THE MUTINY AT THE NORE.

On the 14th January, 1797, the glorious battle off Cape St. Vincent had

been won by as famous a band of heroes as the world ever saw; and the

names and deeds of the victors, Jervis, Nelson, Troubridge, Collingwood,

Calder Saumarez, and Parker, were the talk and pride of all England.

This naval triumph, in which Nelson boarded one man-of-war of eighty

guns, and then another of 112 guns, and captured them both at the edge

of the sword,—this triumph, in which fifteen British sail of the line

defeated twenty-seven sail of the Spaniards, amongst them one vessel of

130 guns, and six of 112 guns,—this triumph, in fine, which was so

completely decisive, made revolutionary Europe quail, and feel it had

met its greatest check in the indomitable force and spirit of England on

the seas. The general public exultation was natural enough; but, alas!

before a few months passed, an event was to happen which was to throw a

shadow, fortunately not of long duration, yet of the darkest hue that

ever fell, upon the navy of Great Britain. This was the dire and

discreditable revolt, known as “the Mutiny at the Nore.”

This criminal insurrection was preceded by a less unjustifiable outbreak

at Spithead, caused by the complaints of the sailors being totally and

foolishly neglected by the parties in power; for the sailors did, in

1797, labour under many grievances, “which,” writes Mr. C. D. Yonge, in

his able “History of the British Navy,” “though they were inflicted on

them through neglect and carelessness, rather than from any deliberate

injustice, were not the less intolerable on that account. Their pay had

not been raised from the sum at which it had been fixed in the time of

the Duke of York, afterwards James II., though the price of all the

necessaries of life had greatly risen. Their pensions, too, were left at

the same amount, though those to which the soldiers became entitled had

augmented. What was even more irritating, as carrying with it a greater

appearance of intended unfairness, was, that for the provisions served

out to them a lighter weight[18] was established than that used in

ordinary traffic; while even for that light weight they were wholly at

the mercy of the pursers, who at that time were commonly taken from a

very inferior class of men, and who cheated and robbed the sailors

without scruple and without limit. Other minor causes of complaint

related to the general severity of the naval discipline; the constant

refusal of leave even to men in harbour; and a variety of trifling

matters, which, had they stood alone, would hardly have been thought of,

but which no one could deny to be undeserved hardships, and which now

served to swell the catalogue of evils which the men were resolved no

longer to endure.”

In the month of February, 1797, the crews of four of the line-of-battle

ships at Spithead forming the Channel Fleet, the _Queen Charlotte_, the

flag-ship, being amongst them, addressed separate petitions to Lord

Howe, their commander-in-chief. Lord Howe, being ill, referred the

petitions to Admirals Lord Bridport and Sir Peter Parker, who, not

inquiring closely into the matter, merely replied, that the petitions

were the work of some evil-disposed persons. Consequently, the complete

indifference these really peaceable and loyal addresses experienced

drove the seamen to extremes. An agitation amongst them being perceived

by those in authority, the Admiralty ordered the Channel Fleet to put to

sea. On the 16th April Lord Bridport made the signal to prepare to weigh

anchor. This led to an open mutiny, the men running up the shrouds and

giving three cheers, and then proceeding to take the command of their

ships from their officers. Two delegates from each ship were appointed

to conduct the entire negotiation with the Admiralty; for throughout,

these mutineers showed themselves bent on remonstrance only, and not

rebellion. This line of conduct had its effect, for on investigation the

lords of the Admiralty admitted the justice and moderation of the

seamen’s demands, and on the representation of their lordships, the

Government agreed to grant all that was asked. This was done, and a

royal proclamation issued, pardoning all such seamen as should at once

return to their duty. After some renewal of agitation caused by

parliamentary delay in carrying out the measures conceded, Lord Howe

brought down a free pardon under the great seal to the fleet, and the

men having expressed their contrition, cheerfully returned to submission

and allegiance, and in less than a month every symptom of discontent

among the two great fleets at Portsmouth and Plymouth had entirely

passed away.

Unfortunately, this redress of grievances was obtained by a display of

force, and this led other seamen to suppose that further and less

reasonable acquisitions might be had in the same way. A fresh and a

terrible mutiny broke out in the fleet stationed at the Nore, differing

entirely from the revolt at Spithead. In the former instance, in the

very height of disobedience, the sailors never lost their reverence for

discipline, nor their respect for their superior officers. The mutineers

at the Nore were simply rebels, with a very commonplace traitor for

their leader. This man, Richard Parker, was just one of those persons

who, of humble life and of evil spirit, with a little education, are so

often found to be the chiefs of popular insurrections. He was a native

of Exeter, where he was born about the year 1765 or 1766. His father,

Joseph Parker, was a respectable tradesman, and kept a baker’s shop at

St. Sidwell’s, in the bounds of Exeter city. Young Richard Parker

received a good education, and in the course of time went to sea, which

he had chosen as the scene of his future career. He obtained a

midshipman’s berth on board the _Culloden_, but was discharged from her

for gross misconduct. He contrived to get similar rank on board the

_Leander_, but he was again turned out. He subsequently acted as a mate

in the _Resistance_ frigate, but his continued bad behaviour brought him

to a court-martial, and reduced him to the position of a common sailor.

He quitted the navy invalided, returned home, and married Miss Ann

Machardy, a young lady resident in Exeter, but of Scottish origin, being

a member of a respectable family in the county of Aberdeen. Her name

deserves to be preserved, for her devotion to her husband made quite a

heroine of her. This marriage led Parker to remove to Scotland, where he

embarked in some mercantile speculations that proved unsuccessful. The

issue was, that he found himself involved in difficulties, and without

the means to maintain his wife and two children. In Edinburgh, where

these embarrassments fell upon him and placed him for a time in gaol, he

had no friends to apply to, and in a moment of desperation he took the

king’s bounty, and became again a common sailor on board a tender at

Leith. When he had communicated to his wife the step he had taken, she

was in the greatest distress, and resolved to set off instantly for

Aberdeen, in order to procure from her brother there the means of hiring

two seamen as substitutes for her husband. Though successful in raising

the necessary funds, no time was allowed her to complete her project. On

her return from Aberdeen, she was only in time to see the tender sail

for the Nore, with her husband on board. Her grief on the occasion was

bitterly aggravated by the death of one of her children. Parker’s

sufferings were shown to be equally acute by his conduct when the vessel

sailed. Exclaiming that he saw the body of the child floating on the

waves, he leaped overboard, and was with difficulty rescued and restored

to life. In this gloomy state of mind, in the beginning of May, 1797,

Parker reached the Nore, or point dividing the mouths of the Thames and

the Medway. Probably on account of his former experience and station as

a seaman, he was drafted on board the _Sandwich_, which was the

guard-ship, and bore the flag of Admiral Buckner, the port admiral. The

mutinous spirit which afterwards broke out certainly existed on board of

the Nore squadron before Parker’s arrival. Communications were kept up

in secret between the various crews, and the mischief was gradually

drawing to a head. But though Parker did not originate the feeling of

insubordination, his ardent temper, boldness, and superior intelligence,

soon became known to his comrades, and made him a prominent man among

them. He, cunningly availing himself of their general discontent, and

assisted, as there seems no doubt, by agents from some of the

revolutionary societies at that time existing in London, hastened the

open mutiny, of which he was appointed the chief. The plans being at

length matured, the seamen rose simultaneously against their officers,

and deprived them of their arms, as well as of all command in the ships,

though behaving respectfully to them in all other respects. Each vessel

was put under the government of a committee of twelve men, and to

represent the whole body of seamen, every man-of-war appointed two

delegates, and each gunboat one, to act for the common good. Of these

delegates Richard Parker was president. This representative body drew up

a list of grievances of which they demanded the removal. Parker signed

these documents, and they were published over the whole kingdom, with

his name, as well as presented to Port-Admiral Buckner, through whom

they were sent to Government.

When these proceedings commenced, the mutineers were suffered to go on

shore, and they paraded about Sheerness, where a part of the fleet lay,

with music, flags (red in colour—the customary hue of insubordination),

and other appendages of a triumphal procession. But, on the 22nd of May,

troops were sent to Sheerness to put a stop to this indulgence. Being

thus confined to their ships, the mutineers having come to no agreement

with Admiral Buckner, began to take more decisive measures for extorting

compliance with their demands, as well as for insuring their own safety.

The vessels at Sheerness moved down to the Nore, and the combined force

of the insurgents, which at its greatest height consisted of twenty-four

sail, proceeded to block up the Thames, by refusing a free passage up or

down to the London trade. Foreign vessels and a few small craft were

suffered to go by, first receiving a passport, signed by Richard Parker,

as president of the delegates. In a day or two the mutineers had an

immense number of vessels under their detention. The mode in which they

kept these was as follows:—The vessels of war were ranged in a line, at

considerable distances from each other, and in the interspaces were

placed the merchant vessels, having the broadsides of the men-at-war

pointed at them. The appearance of the whole assemblage is described as

having been at once stupendous and apalling. The red flag floated from

the mast-head of every one of the mutineer ships—a sad and a disgraceful

sight.

It may be well imagined that the alarm of the citizens of London was

extreme. The Government, however, though unable at the period to quell

the insurgents by force, remained firm in their demand of “unconditional

submission as a necessary preliminary to any intercourse.” This,

perhaps, was the very best line of conduct that could have been adopted.

The seamen—and it was a palliation of their misguided behaviour—never

seemed to think of assuming an offensive attitude, and were thereby left

in quiet to meditate on the dangerous position in which they stood in

hostility to a whole country. They grew timorous, the more so as the

Government had caused all the buoys to be removed from the mouth of the

Thames and the adjacent coasts, so that no vessel durst attempt to move

away for fear of running aground. The mutineering vessels held together,

nevertheless, till the 30th of May, when the _Clyde_ frigate was carried

off through a combination of its officers with some of the seamen, and

was followed by the _Fiorenzo_. These vessels were fired upon, but

escaped up the river. On the 4th of June, the king’s birthday, the Nore

fleet showed that loyalty to their sovereign still existed, by firing a

general salute. On the 5th another frigate left the fleet, and its place

was supplied by a sloop and four men-of-war, which had left Admiral

Duncan’s fleet at the Texel to join the mutiny. On the 6th Admiral Lord

Northesk met the delegates by desire on board the _Sandwich_, and

received from them proposals for an accommodation, to which Parker still

put his name as president. The answer was a firm refusal, and this

firmness seems to have fairly humbled the remaining spirit of the

mutineers. From that time one vessel after another deserted the band,

and put themselves under the protection of the fleet at Sheerness. On

the 10th the merchantmen were allowed, by common consent, to pass up the

river, and such a multitude of ships certainly never entered a port by

one tide. By the 12th only seven ships had the red flag flying, and on

the 16th the mutiny had terminated, every ship having been restored to

the command of its officers. A party of soldiers went on board the

_Sandwich_, and to them the officers surrendered the delegates of the

ship, namely, a man named Davis and Richard Parker. The latter was

confined in the black-hole of Sheerness garrison until his trial, which

was preceded by the trials of some others of the mutineers. Two, who,

like Parker, suffered death, were tried at the court-martial held on

board the _Royal William_, at Portsmouth, on the 21st June.

This court-martial had before it the six mutineers belonging to the

_Pompée_. The evidence of all the witnesses, to the number of seventeen,

on the part of the prosecution, went strongly to condemn the prisoners

Gutherie, Calloway, Ashley, and Johnson; and some circumstances tended

to make Davis and Braham more connected with the business. In the course

of the evidence called and questioned, it appeared that these

disaffected men were not able to get a real seaman to sign their paper,

or to take the oath tendered. Such men as took the oath did it through

fear, and were the illiterate part of the crew, most of whom could not

write their names or understand what they had sworn to. It is but

justice to the well-affected part of the ship’s company to admit the

propriety of their conduct, in exposing the proceedings of the six

prisoners. The conduct of Sergeant Sweet, of the Marines, in giving his

evidence, was particularly commendable. The testimony on the part of the

Crown closed at four o’clock. Several papers, very essential to clear up

this black and mysterious business, had been destroyed; the only thing

found was amongst Johnson’s clothes, which was a form of oath, as

follows:—“I, ——, do swear to stand true till death in promoting the

cause of liberty with equity, while a prospect of obtaining it remains.”

Here the paper was torn, which showed there was something more to

follow. The trial was so numerously attended from the ship and the

shore, that props were obliged to be put under the beams of the _Royal

William_, to support the immense number of people who flocked on board.

The court-martial ended on the 23rd June, at half-past six. By the

sentence of the court, Calloway, Gutherie, Johnson, and Ashley were to

suffer death; but the two former were recommended to mercy. A fifth

mutineer was to be imprisoned twelve months, and the sixth acquitted.

This sentence was confirmed, and Johnson and Ashley were executed on the

28th June.

The trial and conviction of these men were followed by the more

momentous trial of Parker. This took place at Greenhithe upon the

morning of the 22nd June, 1797, at ten o’clock. A court-martial was held

on board the _Neptune_, in pursuance of an order from the Lords

Commissioners of the Admiralty, for the trial of Richard Parker, a

seaman on board the _Sandwich_, upon charges of which the following is

the substance:—Making, and endeavouring to make, mutinous assemblies on

board the _Sandwich_, and others of her Majesty’s ships at the Nore, on

or about the 12th of May; disobeying the lawful orders of his superior

officers, and treating his superior officers with disrespect.

Captain Moss, of the _Sandwich_, was the prosecutor; and the court was

composed of the following officers:—

President, Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas Paisley,

Bart.

Comm. Sir Erasmus Gower _Neptune_, 98

Captain Stanhope Ditto

„ Markham _Centaur_, 74

„ Williamson _Agincourt_, 64

„ Wells _Lancaster_ 64

„ Lane _Acasto_, 44

„ Sir Thomas Williams _Endymion_, 36

„ King _Syrius_, 36

„ Pierrepoint _Naiad_, 36

„ Riou _Mary Yacht_, 36

Admiral Buckner was the first witness called.

_Q._ “Do you know the prisoner?—_A. Yes._

_Q._ “Does the prisoner belong to the _Sandwich_?—_A._ I heard so; but

in what capacity I know not.

_Q._ “Will you report what you know of the prisoner being concerned in a

mutiny on board the fleet at the Nore, on or about the 12th of May; or

of any instances of disrespectful language or conduct to his officers

during the time this mutiny existed?—_A._ The first time I observed

anything particular in the prisoner’s conduct, farther than parading

about with a vast number of people on shore with a red flag, was on or

about the 20th of May, when I went on board the _Sandwich_ for the

purpose of making known to that ship and others his Majesty’s

proclamation of pardon on their returning to their duty, on the terms

granted to their brethren at Spithead, which the delegates, among whom

was Parker, had previously assured me they would be satisfied with. On

my going on board with my flag in my boat there was no respect shown me

whatever. The officers were then without their side-arms, and had no

command in the ship. Unwilling to return on shore till an opportunity

offered for my speaking to the people, I waited for a considerable time,

when Parker, with others, came on the quarterdeck, and said that none

other but themselves (meaning, I presume, the ship’s company), should be

present. The prisoner then tendered me a paper containing what he called

a list of grievances, saying, at the same time, that until those were

redressed, they would not give up the power then in their hands. They

insisted, also, on the personal attendance of the Admiralty to ratify

their demands. Finding my efforts to restore order of no avail, I went

on shore. On the 22nd certain troops arrived at Sheerness; on the 23rd

my flag was struck on board the _Sandwich_. On the evening of that day I

was examining at the Commissioner’s house; and while I was inquiring

into complaints laid against two marines by a part of the military, the

prisoner and a man whom they called Davies, with three or four others, I

believe, came abruptly into the house, and demanded why those men were

in custody; telling me, at the same time, that my flag was struck, that

I had no authority, and that the power was in their hands. They then

took the men away, as they said, to trial. Another expression made use

of by Parker was that he was not to be intimidated. About the 4th of

June I received a letter from Parker, or rather, I should say, with his

signature. In this letter he said that the Administration had acted

improperly in stopping the provisions, and that the foolish proclamation

was calculated to inflame the minds of honest men. I have nothing more

particular to relate.

_Q._ “You have had frequent conferences with the prisoner?—_A._ With him

at the head of many others, in order to bring them to a sense of their

conduct. He, in general, took the lead as the spokesman, sometimes with

a degree of insolence, appealing to the rest whether he was not

authorized to speak the sense of the whole, and if it was their wish it

should be so. He even prevented one man in particular, whose name I

don’t know, from answering a question I had put to him; saying, at the

same time, ‘Hold your tongue; if you don’t, I’ll take care of you.’

While I was on board the _Sandwich_, I forgot to mention that I

remonstrated with them against keeping those disgraceful ropes, called

yard-ropes, hanging; but the delegates, amongst whom was the prisoner,

refused to remove them.

_Q._ “In your conversation with the prisoner, did you ever experience

any degree of insolence?—_A._ I sometimes did; but generally his

deportment was the reverse, and he behaved with a great deal of apparent

respect.” (Here were read Admiral Buckner’s letter to the Admiralty

informing the Lords Commissioners of the mutiny; a letter from Captain

Moss to Admiral Buckner, informing him of certain particulars respecting

the mutiny; Richard Parker’s letter to Admiral Buckner, the substance of

which was stated in the Admiral’s evidence.)

The prisoner put some questions to show that the Admiral had been

treated with respect. The President of the Court advised the prisoner to

invalidate, if he could, by any question, that part of the narrative of

Admiral Buckner which stated that he had released two marines, and told

the Admiral that all his authority on board ship was at an end. The

prisoner put no question to this effect. The other witnesses this day

examined were—Lieut. Justice, of the _Sandwich_, and Mr. Snipe, Surgeon

of the _Sandwich_, who stated that Parker acted as President of the

Committee, and leading man on all occasions. The prisoner was about to

ask some questions; but, being cautioned by the Court that they might

criminate himself, they were withdrawn. Captain Surridge, of the _Iris_,

who was present at what passed at Commissioner Hartwell’s, and Captain

Dixon, of _L’Espion_, who accompanied Admiral Buckner on board the

_Sandwich_, confirmed the Admiral’s evidence. At four o’clock Captain

Dixon’s evidence was interrupted, and the Court adjourned to the next

day.

_June 23._—The witnesses examined were—Captain John Wood, of the

_Hound_; Nicholas Plat, third lieutenant of the _Sandwich_; William

Levingstone, boatswain of the _Director_; Samuel Hallard, carpenter of

the _Director_; Thomas Barry, seaman of the _Monmouth_; and John

Summerland, seaman of the _Monmouth_, and others, most of whom were

severally cross-examined by the prisoner. The evidence for the Crown

being closed, the President asked when the prisoner would be ready for

his defence, who said that he thought that he could not be ready before

Monday.

_June 26._—The judge-advocate informed the prisoner, that in consequence

of his application for certain witnesses necessary to his defence, those

witnesses had been sent for to Sheerness, and were then present. The

court then informed him that he might proceed with his defence, and

asked him whether he chose to read it himself, or to let the

judge-advocate read it. He replied he would read it himself; and then

addressed the court in the following terms:—

“As I have been brought up from my youth to the sea, to the knowledge of

some persons now present, nothing can be expected from me but a plain

statement of facts; and it is impossible for me to dress up my defence

in such pompous terms as I might do if I had the assistance of a lawyer.

In the first place, I beg to return my thanks to the court for having

indulged me with sufficient time to prepare my defence against the heavy

charges which are brought against me. Nothing but the consciousness of

the integrity of my intentions, and that I entered into this business

with the hope of checking the progress of that bad spirit which I saw

prevail among the fleet, could support me in the situation in which I

now stand. Vice-Admiral Buckner has deposed, that he has often held

conversation with me and the persons who were called delegates, and that

my behaviour to him was sometimes respectful and sometimes otherwise. I

never waited upon the admiral but by the order of the delegates, and

pursuant to the instructions which I received from them. I never sported

with the feelings of the admiral, but couched the representations I had

to make in as respectful terms as I possibly could. It may be asked how

I came to be the person fixed upon on these occasions? I was chosen by

the delegates, for that purpose, and I could not resist their commands.

I declare solemnly that I knew nothing of the mutiny till it had broke

out in the fleet. In about two days afterwards I perceived that a bad

spirit was prevalent among the men, and I then entered into it for the

purpose of checking, as well as I could, the violence of their

proceedings, and I am satisfied that, if I had not taken an active part

in the business, though it has terminated so unfortunately, it would

have terminated with consequences still more dreadful; and, conscious of

the purity of my intentions, I can wait the decision of this honourable

court with calmness. Vice-Admiral Buckner says that, on the 20th of May,

when he went on board the _Sandwich_, he was not received with the

proper respect due to his rank; but I am sure the admiral does not

attribute that want of respect to me; for he states, in his evidence,

that I did not go on board till after him; and upon this part of the

charge I have no doubt of being able to satisfy the court of my

innocence, because he states that as soon as I came on board I

apologised to him for the disrespect which had been shown him, and told

him that if he would accept of it, there should be three cheers, and the

yards manned. The admiral acknowledges this. There was a stir made

towards cheering him, and this was done at the risk of my life. Some

evil-disposed persons in the fleet had infused an idea into the minds of

the men that the admiral was not competent to decide upon their

grievances, and also the people on board the _Inflexible_ had sent us

word that if we offered to cheer the admiral, they would come alongside

the _Sandwich_ and sink her. On the same day Captain Moss sent Mr. Bray,

the master of the _Sandwich_, to know the reason why the _Inflexible_

had beat to quarters? When the persons sent got on board the

_Inflexible_, they found the tompions taken out of the guns, and the

matches lighted ready for action. There were meetings of the committee

on board the _Inflexible_, to overawe the general meeting of the

delegates, and these meetings were held daily on board that ship; and

notwithstanding the stigma which has been thrown upon the _Sandwich_,

the whole of the measures that were adopted originated on board the

_Inflexible_. After a consultation among the ship’s companies, I was

directed to present the paper, containing the list of grievances, to

Admiral Buckner, and everything I did was by their orders. After the

paper had been presented to the admiral, he proceeded to Sheerness. I

saw that Admiral Buckner’s flag was struck, but I did not know the

reason of it; and it was with the utmost concern that I saw the red flag

flying in its place. There were many signals given that day by the

_Inflexible_ which I did not understand. With respect to what the

admiral has said of my taking away two marines, I must state to the

court that it is true. I was that day on shore, at the commissioner’s

house, and went there by order of the persons calling themselves

delegates. While they were refreshing themselves on shore with the usual

allowance of a pint of beer each man, information was brought them that

two marines had been taken up, and were then in confinement, for

approving the proceedings of the sailors. They ordered me and some

others to go to the guard-house, and inquire into the reason of their

being in custody. When we got to the guard-house we were informed by the

sentinel that he had no such persons in his custody. We then heard that

the marines were at the commissioner’s house. We were then ordered by

the delegates to go there, and bring them on board. We informed the

admiral of the commands we had received; and he told us the marines had

been taken up for having used improper language in the neighbourhood of

Queenborough. I was desired by those who accompanied me to examine them.

I did examine one of them; the other was very much intoxicated. While I

was examining him the admiral said, “Now, Parker, you are at the right

point—your questions are very proper.” When the examination was

finished, they were sent on board the _Sandwich_, and put into

confinement, and the next day they were sent to their respective ships,

and I knew no more about them. I submit it to the judgment of the court

whether it is probable that four men, unarmed, could forcibly take these

men away in the face of a garrison? But throughout the whole of the

business I treated Admiral Buckner with as much respect as the nature of

the transaction in which I was employed would admit. I must here state

that there was a conversation improperly represented. The admiral said

to me, “Parker, consider my feelings.” I replied to him, “Sir, it gives

me great pain to see the red flag flying in place of yours. I had

nothing to do with it,—I have my feelings as well as another man; but I

am but an individual.” Throughout the whole of this business I wish to

acknowledge that Admiral Buckner and Commissioner Hartwell were

indefatigable in their endeavours to satisfy the minds of the sailors.

“Lieutenant Justice, of the _Sandwich_, was the second witness that was

called. He knew nothing personal about me. Captain O’Bryen, of the

_Nassau_, knew nothing about me. Captain Fancourt, of the _Agamemnon_,

knew nothing personal about me. Captain Cobb, of the _Lion_, knew

nothing of me. Captain Parr of the _Standard_, knew nothing personal of

me. Captain Watson, of the _Isis_, and Captain Hargood, of the

_Leopold_, knew nothing personal concerning me; and therefore, I have no

observations to make upon their evidence. The next witness called was

Mr. Snipe, surgeon of the _Sandwich_: He deposed, that on the 14th of

May he was ordered to attend on deck, to be present at the punishment of

a man of the name of Campbell, and that I ordered him to receive a dozen

lashes. I was then upon the gangway, and had been sent there by the

delegates to see the punishment executed. Mr. Bray, the master, who had

then the command of the ship, was consulted about the punishment. The

man had been convicted of getting beastly drunk, though he had said he

had drunk nothing but small beer. I was then desired to caution the

ship’s company not to get drunk till the business was settled; for if

they did, they would undergo the same punishment as this man, which was

what they had all agreed to inflict. With respect to his evidence about

the sick man in irons, he was confined for disrespect to Captain Moss;

and the answer which he states was given by me to him shows that he did

not wish to interfere in the medical department. He says, also, that he

was desired by me to use his influence with Admiral Buckner, that the

whole sick of the fleet should be permitted to go on shore. This shows

that we had a great regard for the sufferings of our fellow-creatures.

Doctor Snipe further says, that when he went on shore he promised to

return, but that he took good care not to do it till the ship was again

under the command of Captain Moss. I wish here to ask whether it was

praiseworthy and humane in the surgeon to leave the ship, when there

were so many people dangerously sick on board, merely because his

situation on board was not so comfortable as he could have wished?

Captain Surridge, of the _Iris_, says he saw me with the delegates at

the Commissioner’s house, in conversation with the admiral, and that I

delivered the articles from the North Sea fleet. I declare, in the most

solemn manner, that I had no conversation upon that occasion, but

desired the Commissioner to examine the delegates of that fleet, in

order to find out what would satisfy the minds of the men in that fleet.

He says he saw no disrespect in my behaviour to the admiral. Captain

Dickson of the _Espion’s_ evidence is answered by the observations I

made upon the evidence given by the Admiral. Captain Wood, of the

_Hound_, says that I told him not to be so violent with the delegates. I

went on board the ship to secure his safety, for he had threatened to

put the delegates to death. I desired the ship’s companies to be

attentive to their officers, and not to make any slight or unfounded

complaints of grievances. He says he was ordered out of his ship, and

that the person who communicated the orders to him said it was by my

direction. I declare solemnly, that I could safely assert, if I was

going into the presence of God to-night, that I gave no such order; and

that I did not know he was turned out of his ship, till I heard it

stated in evidence in court. With respect to what he says of my having

threatened to make beef-steak of the pilot at the yard-arm, for having

put us into a foul berth, I deny having used any such expression, or

that I ordered the anchor to be let go. With respect to the yard ropes,

they were rove before I got on board; but in the confusion that

necessarily prevailed, it was very easy for the captain to have mistaken

the time of these circumstances happening, and the identical person who

ordered them. Lieutenant Flat, of the _Sandwich_, said he did not know

me before the disturbance broke out on board that ship; but, as I shall

have occasion to ask that gentleman some more questions, I shall make no

observations upon his evidence at present. William Levingstone, the

boatswain of the _Director_, says: I was on board the _Director_ when

she fired on the _Repulse_ while she was on shore; that I asked for a

boat, with a flag of truce, to go on board that ship, in the hopes of

being able to save innocent blood, and that I valued not my life. He

says, also, that he heard me give the orders to fire, and that after it

had commenced he did not see me. Samuel Hallard, the carpenter of the

_Director_, says he saw me on board that ship, and heard me ask for the

boat, to prevent, if I could, innocent blood from being spilt; that he

heard the guns fired, but did not hear me give orders for it. The

evidence of both these witnesses applies to the same time and the same

facts; therefore my answer applies equally to both. In the first place

it is necessary for me to account for my being on board the _Director_

at that time: there was a request for our band of music to sail round

the different ships, and play three tunes—viz., “God save the King,”

“Rule Brittania,” and “Britons strike Home”—and also that we should show

the journal of our proceedings. I was directed by the delegates to

comply with these requests. While I was in the boat I was told that the

_Repulse_ was getting under weigh, and was advised to go on board the

_Sandwich_. When I got on board I was told that the _Director_ was

getting a spring upon her cable, in order to bring her broadside to bear

upon the _Repulse_. I was then ordered by the delegates to go on board

the _Director_; I went, and found the guns upon the quarterdeck loosed.

I then desired permission to address the ship’s company, and pointed out

to them the impropriety and cruelty of one brother firing upon another,

and asked for a boat and a flag of truce to endeavour to prevent the

consequences of such a measure. Finding myself refused, I determined to

find out to what extremities they were inclined to go, and therefore I

asked them if they would slip their cables and run alongside the

_Repulse_; I was extremely happy to find they would not do it, for I

proposed it merely to sound their intentions. I will now state to the

court my reason for asking for a flag of truce. As the wind was

favourable and the tide was rising I expected every minute to see the

_Repulse_ get afloat, and make for Sheerness harbour. I wished, if

possible, to get into her wake with the flag of truce to prevent her

being fired at; for I hoped the other ships would respect the flag of

truce, and not fire upon the _Repulse_ for fear of hurting her. I failed

in my endeavours, and was obliged to give way to the storm, and to

sanction measures which I abominated; and the orders I gave on that

occasion were extorted from me by compulsion. I remained in the

_Director_ till she ceased firing, in hopes of catching a favourable

moment for softening matters; it is clear, therefore, that Burry must

have mistaken some other person who might be at the gun with him, and

might have used such language, for I will prove that I was on the

_Director_ till the afternoon. Burry says that he saw me on board the

_Monmouth_ that day, and that I assisted in pointing and fitting the gun

at which he was six or seven times; and that I was not content with

firing a nine-pound shot, but that I put in a crowbar. He speaks of

being confined in different parts of the ship by a man called Captain

Vance; and that I shook my fist when the _Repulse_ was afloat, and said,

“D—n me, she is afloat;” and that I would send one of the outside ships

after the _Leopard_ and send her to hell. On asking him if he had

received any bribe or promise for giving this hellish account, he said

he had not. I went back to the _Sandwich_ in the _Ardent’s_ boat. John

Summerland does not recollect seeing me at any gun, or actively employed

with my clothes off; but he says that I said I would get an outside ship

and send her after the _Leopard_. In this particular both the witnesses

agree; but I will call witnesses to prove to the court that I was not on

board the _Monmouth_ while she was firing at the _Repulse_; and under

the general confusion that must have prevailed at such a moment, it

cannot be supposed that I had either leisure or inclination to go

looking for such Don Quixote-like adventures. I saw the _Monmouth_ very

active in firing upon the _Repulse_, and took the same measures with

that ship that I had done with the _Director_. If I said I would take an

outside ship and send her after the _Leopard_, it was with a view of

preventing the _Monmouth_ from quitting her station to attack the

_Repulse_, for I immediately went on board the _Sandwich_. Before the

_Sandwich_ was delivered up to her officers, the _Montague_ made a

signal for the delegates to assemble on board her; I did not go on

board; their proceedings were extremely violent. Having now closed the

remarks I had to make upon the evidence that has been given against me,

I have only a few words to address to the court, not to remind them that

where mercy can be shown it ought to be granted; but, assured from the

candid manner in which the court has proceeded that justice will be

done, I have only to ask that the evidence given by G. Burry may be

examined in the strictest manner. I ask this for the purpose of clearing

up my character, which is far dearer to me than a thousand lives; and

though it has been misrepresented in the public prints, I hope the

innocence of my intentions will appear. My country allows me justice;

and justice I am sure I shall have from this honourable court.”

The prisoner then proceeded to examine his own witnesses, who were—the

Right Hon. Lord Northesk, captain of the _Monmouth_; Captain John

Knight, of the _Montague_; Mr. J. Swanson, gunner; Matthew Hollister,

seaman of the _Director_; Thomas Burry, William Nobbs, and George

Nicholls, seamen of the _Monmouth_; Samuel Beer, of the _Monmouth_;

Matthew Hollister. Their evidence was but immaterial.

The evidence being closed, the President desired to know if there were

any other witnesses, as the court would willingly continue its sittings

to a late hour in order to get their testimony. The prisoner answered

that he had no more evidence to examine. He hoped the circumstance of

his giving up the command of the ship, and the other parts of his

conduct, would receive the most favourable construction. At half-past

one the court was cleared, and, at ten minutes before four, the prisoner

being called in, the Deputy Judge-Advocate read the sentence of the

court. After the commission under which the court sat had been read, it

stated that it had proceeded to try Richard Parker on the charge of

mutiny, disobedience of orders, and insolence to his officers; and that

the said Richard Parker had been heard in his defence. The court did

adjudge, that the whole of the said charge was fully proved, and that

the said Richard Parker was guilty of the said crimes which it

enumerated—crimes as unprecedented in their nature as wicked and

destructive in their consequences. The court did, therefore, adjudge

him, the said Richard Parker, to be hanged by the neck till he was dead;

and the said Richard Parker was ordered to suffer death accordingly.

_Prisoner_: “I shall submit to your sentence with all due respect, being

confident of the innocence of my intentions, and that God will receive

me into favour; and I sincerely hope that my death will be the means of

restoring tranquillity to the navy, and that those men who have been

implicated in the business may be reinstated in their former situations,

and again be serviceable to their country.”

_President_: “The court, in consideration of the repentance which is

necessary to expiate your heinous offences, is willing to grant you some

time for that purpose, and has not, therefore, ordered the sentence to

be put into immediate execution, but leaves it to the Admiralty to

appoint when and where you are to suffer.”

The prisoner bowed, and withdrew.

The behaviour of the unhappy man throughout the whole of his trial was

firm and manly, and, while he was before the court, decent and

respectful. During the trial the solicitor of the Admiralty received two

letters for Parker, in one of which, from his brother, was enclosed a

five-pound bank-note. They were delivered to him immediately in court.

The execution of Parker took place on the 30th June, 1797. On that day,

at eight in the morning, a gun was fired from his Majesty’s ship

_L’Espion_, lying off Sheerness garrison, Vice-Admiral Lutwidge’s

flag-ship; and the yellow flag, the signal of capital punishment, was

hoisted, which was immediately repeated by the _Sandwich_ hoisting the

same colour on her fore-top. The _Sandwich_ was stationed rather above

Blackstakes, the headmost ship of the fleet. The garrison was

immediately under arms on the gun firing, and proceeded in single files

along the south shore of the Medway, near to Queenborough, to be present

at the execution. All the gates were then shut, and each ship sent a

boat off, with a lieutenant and a party of marines, to attend the

_Sandwich_; and the crews of all were piped to the forecastle, and the

marines drawn up on the quarterdeck, to be witnesses of the execution.

The prisoner was awakened a little after six o’clock from a sound sleep

by the marshal-provost, who, with a file of marines, composed his guard.

He arose with cheerfulness, and requested permission might be asked for

a barber to attend him, which was granted him. He soon dressed himself

in a neat suit of mourning (waistcoat excepted) wearing his half-boots

over a pair of black silk stockings. He then took his breakfast, talked

of a will he had written—in which he bequeathed to his wife a little

estate he said he was heir to—and after that lamented the misfortunes

that had been brought on the country by the mutiny, but solemnly denied

having the least connection or correspondence with any disaffected

persons on shore; and declared that it was chiefly owing to him that the

ships were not carried into the enemy’s ports. On his coming on deck he

looked a little paler than common, but soon recovered his usual

complexion. The chaplain told him that he had selected two appropriate

psalms; to which the prisoner desired to add the 51st, and then recited

each alternate verse in a manner peculiarly impressive. He heard the

preparatory gun fired, at nine, without the smallest emotion; and

prayers being ended, he rose, and asked Captain Moss if he might be

indulged with a glass of white wine, which being immediately granted, he

took it, and lifting up his eyes, exclaimed, “I drink first to the

salvation of my soul! and next to the forgiveness of all my enemies!”

Addressing himself to Captain Moss, he said “he hoped he would shake

hands with him,” which the captain did. He then desired “that he might

be remembered to his companions on board the _Neptune_, with his last

breath entreating them to prepare for their destiny, and to refrain from

unbecoming levity.” His arms being now bound, the procession moved to a

platform erected on the cat-head, with an elevated projection. There

Parker knelt with the chaplain, and joined in some devout ejaculations,

to all which he repeated loudly, “Amen.” He now asked the captain

“whether he might be allowed to speak,” and immediately, apprehending

his intention might be misconceived, he added, “I am not going, sir, to

address the ship’s company; I wish only to declare that I acknowledge

the justice of the sentence under which I suffer, and I hope my death

may be deemed a sufficient atonement, and may save the lives of others.”

He now requested a minute to collect himself, and knelt down alone for

that space of time; then rising up, said, “I am ready,” and, holding his

head up with considerable dignity, said to the boatswain’s mate, “take

off my handkerchief” (of black silk); which being done, the

provost-marshal placed the halter over his head (which had been prepared

with grease), but, doing it awkwardly, the prisoner said rather

pettishly to the boatswain’s mate, “Do you do it, for he seems to know

nothing about it.” The halter was then spliced to the reeved rope. All

this being adjusted, the provost attempted to put a cap on, which he

refused; but on being told it was indispensable, he submitted,

requesting that it might not be pulled over his eyes till he desired it.

He then turned round for the first time, gave a steady look at his

shipmates on the forecastle, and, with an affectionate smile, nodded his

head, and said, “Good bye to you.” He now said, “Captain Moss, is the

gun primed?” “It is.” “Is the match alight?” “All is ready.” On this he

advanced a little and said, “Will any gentleman be so good as to lend me

a white handkerchief for a signal?” After some little pause, a gentleman

stepped forward and gave him one; to whom, bowing, he returned his

thanks. He now ascended the platform, repeated the same question about

the gun, evidently to gain the time he wished, for the perfect

completion of what he had preconcerted in his own mind; then, the cap

being drawn over his face, walking by firm degrees up to the extremity

of the scaffold, he dropped the handkerchief, put his hands in his

coat-pockets with great rapidity, and at the moment he was springing

off, the fatal bow gun fired, and the reeve rope catching him ran him

up, though not with great velocity, to the yard-arm. When suspended

about midway, his body appeared extremely convulsed for a few seconds,

immediately after which no appearance of life remained. The instant he

was visible to the garrison from the yard-arm, the telegraph was put in

motion to announce it to the Admiralty, and from the clearness of the

atmosphere and quickness of working, the advice must have been received

in seven minutes. He suffered exactly at half-past nine, and was lowered

down after hanging at the yard-arm a full hour; when the yellow flag was

struck, and his body instantly put into a shell that had been prepared

for it, with all his clothes on; and soon after it was taken in one of

the _Sandwich’s_ boats, and rowed to the east point of the garrison, and

there being landed was carried to the new naval burying-ground at

Sheerness, out of the Red Barrier Gate, leading to Minster; the

coffin-lid was here taken off in the presence of the spectators for a

few minutes. His countenance appeared not much altered, but his eyes

were wide open. He was interred exactly at noon. The whole conduct of

this awful ceremony was extremely impressive. It was evident, from the

countenance of the crew of the _Sandwich_, that the general feeling for

the fate of their mutinous conductor was such as might be wished; not a

word, and scarcely a whisper, was heard.

Parker’s body was not allowed to rest in the naval burying-ground, in

consequence of an affecting incident. His wife, it seems, was in

Scotland when the Nore mutiny broke out, and on hearing that her husband

was the ringleader, she hastened to London to endeavour to dissuade him

from pursuing his guilty career. She arrived too late; Parker was tried

and condemned; and she only reached Sheerness in time to witness his

execution from a boat which approached the _Sandwich_ as near as it was

permitted. She saw her husband appear on deck between two clergymen. She

called on him, and he heard her voice, for he exclaimed, “There is my

dear wife from Scotland.” Immediately afterwards she fell back in a

state of insensibility, and did not recover till some time after she was

taken ashore. She was excited almost to madness by the information that

the surgeons would probably disinter the body that night. She therefore

resolved on the following plan:—She hung about the churchyard till dusk,

and then she contrived with some friends to scale the churchyard wall,

and went to her husband’s grave. She there had the coffin dug up, and

the lid removed, and after clasping the cold hand of Parker, she got

several men to undertake the task of lifting the body. This was

accomplished successfully, and at three o’clock in the morning, the

shell containing the corpse was placed in a van and taken to Rochester,

where, for the sum of six guineas, Mrs. Parker procured another waggon

to carry it to London. On the road they met hundreds of persons all

inquiring about and talking of the fate of “Admiral Parker,” as the

common people called him. At eleven P.M. the van reached London; here

the widow stopped at the Hoop and Horse Shoe, on Tower hill, which was

full of people. A great crowd by-and-by assembled about the house,

anxious to see the body of Parker. The Lord Mayor heard of the affair,

and came and asked the widow what she intended to do with her husband’s

remains. She replied, “To inter them decently at Exeter or in Scotland.”

The Lord Mayor said the body would not be taken from her, but prevailed

upon her to have it decently buried in London. Arrangements were made

with this view, and finally the corpse of Parker was inhumed in

Whitechapel churchyard, although not until it had to be removed to

Aldgate workhouse, on account of the crowds attracted by it, which

caused some fears lest “Admiral” Parker’s remains should create a public

commotion.