April 25, 1536. Abridged.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 306.
[392] "Et que a luy avoit este l'auctorite de descouvrir et parachever les
affairs de la dicte Concubine, en quoy il avoit eu une merveilleuse pene;
et que sur le desplesir et courroux qu'il avoit eu sur le reponse que le
Roy son maistre m'avoit donne le tiers jour de Pasques il se mit a
fantasier et conspirer le dict affaire," etc. Chapuys to Charles V., June
6, 1536.--_MS. Vienna_; _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. part 2, p. 137. From
the word "conspirer" it has been inferred that the accusation of Anne and
her accomplices was a conspiracy of Cromwell's, got up in haste for an
immediate political purpose. Cromwell must have been marvellously rapid,
since within four days he was able to produce a case to lay before a
Special Commission composed of the highest persons in the realm assisted
by the Judges, involving the Queen and a still powerful faction at the
court. We are to believe, too, that he had the inconceivable folly to
acknowledge it to Chapuys, the most dangerous person to whom such a secret
could be communicated. Cromwell was not an idiot, and it is impossible
that in so short a time such an accumulation of evidence could have been
invented and prepared so skilfully as to deceive the Judges.
[393] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, June 2, vol. x. p. 428.
[394] Daughter of Sir Anthony Brown, Master of the Horse.
[395] John Husee to Lady Lisle, May 24, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. p. 397.
[396] Chapuys to Charles V., April 29.--_Spanish Calendar_, p. 105.
[397] _Ibid._
[398] _History of England_, vol. ii. p. 454.
[399] Chapuys to Charles V., May 19, 1536.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v.
part 2, p. 125.
[400] Chapuys to Charles V., May 2, 1536.--_MSS. Vienna_; _Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 330; _Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. part 2,
p. 107.
[401] In transcribing the MS. twenty years ago at Vienna I mistook the
name for Howard, which it much resembled in the handwriting of the time. I
am reminded correctly that there was no Viscount Howard in the English
Peerage.
[402] "Le Visconte Hannaert a escript au Sr de Granvelle que au mesme
instant il avoit entendu de bon lieu que la concubine du dict Roy avoit
este surprise couchee avec l'organiste du dict Roy."
[403] The Earl of Northumberland to Cromwell, May 13, 1536.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 356.
[404] Cromwell to Gardiner, July 5, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. xi. p. 17.
[405] _History of England_, vol. ii. p. 470.
[406] Sir Henry Wyatt to Thomas Wyatt, May 7, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 345. "Him" refers to Cromwell.
[407] _History of England_, vol. ii. pp. 459-462.
[408] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 430.
[409] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 357.
[410] Autograph letter of Sir Francis Weston, May 3, 1536.--_Calendar,
Foreign and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 358.
[411] Cromwell to Wallop and Gardiner, May 14, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign
and Domestic_, vol. x. p. 359.
[412] "Qu'elle avoit faict empoissoner la fene Royne et machyne de faire
de mesme a la Princesse." Chapuys was not present, but was writing from
report, and was not always trustworthy. No trace is found of these
accusations in the Record, but they may have been mentioned in the
pleadings.
[413] "Que le Roy n'estoit habille en cas de copuler avec femme, et qu'il
n'avoit ni vertu ni puissance." Historians, to make their narrative
coherent, assume an intimate acquaintance with the motives for each man's
or woman's actions. Facts may be difficult to ascertain, but motives,
which cannot be ascertained at all unless when acknowledged, they are able
to discern by intuition. They have satisfied themselves that the charges
against Anne Boleyn were invented because the King wished to marry Jane
Seymour. I pretend to no intuition myself. I do not profess to be wise
beyond what I find written. In this instance I hazard a conjecture--a
conjecture merely--which occurred to me long ago as an explanation of some
of the disasters of Henry's marriages, and which the words, alleged to
have been used by Anne to Lady Rochford, tend, _pro tanto_, to confirm.
Henry was already showing signs of the disorder which eventually killed
him. Infirmities in his constitution made it doubtful, both to others and
to himself, whether healthy children, or any children at all, would in
future be born to him. It is possible--I do not say more--that Anne,
feeling that her own precarious position could only be made secure if she
became the mother of a prince, had turned for assistance in despair at her
disappointments to the gentlemen by whom she was surrounded. As an
hypothesis, this is less intolerable than to suppose her another
Messalina. In every instance of alleged offence the solicitation is said
to have proceeded from herself, and to have been only yielded to after an
interval of time.
[414] "Au grand despit de Cromwell et d'aucungs autres qui ne vouldroient
en cest endroit s'engendroit suspicion qui pourroit prejudiquer a la
lignee que le dict Roy pretend avoir."--_MSS. Vienna._
[415] Chapuys to Charles V., May 19, 1536.--_MSS. Vienna_; _Spanish
Calendar_, vol. v. part 2, pp. 122 et seq. In one or two instances my
translation will be found to differ slightly from that of S{r} Gayangas.
[416] Chapuys to Charles V., May 19.--_Spanish Calendar_, vol. v. part 2,
p. 128.
[417] _History of England_, vol. ii. p. 483.
[418] _Wriothesley's Chronicle_ (Camden Society's Publications), vol. i.
p. 39.
[419] Constantine's Memorial.--_Archaeologia_, vol. xxiii. pp. 63-66.
[420] _Calendar, Foreign and Domestic_, June 2, vol. x. p. 430.
[421] _Ibid._ p. 431.
[422] Kingston to Cromwell, May 16, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. p. 371.
[423] 28 Hen. VIII. cap. 7.
[424] Chapuys to Granvelle, May 19, 1536.--_Calendar, Foreign and
Domestic_, vol. x. p. 380.
[425] _Wriothesley's Chronicle_, vol. i. pp. 40, 41.