It now remains for me to tell about this city and kingdom and

province, of which the Father Provincial gave Your Lordship an

account. In brief, I can assure you that in reality he has not told

the truth in a single thing that he said, but everything is the

reverse of what he said, except the name of the city and the large

stone houses. For, although they are not decorated with turquoises,

nor made of lime nor of good bricks, nevertheless they are very good

houses, with three and four and five stories, where there are very

good apartments and good rooms with corridors,[321] and some very

good rooms under ground and paved, which are made for winter, and

are something like a sort of hot baths.[322] The ladders which they

have for their houses are all movable and portable, which are taken

up and placed wherever they please. They are made of two pieces of

wood, with rounds like ours. [See plates LVIII, LVIX.] The Seven

Cities are seven little villages, all having the kind of houses I

have described. They are all within a radius of 5 leagues. They are

all called the kingdom of Cevola, and each has its own name and no

single one is called Cevola, but all together are called Cevola. This

one which I have called a city I have named Granada, partly because

it has some similarity to it,[323] as well as out of regard for Your

Lordship. In this place where I am now lodged there are perhaps 200

houses, all surrounded by a wall, and it seems to me that with the

other houses, which are not so surrounded, there might be altogether

500 families. There is another town near by, which is one of the

seven, but somewhat larger than this, and another of the same size

as this, and the other four are somewhat smaller. I send them all to

Your Lordship, painted with the route. The skin on which the painting

is made, was found here with other skins. The people of the towns

seem to me to be of ordinary size and intelligent, although I do not

think that they have the judgment and intelligence which they ought

to have to build these houses in the way in which they have, for most

of them are entirely naked except the covering of their privy parts,

and they have painted mantles like the one which I send to Your

Lordship. They do not raise cotton, because the country is very cold,

but they wear mantles, as may be seen by the exhibit which I send.

It is also true that some cotton thread was found in their houses.

They wear the hair on their heads like the Mexicans. They all have

good figures, and are well bred. I think that they have a quantity

of turquoises, which they had removed with the rest of their goods,

except the corn, when I arrived, because I did not find any women

here nor any men [p559] under 15 years or over 60, except two or

three old men who remained in command of all the other men and the

warriors. Two points of emerald and some little broken stones which

approach the color of rather poor garnets[324] were found in a paper,

besides other stone crystals, which I gave to one of my servants to

keep until they could be sent to Your Lordship. He has lost them, as

they tell me. We found fowls, but only a few, and yet there are some.

The Indians tell me that they do not eat these in any of the seven

villages, but that they keep them merely for the sake of procuring

the feathers.[325] I do not believe this, because they are very good,

and better than those of Mexico. The climate of this country and the

temperature of the air is almost like that of Mexico, because it is

sometimes hot and sometimes it rains. I have not yet seen it rain,

however, except once when there fell a little shower with wind, such

as often falls in Spain. The snow and the cold are usually very

great, according to what the natives of the country all say. This may

very probably be so, both because of the nature of the country and

the sort of houses they build and the skins and other things which

these people have to protect them from the cold. There are no kinds

of fruit or fruit trees. The country is all level, and is nowhere

shut in by high mountains, although there are some hills and rough

passages.[326] There are not many birds, probably because of the

cold, and because there are no mountains near. There are no trees

fit for firewood here, because they can bring enough for their needs

from a clump of very small cedars 4 leagues distant.[327] Very good

grass is found a quarter of a league away, where there is pasturage

for our horses as well as mowing for hay, of which we had great

need, because our horses were so weak and feeble when they arrived.

The food which they eat in this country is corn, of which they have

a great abundance, and beans and venison, which they probably eat

(although they say that they do not), because we found many skins

of deer and hares and rabbits. They make the best corn cakes I have

ever seen anywhere, and this is what everybody ordinarily eats. They

have the very best arrangement and machinery for grinding that was

ever seen [plate LXIV]. One of these Indian women here will grind as

much as four of the Mexicans. They have very good salt in crystals,

which they bring from a lake a day’s journey distant from here. No

information can be obtained among them about the North sea or that

on the west, nor do I know how to tell Your Lordship which we are

nearest to. I should judge that it is nearer to the western, and 150

leagues is the nearest that it seems to me it can be thither. The

North sea ought to be much farther away. Your Lordship may thus see

how very wide the country is. They have [p560] many animals—bears,

tigers, lions, porcupines, and some sheep as big as a horse, with

very large horns and little tails. I have seen some of their horns

the size of which was something to marvel at.[328] There are also

wild goats, whose heads I have seen, and the paws of the bears and

the skins of the wild boars. For game they have deer, leopards, and

very large deer,[329] and every one thinks that some of them are

larger than that animal which Your Lordship favored me with, which

belonged to Juan Melaz. They inhabit some plains eight days’ journey

toward the north. They have some of their skins here very well

dressed, and they prepare and paint them where they kill the cows,

according to what they tell me.

_Of the nature and situation of the kingdoms of Totonteac, Marata,

and Acus, wholly different from the account of Friar Marcos. The

conference which they had with the Indians of the city of Granada,

which they had captured, who had been forewarned of the coming of

Christians into their country fifty years before. The account which

was obtained from them concerning seven other cities, of which Tucano

is the chief, and how he sent to discover them. A present sent to

Mendoza of various things found in this country by Vazquez Coronado._

These Indians say that the kingdom of Totonteac, which the father

provincial praised so much, saying that it was something marvelous,

and of such a very great size, and that cloth was made there, is a

hot lake, on the edge of which there are five or six houses.[330]

There used to be some others, but these have been destroyed by war.

The kingdom of Marata can not be found, nor do these Indians know

anything about it. The kingdom of Acus is a single small city, where

they raise cotton, and this is called Acucu.[331] I say that this

is the country, because Acus, with or without the aspiration, is

not a word in this region; and because it seems to me that Acucu

may be derived from Acus, I say that it is this town which has been

converted into the kingdom of Acus. They tell me that there are some

other small ones not far from this settlement, which are situated on

a river which I have seen and of which the Indians have told me. God

knows that I wish I had better news to write to Your Lordship, but I

must give you the truth, and, as I wrote you from Culiacan, I must

advise you of the good as well as of the bad. But you may be assured

that if there had been all the riches and treasures of the world, I

could not have done more in His Majesty’s service and in that of Your

Lordship than I have done, in coming here where you commanded me to

go, carrying, both my companions and myself, our food on our backs

for 300 leagues, and [p561] traveling on foot many days, making our

way over hills and rough mountains, besides other labors which I

refrain from mentioning. Nor do I think of stopping until my death,

if it serves His Majesty or Your Lordship to have it so.

Three days after I captured this city, some of the Indians who lived

here came to offer to make peace. They brought me some turquoises

and poor mantles, and I received them in His Majesty’s name with as

good a speech as I could, making them understand the purpose of my

coming to this country, which is, in the name of His Majesty and

by the commands of Your Lordship, that they and all others in this

province should become Christians and should know the true God for

their Lord, and His Majesty for their king and earthly lord. After

this they returned to their houses and suddenly, the next day, they

packed up their goods and property, their women and children, and

fled to the hills, leaving their towns deserted, with only some few

remaining in them. Seeing this, I went to the town which I said was

larger than this, eight or ten days later, when I had recovered from

my wounds. I found a few of them there, whom I told that they ought

not to feel any fear, and I asked them to summon their lord to me.

By what I can find out or observe, however, none of these towns

have any, since I have not seen any principal house by which any

superiority over others could be shown.[332] Afterward, an old man,

who said he was their lord, came with a mantle made of many pieces,

with whom I argued as long as he stayed with me. He said that he

would come to see me with the rest of the chiefs of the country,

three days later, in order to arrange the relations which should

exist between us. He did so, and they brought me some little ragged

mantles and some turquoises. I said that they ought to come down

from their strongholds and return to their houses with their wives

and children, and that they should become Christians, and recognize

His Majesty as their king and lord. But they still remain in their

strongholds, with their wives and all their property. I commanded

them to have a cloth painted for me, with all the animals that they

know in that country, and although they are poor painters, they

quickly painted two for me, one of the animals and the other of the

birds and fishes. They say that they will bring their children so

that our priests may instruct them, and that they desire to know our

law. They declare that it was foretold among them more than fifty

years ago that a people such as we are should come, and the direction

they should come from, and that the whole country would be conquered.

So far as I can find out, the water is what these Indians worship,

because they say that it makes the corn grow and sustains their life,

and that the only other reason they know is because their ancestors

did so.[333] I have tried in every way to find out from the natives

of these settlements whether they know of any other peoples [p562]

or provinces or cities. They tell me about seven cities which are

at a considerable distance, which are like these, except that the

houses there are not like these, but are made of earth [adobe], and

small, and that they raise much cotton there. The first of these four

places about which they know is called, they say, Tucano. They could

not tell me much about the others. I do not believe that they tell

me the truth, because they think that I shall soon have to depart

from them and return home. But they will quickly find that they are

deceived in this. I sent Don Pedro de Tobar there, with his company

and some other horsemen, to see it. I would not have dispatched this

packet to Your Lordship until I had learned what he found there,

if I thought that I should have any news from him within twelve or

fifteen days. However, as he will remain away at least thirty, and,

considering that this information is of little importance and that

the cold and the rains are approaching, it seemed to me that I ought

to do as Your Lordship commanded me in your instructions, which is,

that as soon as I arrived here, I should advise you thereof, and

this I do, by sending you the plain narrative of what I have seen,

which is bad enough, as you may perceive. I have determined to send

throughout all the surrounding regions, in order to find out whether

there is anything, and to suffer every extremity before I give up

this enterprise, and to serve His Majesty, if I can find any way in

which to do it, and not to lack in diligence until Your Lordship

directs me as to what I ought to do. We have great need of pasture,

and you should know, also, that among all those who are here there

is not one pound of raisins, nor sugar, nor oil, nor wine, except

barely half a quart, which is saved to say mass, since everything is

consumed, and part was lost on the way. Now, you can provide us with

what appears best; but if you are thinking of sending us cattle, you

should know that it will be necessary for them to spend at least a

year on the road, because they can not come in any other way, nor

any quicker. I would have liked to send to Your Lordship, with this

dispatch, many samples of the things which they have in this country,

but the trip is so long and rough that it is difficult for me to do

so. However, I send you twelve small mantles, such as the people of

this country ordinarily wear, and a garment which seems to me to be

very well made. I kept it because it seemed to me to be of very good

workmanship, and because I do not think that anyone has ever seen in

these Indies any work done with a needle, unless it were done since

the Spaniards settled here. And I also send two cloths painted with

the animals which they have in this country, although, as I said, the

painting is very poorly done, because the artist did not spend more

than one day in painting it. I have seen other paintings on the walls

of these houses which have much better proportion and are done much

better.

[Illustration: LXX. Ruins of Spanish Church Above Jemez]

I send you a cow skin, some turquoises, and two earrings of the same,

and fifteen of the Indian combs,[334] and some plates decorated

with these turquoises, and two baskets made of wicker, of which the

Indians have a large supply. I also send two rolls, such as the women

usually wear on their heads when they bring water from the spring,

the [p563] same way that they do in Spain. One of these Indian

women, with one of these rolls on her head, will carry a jar of water

up a ladder without touching it with her hands. And, lastly, I send

you samples of the weapons with which the natives of this country

fight, a shield, a hammer, and a bow with some arrows, among which

there are two with bone points, the like of which have never been

seen, according to what these conquerors say. As far as I can judge,

it does not appear to me that there is any hope of getting gold or

silver, but I trust in God that, if there is any, we shall get our

share of it, and it shall not escape us through any lack of diligence

in the search.[335] I am unable to give Your Lordship any certain

information about the dress of the women, because the Indians keep

them guarded so carefully that I have not seen any, except two old

women. These had on two long skirts reaching down to their feet and

open in front, and a girdle, and they are tied together with some

cotton strings. I asked the Indians to give me one of those which

they wore, to send to you, since they were not willing to show me

the women. They brought me two mantles, which are these that I send,

almost painted over. They have two tassels, like the women of Spain,

which hang somewhat over their shoulders. The death of the negro is

perfectly certain, because many of the things which he wore have been

found, and the Indians say that they killed him here because the

Indians of Chichilticale said that he was a bad man, and not like the

Christians, because the Christians never kill women, and he killed

them, and because he assaulted their women, whom the Indians love

better than themselves. Therefore they determined to kill him, but

they did not do it in the way that was reported, because they did

not kill any of the others who came with him, nor did they kill the

lad from the province of Petatlan, who was with him, but they took

him and kept him in safe custody until now. When I tried to secure

him, they made excuses for not giving him to me, for two or three

days, saving that he was dead, and at other times that the Indians

of Acucu had taken him away. But when I finally told them that I

should be very angry if they did not give him to me, they gave him

to me. He is an interpreter; for although he can not talk much, he

understands very well. Some gold and silver has been found in this

place, which those who know about minerals say is not bad. I have

not yet been able to learn from these people where they got it. I

perceive that they refuse to tell me the truth in everything, because

they think that I shall have to depart from here in a short time, as

I have said. But I trust in God that they will not be able to avoid

answering much longer. I beg Your Lordship to make a report of the

success of this expedition to His Majesty, because there is nothing

more than what I have already said. I shall not do so until it shall

please God to grant that we find what we desire.         Our Lord

God protect and keep your most illustrious Lordship.         From

the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada, the 3d of August,

1540. Francisco Vazquez de Coronado kisses the hand of your most

illustrious Lordship. [p564]

TRANSLATION OF THE TRASLADO DE LAS NUEVAS[336]

COPY OF THE REPORTS AND DESCRIPTIONS THAT HAVE BEEN RECEIVED

REGARDING THE DISCOVERY OF A CITY WHICH IS CALLED CIBOLA, SITUATED IN

THE NEW COUNTRY.

His grace left the larger part of his army in the valley of Culiacan,

and with only 75 companions on horseback and 30 footmen, he set

out for here Thursday, April 22. The army which remained there was

to start about the end of the month of May, because they could not

find any sort of sustenance for the whole of the way that they

had to go, as far as this province of Cibola, which is 350 long

leagues, and on this account he did not dare to put the whole army

on the road. As for the men he took with him, he ordered them to

make provision for eighty days, which was carried on horses, each

having one for himself and his followers. With very great danger of

suffering hunger, and not less labor, since they had to open the way,

and every day discovered waterways and rivers with bad crossings,

they stood it after a fashion, and on the whole journey as far as

this province there was not a peck of corn.[337] He reached this

province on Wednesday, the 7th of July last, with all the men whom

he led from the valley very well, praise be to Our Lord, except one

Spaniard who died of hunger four days from here and some negroes and

Indians who also died of hunger and thirst. The Spaniard was one of

those on foot, and was named Espinosa. In this way his grace spent

seventy-seven days on the road before reaching here, during which God

knows in what sort of a way we lived, and whether we could have eaten

much more than we ate the day that his grace reached this city of

Granada, for so it has been named out of regard for the viceroy, and

because they say it resembles the Albaicin.[338] The force he led was

not received the way it should have been, because they all arrived

very tired from the great labor of the journey. This, and the loading

and unloading like so many muleteers, and not eating as much as they

should have, left them more in need of resting several days than of

fighting, although there was not a man in the army who would not have

done his best in everything if the horses, who suffered the same as

their masters, could have helped them.

The city was deserted by men over sixty years and under twenty, and

by women and children. All who were there were the fighting [p565]

men who remained to defend the city, and many of them came out,

about a crossbow shot, uttering loud threats. The general himself

went forward with two priests and the army-master, to urge them to

surrender, as is the custom in new countries. The reply that he

received was from many arrows which they let fly, and they wounded

Hernando Bermejo’s horse and pierced the loose flap of the frock

of father Friar Luis, the former companion of the Lord Bishop of

Mexico. When this was seen, taking as their advocate the Holy Saint

James,[339] he rushed upon them with all his force, which he had kept

in very good order, and although the Indians turned their backs and

tried to reach the city, they were overtaken and many of them killed

before they could reach it. They killed three horses and wounded

seven or eight.

When my lord the general reached the city, he saw that it was

surrounded by stone walls, and the houses very high, four and five

and even six stories apiece, with their flat roofs and balconies.

As the Indians had made themselves secure within it, and would not

let anyone come near without shooting arrows at him, and as we could

not obtain anything to eat unless we captured it, his grace decided

to enter the city on foot and to surround it by men on horseback,

so that the Indians who were inside could not get away. As he was

distinguished among them all by his gilt arms and a plume on his

headpiece, all the Indians aimed at him, because he was noticeable

among all, and they knocked him down to the ground twice by chance

stones thrown from the flat roofs, and stunned him in spite of his

headpiece, and if this had not been so good, I doubt if he would have

come out alive from that enterprise, and besides all this—praised be

Our Lord that he came out on his own feet—they hit him many times

with stones on his head and shoulders and legs, and he received two

small wounds on his face and an arrow wound in the right foot; but

despite all this his grace is as sound and well as the day he left

that city. And you[340] may assure my lord of all this, and also

that on the 19th of July last he went 4 leagues from this city to

see a rock where they told him that the Indians of this province had

fortified themselves,[341] and he returned the same day, so that he

went 8 leagues in going and returning. I think I have given you an

account of everything, for it is right that I should be the authority

for you and his lordship, to assure you that everything is going well

with the general my lord, and without any hesitation I can assure

you that he is as well and sound as the day he left the city. He is

located within the city, for when the Indians saw that his grace was

determined to enter the city, then they abandoned it, since they let

them go with their lives. We found in it what we needed more than

gold and silver, and that was much corn and beans and fowls, better

than those of New Spain, and salt, the best and whitest that I have

seen in all my life. [p566]

RELACIÓN POSTRERA DE SIVOLA[342]

ESTA ES LA RELACIÓN POSTRERA DE SIVOLA, Y DE MÁS DE CUATRO-CIENTAS

LEGUAS ADELANTE.

Desde Culhuacán á Sívola hay más de trescientas leguas; poco del

camino poblado: hay muy poca gente: es tierra estéril: hay muy malos

caminos: la gente anda del todo desnuda, salvo las mujeres, que de

la cintura abajo traen cueros de venados adobados, blancos, á manera

de faldíllas hasta los pies. Las casas que tienen son de petlatles

hechos de cañas: son las casas redondas y pequeñas, que apenas cabe

un hombre en pie dentro. Donde están congregados y donde siembran es

tierra arenosa: cogen maiz, aunque poco, y frisoles y calabazas, y

también se mantienen de caza, conejos, liebres y venados. No tienen

sacrificios. Esto es desde Culhuacan á Síbola.

Sívola es un pueblo de hasta ducientas casas: son á dos y tres y

cuatro y cinco sobrados: tienen las paredes de un palmo de ancho:

los palos de la maderación son tan gruesos como por la muñeca, y

redondos; por tablazón tienen cañas muy menudas con sus hojas, y

encima tierra presada: las paredes son de tierra y barro: las puertas

de las casas son de la manera de escotillones de navíos: están las

casas juntas, asidas unas con otras: tienen delante de las casas

unas estufas de barro de tierra donde se guarecen en el invierno

del frio, porque le hace muy grande, que nieva seis meses del año.

De esta gente algunos traen mantas de algodón y de maguey, y cueros

de venados adobados, y traen zapatos de los mismos cueros, hasta

encima de las rodillas. También hacen mantas de pellejos de liebres

y de conejos, con que se cubren. Andan las mujeres vestidas de

mantas de maguey hasta los pies: andan ceñidas: traen los cabellos

cogidos encima de las orejas, como rodajas: cogen maíz y frisoles

y calabazas, lo que les basta para su mantenimiento, porque es

poca gente. La tierra donde siembran es toda arena; son las aguas

salobres: es tierra muy seca: tienen algunas gallinas, aunque pocas;

no saben qué cosa es pescado. Son siete pueblos en esta provincia de

Sivola en espacio de cinco leguas: el mayor será de ducientas casas,

y otros dos, de á ducientas, y los otros á sesenta y á cincuenta y á

treinta casas.

Desde Sívola al rio y provincia de Tibex hay sesenta leguas: el

primer pueblo es cuarenta leguas de Sivola: llámase Acuco. Este

pueblo está encima de un peñol muy fuerte: será de duzientas casas,

asentado á la [p567] manera de Sívola que es otra lengua. Desde allí

al rio de Tiguex hay veinte leguas. El rio es cuasi tan ancho como

el de Sevilla, aunque no es tan hondo: va por tierra llana: es buen

agua: tiene algún pescado: nace al norte. El que esto dice vió doce

pueblos en cierto compás del río: otros vieron más: dicen el río

arriba: abajo todos son pueblos pequeños, salvo dos que ternán á

ducientas casas: estas casas con las paredes como á manera de tapías

de tierra é arena, muy recias: son tan anchas como un palmo de una

mano. Son las casas de á dos y tres terrados: tienen la maderación

como en Sivola. Es tierra muy fria: tiene sus estufas como en

Sivola; y hiélase tanto el río, que pasan bestias cargadas por él, y

pudieran pasar carretas. Cogen maiz lo que han menester, y frisoles

y calabazas: tienen algunas gallinas, las cuales guardan para hacer

mantas de la pluma. Cogen algodón, aunque poco: traen mantas de ello,

y zapatos de cuero como en Sívola. Es gente que defiende bien su

capa, y desde sus casas, que no curan de salir fuera. Es tierra toda

arenosa.

Desde la provincia y río de Tiguex, á cuatro jornadas toparon cuatro

pueblos. El primero terná treinta casas. El segundo es pueblo

grande destruido de sus guerras: tenía hasta treinta y cinco casas

pobladas: el tercero [_sic_] hasta. Estos tres son de la manera de

los del río en todo. El cuarto es un pueblo grande, el cual está

entre unos montes: llámase Cicuic: tenía hasta cincuenta casas con

tantos terrados como los de Sívola: son las paredes de tierra y

barro como las de Sívola. Tienen harto maiz y frisoles y calabazas

y algunas gallinas. A cuatro jornadas de este pueblo toparon una

tierra llana como la mar, en los cuales llanos hay tanta multitud de

vacas, que no tienen número. Estas vacas son como las de Castilla, y

algunas mayores que tienen en la cruz una corva pequeña, y son más

bermejas, que tiran á negro: cuélgales una lana más larga que un

palmo entre los cuernos y orejas y barba, y por la papada abajo y por

las espaldas, como crines, y de las rodillas abajo todo lo más es

de lana muy pequeñita, á manera de merino: tienen muy buena carne y

tierna, y mucho sebo. Andando muchos dias por estos llanos, toparon

con una ranchería de hasta duzientas casas con gente: eran las casas

de los cueros de las vacas adobados, blancas, á manera de pabellones

ó tiendas de campo. El mantenimiento ó sustentamiento de estos indios

es todo de las vacas, porque ni siembran ni cogen maiz: de los cueros

hacen sus casas, de los cueros visten y calzan, de los cueros hacen

sogas y también de la lana: de los niervos hacen hilo con que cosen

sus vestiduras y también las casas: de los huesos hacen alesnas: las

boñigas les sirven de leña; porque no hay otra en aquella tierra:

los buches les sirven de jarros y vasijas con que beben: de la

carne se mantienen: cómenla medio asada é un poco caliente encima

de las boñigas, la otra cruda, y tomándola con los dientes, tiran

con la una mano, y en la otra tienen un navajon de pedernal y cortan

el bocado; ansi lo tragan como aves medio mascado: comen el sebo

crudo, sin calentallo: beben la sangre, ansi como [p568] sale de

las vacas, y otras veces después de salida, fria y cruda: no tienen

otro mantenimiento. Esta gente tiene perros como los de esta tierra,

salvo que son algo mayores, los cuales perros cargan como á bestias,

y las hacen sus enjalmas como albardillas, y las cinchan con sus

correas, y andan matados como bestias, en las cruces. Cuando van á

caza cárganlos de mantenimientos; y cuando se mueven estos indios,

porque no están de asiento en una parte, que se andan donde andan

las vacas para se mantener, estos perros les llevan las casas, y

llevan los palos de las casas arrastrando, atados á las albardillas,

allende de la carga que llevan encima: podrá ser la carga, según el

perro, arroba y media y dos. Hay de este Síbola á estos llanos adonde

llegaron, treinta leguas, y aun más. Los llanos proceden adelante, ni

se sabe qué tanto. El capitán Francisco Vázquez fué por los llanos

adelante con treinta de á caballo, y Fr. Juan de Padilla con él: toda

la demás gente se volvieron á la población del río, para esperar á

Francisco Vázquez, porque ansi se lo mandó: no se sabe sí es vuelto

&c.

Es la tierra tan llana, que se pierden los hombres apartándose media

legua, como se perdió uno á caballo, que nunca más pareció, y dos

caballos ensillados y enfrenados que nunca más parecieron. No queda

rastro ninguno por donde van, y á esta causa tenían necesidad de

amojonar el camino por donde iban, para volver, con boñigas de vacas,

que no había piedras ni otra cosa.

Marco Polo, veneciano, en su tratado, en el cap. xv, trata y díce que

[ha visto?] las mesmas vacas, y de la mesma manera en la corcova;

y en el mesmo capitulo dice que también hay carneros tamaños como

caballos.

Nicolás, veneciano, dió relación á Micer Pogio, florentino, en el

libro segundo, cerca del fin, dice como en la Etiopia hay bueyes con

corcova, como camellos, y tienen los cuernos largos de tres codos, y

echan los cuernos encima sobre el espinazo, y hace un cuerno de estos

un cántaro de vino.

Marco Polo, en el capítulo ciento y treinta y cuatro dice que en la

tierra de los tártaros, hácia el norte, se hallan canes tan grandes ó

poco menos que asnos; á los cuales echan uno como carro y entran con

ellos en una tierra muy lodosa, toda cenagales, que otros animales no

podrian entrar ni salir sin se anegar, y por eso llevan perros.

[_Scripsi et contuli, México, Marzo 11, 1893.

Joaq^n. Garcia Icazbalceta._]

TRANSLATION

THIS IS THE LATEST ACCOUNT OF CIBOLA, AND OF MORE THAN FOUR HUNDRED

LEAGUES BEYOND.

It is more than 300 leagues from Culiacan to Cibola, uninhabited most

of the way. There are very few people there; the country is sterile;

the roads are very bad. The people go around entirely naked, [p569]

except the women, who wear white tanned deer skins from the waist

down, something like little skirts, reaching to the feet. Their

houses are of mats made of reeds; the houses are round and small, so

that there is hardly room inside for a man on his feet. The country

is sandy where they live near together and where they plant. They

raise corn, but not very much, and beans and melons, and they also

live on game—rabbits, hares, and deer. They do not have sacrifices.

This is between Culiacan and Cibola.

[Illustration: LXXI. The Keres Pueblo of Sia]

Cibola is a village of about 200 houses. They have two and three and

four and five stories. The walls are about a handbreadth thick; the

sticks of timber are as large as the wrist, and round; for boards,

they have very small bushes, with their leaves on, covered with a

sort of greenish-colored mud; the walls are of dirt and mud, the

doors of the houses are like the hatchways of ships. The houses are

close together, each joined to the others. Outside of the houses

they have some hothouses (or estufas) of dirt mud, where they take

refuge from the cold in the winter—because this is very great, since

it snows six months in the year. Some of these people wear cloaks of

cotton and of the maguey (or Mexican aloe) and of tanned deer skin,

and they wear shoes made of these skins, reaching up to the knees.

They also make cloaks of the skins of hares and rabbits, with which

they cover themselves. The women wear cloaks of the maguey, reaching

down to the feet, with girdles; they wear their hair gathered about

the ears like little wheels. They raise corn and beans and melons,

which is all they need to live on, because it is a small tribe. The

land where they plant is entirely sandy; the water is brackish; the

country is very dry. They have some fowls, although not many. They

do not know what sort of a thing fish is. There are seven villages

in this province of Cibola within a space of 5 leagues; the largest

may have about 200 houses and two others about 200, and the others

somewhere between 60 or 50 and 30 houses.

It is 60 leagues from Cibola to the river and province of Tibex

[Tiguex]. The first village is 40 leagues from Cibola, and is called

Acuco. This village is on top of a very strong rock; it has about 200

houses, built in the same way as at Cibola, where they speak another

language. It is 20 leagues from here to the river of Tiguex. The

river is almost as wide as that of Seville, although not so deep; it

flows through a level country; the water is good; it contains some

fish; it rises in the north. He who relates this, saw twelve villages

within a certain distance of the river; others saw more, they say, up

the river. Below, all the villages are small, except two that have

about 200 houses. The walls of these houses are something like mud

walls of dirt and sand, very rough; they are as thick as the breadth

of a hand. The houses have two and three stories; the construction is

like those at Cibola. The country is very cold. They have hot-houses,

as in Cibola, and the river freezes so thick that loaded animals

cross it, and it would be possible for carts to do so. They raise

as much corn as they need, [p570] and beans and melons. They have

some fowls, which they keep so as to make cloaks of their feathers.

They raise cotton, although not much; they wear cloaks made of this,

and shoes of hide, as at Cibola. These people defend themselves very

well, and from within their houses, since they do not care to come

out. The country is all sandy.

Four days’ journey from the province and river of Tiguex four

villages are found. The first has 30 houses; the second is a large

village destroyed in their wars, and has about 35 houses occupied;

the third about These three are like those at the river in every

way. The fourth is a large village which is among some mountains.

It is called Cicuic, and has about 50 houses, with as many stories

as those at Cibola. The walls are of dirt and mud like those at

Cibola. It has plenty of corn, beans and melons, and some fowls. Four

days from this village they came to a country as level as the sea,

and in these plains there was such a multitude of cows that they

are numberless. These cows are like those of Castile, and somewhat

larger, as they have a little hump on the withers, and they are more

reddish, approaching black; their hair, more than a span long, hangs

down around their horns and ears and chin, and along the neck and

shoulders like manes, and down from the knees; all the rest is a very

fine wool, like merino; they have very good, tender meat, and much

fat. Having proceeded many days through these plains, they came to

a settlement of about 200 inhabited houses. The houses were made of

the skins of the cows, tanned white, like pavilions or army tents.

The maintenance or sustenance of these Indians comes entirely from

the cows, because they neither sow nor reap corn. With the skins they

make their houses, with the skins they clothe and shoe themselves, of

the skins they make rope, and also of the wool; from the sinews they

make thread, with which they sew their clothes and also their houses;

from the bones they make awls; the dung serves them for wood, because

there is nothing else in that country; the stomachs serve them for

pitchers and vessels from which they drink; they live on the flesh;

they sometimes eat it half roasted and warmed over the dung, at other

times raw; seizing it with their fingers, they pull it out with one

hand and with a flint knife in the other they cut off mouthfuls, and

thus swallow it half chewed; they eat the fat raw, without warming

it; they drink the blood just as it leaves the cows, and at other

times after it has run out, cold and raw; they have no other means

of livelihood. These people have dogs like those in this country,

except that they are somewhat larger, and they load these dogs like

beasts of burden, and make saddles for them like our pack saddles,

and they fasten them with their leather thongs, and these make their

backs sore on the withers like pack animals. When they go hunting,

they load these with their necessities, and when they move—for these

Indians are not settled in one place, since they travel wherever the

cows move, to support themselves—these dogs carry their houses, and

they have the sticks of their houses dragging along tied on to the

[p571] pack-saddles, besides the load which they carry on top,

and the load may be, according to the dog, from 35 to 50 pounds.

It is 30 leagues, or even more, from Cibola to these plains where

they went. The plains stretch away beyond, nobody knows how far. The

captain, Francisco Vazquez, went farther across the plains, with 30

horsemen, and Friar Juan de Padilla with him; all the rest of the

force returned to the settlement at the river to wait for Francisco

Vazquez, because this was his command. It is not known whether he has

returned.

[Illustration: LXXII. The Keres Pueblo of Cochiti]

The country is so level that men became lost when they went off

half a league. One horseman was lost, who never reappeared, and two

horses, all saddled and bridled, which they never saw again. No track

was left of where they went, and on this account it was necessary

to mark the road by which they went with cow dung, so as to return,

since there were no stones or anything else.

Marco Polo, the Venetian, in his treatise, in chapter 15, relates and

says that (he saw) the same cows, with the same sort of hump; and in

the same chapter he says that there are sheep as big as horses.

Nicholas, the Venetian, gave an account to Micer Pogio, the

Florentine, in his second book, toward the end, which says that in

Ethiopia there are oxen with a hump, like camels, and they have horns

3 cubits long, and they carry their horns up over their backs, and

one of these horns makes a wine pitcher.

Marco Polo, in chapter 134, says that in the country of the Tartars,

toward the north, they have dogs as large or little smaller than

asses. They harness these into a sort of cart and with these enter a

very miry country, all a quagmire, where other animals can not enter

and come out without getting submerged, and on this account they take

dogs. [p572]

TRANSLATION OF THE RELACION DEL SUCESO[343]

ACCOUNT OF WHAT HAPPENED ON THE JOURNEY WHICH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ MADE

TO DISCOVER CIBOLA.

When the army reached the valley of Culiacan, Francisco Vazquez

divided the army on account of the bad news which was received

regarding Cibola, and because the food supply along the way was

small, according to the report of Melchor Diaz, who had just come

back from seeing it. He himself took 80 horsemen and 25 foot

soldiers, and a small part of the artillery, and set out from

Culiacan, leaving Don Tristan de Arellano with the rest of the force,

with orders to set out twenty days later, and when he reached the

Valley of Hearts (Corazones) to wait there for a letter from him,

which would be sent after he had reached Cibola, and had seen what

was there; and this was done. The Valley of Hearts is 150 leagues

from the valley of Culiacan, and the same distance from Cibola.[344]

This whole distance, up to about 50 leagues before reaching Cibola,

is inhabited, although it is away from the road in some places. The

population is all of the same sort of people, since the houses are

all of palm mats, and some of them have low lofts. They all have

corn, although not much, and in some places very little. They have

melons and beans. The best settlement of all is a valley called

Señora, which is 10 leagues beyond the Hearts, where a town was

afterward settled. There is some cotton among these, but deer skins

are what most of them use for clothes.

Francisco Vazquez passed by all these on account of the small crops.

There was no corn the whole way, except at this valley of Señora,

where they collected a little, and besides this he had what he

took from Culiacan, where he provided himself for eighty days. In

seventy-three days we reached Cibola, although after hard labor and

the loss of many horses and the death of several Indians, and after

we saw it these were all doubled, although we did find corn enough.

We found the natives peaceful for the whole way. [p573]

[Illustration: LXXIII. the Tewa Pueblo of Nambe]

The day we reached the first village part of them came out to fight

us, and the rest stayed in the village and fortified themselves. It

was not possible to make peace with these, although we tried hard

enough, so it was necessary to attack them and kill some of them. The

rest then drew back to the village, which was then surrounded and

attacked. We had to withdraw, on account of the great damage they did

us from the flat roofs, and we began to assault them from a distance

with the artillery and muskets, and that afternoon they surrendered.

Francisco Vazquez came out of it badly hurt by some stones, and I am

certain, indeed, that he would have been there yet if it had not been

for the army-master, D. Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who rescued him.

When the Indians surrendered, they abandoned the village and went to

the other villages, and as they left the houses we made ourselves at

home in them.

Father Friar Marcos understood, or gave to understand, that the

region and neighborhood in which there are seven villages was a

single village which he called Cibola, but the whole of this settled

region is called Cibola. The villages have from 150 to 200 and 300

houses; some have the houses of the village all together, although

in some villages they are divided into two or three sections, but

for the most part they are all together, and their courtyards are

within, and in these are their hot rooms for winter, and they have

their summer ones outside the villages. The houses have two or three

stories, the walls of stone and mud, and some have mud walls. The

villages have for the most part the walls of the houses; the houses

are too good for Indians, especially for these, since they are

brutish and have no decency in anything except in their houses.

For food they have much corn and beans and melons, and some fowls,

like those of Mexico, and they keep these more for their feathers

than to eat, because they make long robes of them, since they do not

have any cotton; and they wear cloaks of heniquen (a fibrous plant),

and of the skins of deer, and sometimes of cows.

Their rites and sacrifices are somewhat idolatrous, but water is

what they worship most, to which they offer small painted sticks and

feathers and yellow powder made of flowers, and usually this offering

is made to springs. Sometimes, also, they offer such turquoises as

they have, although poor ones.

From the valley of Culiacan to Cibola it is 240 leagues in two

directions. It is north to about the thirty-fourth-and-a-half degree,

and from there to Cibola, which is nearly the thirty-seventh degree,

toward the northeast.

Having talked with the natives of Cibola about what was beyond, they

said that there were settlements toward the west. Francisco Vazquez

then sent Don Pedro de Tobar to investigate, who found seven other

villages, which were called the province of Tuzan;[345] this is

[p574] 35 leagues to the west. The villages are somewhat larger

than those of Cibola, and in other respects, in food and everything,

they are of the same sort, except that these raise cotton. While Don

Pedro de Tobar had gone to see these, Francisco Vazquez dispatched

messengers to the viceroy, with an account of what had happened up to

this point.[346] He also prepared instructions for these to take to

Don Tristan, who as I have said, was at Hearts, for him to proceed

to Cibola, and to leave a town established in the valley of Señora,

which he did, and in it he left 80 horsemen of the men who had but

one horse and the weakest men, and Melchor Diaz with them as captain

and leader, because Francisco Vazquez had so arranged for it. He

ordered him to go from there with half the force to explore toward

the west; and he did so, and traveled 150 leagues, to the river

which Hernando de Alarcon entered from the sea, which he called the

Buenaguia. The settlements and people that are in this direction

are mostly like those at the Hearts, except at the river and around

it, where the people have much better figures and have more corn,

although the houses in which they live are hovels, like pig pens,

almost under ground, with a covering of straw, and made without any

skill whatever. This river is reported to be large. They reached it

30 leagues from the coast, where, and as far again above, Alarcon had

come up with his boats two months before they reached it. This river

runs north and south there. Melchor Diaz passed on toward the west

five or six days, from which he returned for the reason that he did

not find any water or vegetation, but only many stretches of sand;

and he had some fighting on his return to the river and its vicinity,

because they wanted to take advantage of him while crossing the

river. While returning Melchor Diaz died from an accident, by which

he killed himself, throwing a lance at a dog.

After Don Pedro de Tobar returned and had given an account of those

villages, he then dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, the

army-master, by the same road Don Pedro had followed, to go beyond

that province of Tuzan to the west, and he allowed him eighty days in

which to go and return, for the journey and to make the discoveries.

He was conducted beyond Tuzan by native guides, who said there were

settlements beyond, although at a distance. Having gone 50 leagues

west of Tuzan, and 80 from Cibola, he found the edge of a river down

which it was impossible to find a path for a horse in any direction,

or even for a man on foot, except in one very difficult place, where

there was a descent for almost 2 leagues. The sides were such, a

steep rocky precipice that it was scarcely possible to see the

river, which looks like a brook from above, although it is half as

large again as that of Seville, according to what they say, so that

although they sought for a passage with great diligence, none was

found for a long distance, during which they were for several days

in great need of water, which could not be found, and they could not

approach that of the river, although they [p575] could see it, and

on this account Don Garcia Lopez was forced to return. This river

comes from the northeast and turns toward the south-southwest at the

place where they found it, so that it is without any doubt the one

that Melchor Diaz reached.

Four days after Francisco Vazquez had dispatched Don Garcia Lopez to

make this discovery, he dispatched Hernando de Alvarado to explore

the route toward the east. He started off, and 30 leagues from Cibola

found a rock with a village on top, the strongest position that ever

was seen in the world, which was called Acuco[347] in their language,

and father Friar Marcos called it the kingdom of Hacus. They came out

to meet us peacefully, although it would have been easy to decline

to do this and to have stayed on their rock, where we would not have

been able to trouble them. They gave us cloaks of cotton, skins of

deer and of cows, and turquoises, and fowls and other food which they

had, which is the same as in Cibola.

Twenty leagues to the east of this rock we found a river which runs

north and south,[348] well settled; there are in all, small and

large, 70 villages near it, a few more or less, the same sort as

those at Cibola, except that they are almost all of well-made mud

walls. The food is neither more nor less. They raise cotton—I mean

those who live near the river—the others not. There is much corn

here. These people do not have markets. They are settled for 50

leagues along this river, north and south, and some villages are 15

or 20 leagues distant, in one direction and the other. This river

rises where these settlements end at the north, on the slope of the

mountains there, where there is a larger village different from the

others, called Yuraba.[349] It is settled in this fashion: It has 18

divisions; each one has a situation as if for two ground plots;[350]

the houses are very close together, and have five or six stories,

three of them with mud walls and two or three with thin wooden walls,

which become smaller as they go up, and each one has its little

balcony outside of the mud walls, one above the other, all around,

of wood. In this village, as it is in the mountains, they do not

raise cotton nor breed fowls; they wear the skins of deer and cows

entirely. It is the most populous village of all that country; we

estimated there were 15,000 souls in it. There is one of the other

kind of villages larger than all the rest, and very strong, which is

called Cicuique.[351] It has four and five stories, has eight large

courtyards, each one with its balcony, and there are fine houses

in it. They do not raise cotton nor keep fowls, because it is 15

leagues away from the river to the east, toward the plains where the

cows are. After Alvarado had sent an account of this [p576] river

to Francisco Vazquez, he proceeded forward to these plains, and at

the borders of these he found a little river which flows to the

southwest, and after four days’ march he found the cows, which are

the most monstrous thing in the way of animals which has ever been

seen or read about. He followed this river for 100 leagues, finding

more cows every day. We provided ourselves with some of these,

although at first, until we had had experience, at the risk of the

horses. There is such a quantity of them that I do not know what to

compare them with, except with the fish in the sea, because on this

journey, as also on that which the whole army afterward made when

it was going to Quivira, there were so many that many times when we

started to pass through the midst of them and wanted to go through to

the other side of them, we were not able to, because the country was

covered with them. The flesh of these is as good as that of Castile,

and some said it was even better.

The bulls are large and brave, although they do not attack very much;

but they have wicked horns, and in a fight use them well, attacking

fiercely; they killed several of our horses and wounded many. We

found the pike to be the best weapon to use against them, and the

musket for use when this misses.

When Hernando de Alvarado returned from these plains to the river

which was called Tiguex, he found the army-master Don Garcia Lopez de

Cardenas getting ready for the whole army, which was coming there.

When it arrived, although all these people had met Hernando de

Alvarado peacefully, part of them rebelled when all the force came.

There were 12 villages near together, and one night they killed 40

of our horses and mules which were loose in the camp. They fortified

themselves in their villages, and war was then declared against

them. Don Garcia Lopez went to the first and took it and executed

justice on many of them. When the rest saw this, they abandoned all

except two of the villages, one of these the strongest one of all,

around which the army was kept for two months. And although after

we invested it, we entered it one day and occupied a part of the

flat roof, we were forced to abandon this on account of the many

wounds that were received and because it was so dangerous to maintain

ourselves there, and although we again entered it soon afterward, in

the end it was not possible to get it all, and so it was surrounded

all this time. We finally captured it because of their thirst, and

they held out so long because it snowed twice when they were just

about to give themselves up. In the end we captured it, and many of

them were killed because they tried to get away at night.

[Illustration: LXXIV. A Nambe Indian in War Costume]

Francisco Vazquez obtained an account from some Indians who were

found in this village of Cicuique, which, if it had been true, was

of the richest thing that has been found in the Indies. The Indian

who gave the news and the account came from a village called Harale,

300 leagues east of this river. He gave such a clear account of what

he told, as if it was true and he had seen it, that it seemed plain

afterward that it was the devil who was speaking in him. Francisco

Vazquez and all of [p577] us placed much confidence in him,

although he was advised by several gentlemen not to move the whole

army, but rather to send a captain to find out what was there. He

did not wish to do this, but wanted to take every one, and even to

send Don Pedro de Tobar to the Hearts for half the men who were in

that village. So he started with the whole army, and proceeded 150

leagues, 100 to the east and 50 to the south,[352] and the Indian

failing to make good what he had said about there being a settlement

there, and corn, with which to proceed farther, the other two guides

were asked how that was, and one confessed that what the Indian said

was a lie, except that there was a province which was called Quivira,

and that there was corn and houses of straw there, but that they were

very far off, because we had been led astray a distance from the

road. Considering this, and the small supply of food that was left,

Francisco Vazquez, after consulting with the captains, determined to

proceed with 30 of the best men who were well equipped, and that the

army should return to the river; and this was done at once. Two days

before this, Don Garcia Lopez’ horse had happened to fall with him,

and he threw his arm out of joint, from which he suffered much, and

so Don Tristan de Arellano returned to the river with the army. On

this journey they had a very hard time, because almost all of them

had nothing to eat except meat, and many suffered on this account.

They killed a world of bulls and cows, for there were days when they

brought 60 and 70 head into camp, and it was necessary to go hunting

every day, and on this account, and from not eating any corn during

all this time, the horses suffered much.

Francisco Vazquez set out across these plains in search of Quivira,

more on account of the story which had been told us at the river than

from the confidence which was placed in the guide here, and after

proceeding many days by the needle (i.e., to the north) it pleased

God that after thirty days’ march we found the river Quivira, which

is 30 leagues below the settlement. While going up the valley, we

found people who were going hunting, who were natives of Quivira.

All that there is at Quivira is a very brutish people, without any

decency whatever in their houses nor in anything. These are of straw,

like the Tarascan settlements; in some villages there are as many as

200 houses; they have corn and beans and melons; they do not have

cotton nor fowls, nor do they make bread which is cooked, except

under the ashes. Francisco Vazquez went 25 leagues through these

settlements, to where he obtained an account of what was beyond, and

they said that the plains come to an end, and that down the river

there are people who do not plant, but live wholly by hunting.

They also gave an account of two other large villages, one of which

was called Tareque[353] and the other Arae, with straw houses at

Tareque, and at Arae some of straw and some of skins. Copper was

found here, [p578] and they said it came from a distance. From

what the Indian had said, it is possible that this village of Arae

contains more,[354] from the clear description of it which he gave.

We did not find any trace or news of it here. Francisco Vazquez

returned from here to the river of Tiguex, where he found the army.

We went back by a more direct route, because in going by the way we

went we traveled 330 leagues, and it is not more than 200 by that by

which we returned. Quivira is in the fortieth degree and the river

in the thirty-sixth. It was so dangerous to travel or to go away

from the camp in these plains, that it is as if one was traveling on

the sea, since the only roads are those of the cows, and they are so

level and have no mountain or prominent landmark, that if one went

out of sight of it, he was lost, and in this way we lost one man,

and others who went hunting wandered around two or three days, lost.

Two kinds of people travel around these plains with the cows; one is

called Querechos and the others Teyas; they are very well built, and

painted, and are enemies of each other. They have no other settlement

or location than comes from traveling around with the cows. They kill

all of these they wish, and tan the hides, with which they clothe

themselves and make their tents, and they eat the flesh, sometimes

even raw, and they also even drink the blood when thirsty. The tents

they make are like field tents, and they set them up over some poles

they have made for this purpose, which come together and are tied at

the top, and when they go from one place to another they carry them

on some dogs they have, of which they have many, and they load them

with the tents and poles and other things, for the country is so

level, as I said, that they can make use of these, because they carry

the poles dragging along on the ground. The sun is what they worship

most. The skin for the tents is cured on both sides, without the

hair, and they have the skins of deer and cows left over.[355] They

exchange some cloaks with the natives of the river for corn.

[Illustration: LXXV. A Nambe Water Carrier]

After Francisco Vazquez reached the river, where he found the army,

Don Pedro de Tobar came with half the people from the Hearts, and Don

Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started off for Mexico, who, besides the

fact that his arm was very bad, had permission from the viceroy on

account of the death of his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick went

with him, and not a man among them all who could fight. He reached

the town of the Spaniards and found it burned and two Spaniards and

many Indians and horses dead, and he returned to the river on this

account, escaping from them by good fortune and great exertions.

The cause of this misfortune was that after Don Pedro started and

left 40 men there, half of these raised a mutiny and fled, and the

Indians, who remembered the bad treatment they had received, attacked

them one night and overpowered them because of their carelessness

and weakness, and they fled to Culiacan. Francisco Vazquez fell

while running [p579] a horse about this time and was sick a long

time, and after the winter was over he determined to come back, and

although they may say something different, he did so, because he

wanted to do this more than anything, and so we all came together

as far as Culiacan, and each one went where he pleased from there,

and Francisco Vazquez came here to Mexico to make his report to

the viceroy, who was not at all pleased with his coming, although

he pretended so at first. He was pleased that Father Friar Juan de

Padilla had stayed there, who went to Quivira, and a Spaniard and a

negro with him, and Friar Luis, a very holy lay brother, stayed in

Cicuique. We spent two very cold winters at this river, with much

snow and thick ice. The river froze one night and remained so for

more than a month, so that loaded horses crossed on the ice. The

reason these villages are settled in this fashion is supposed to be

the great cold, although it is also partly the wars which they have

with one another. And this is all that was seen and found out about

all that country, which is very barren of fruits and groves. Quivira

is a better country, having many huts and not being so cold, although

it is more to the north. [p580]

TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20,

1541[356]

LETTER FROM FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO TO HIS MAJESTY, IN WHICH HE

GIVES AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE PROVINCE OF TIGUEX.

HOLY CATHOLIC CÆSARIAN MAJESTY: On April 20 of this year I wrote to

Your Majesty from this province of Tiguex, in reply to a letter from

Your Majesty dated in Madrid, June 11 a year ago. I gave a detailed

account of this expedition, which the viceroy of New Spain ordered

me to undertake in Your Majesty’s name to this country which was

discovered by Friar Marcos of Nice, the provincial of the order of

Holy Saint Francis. I described it all, and the sort of force I

have, as Your Majesty had ordered me to relate in my letters; and

stated that while I was engaged in the conquest and pacification of

the natives of this province, some Indians who were natives of other

provinces beyond these had told me that in their country there were

much larger villages and better houses than those of the natives of

this country, and that they had lords who ruled them, who were served

with dishes of gold, and other very magnificent things; and although,

as I wrote Your Majesty, I did not believe it before I had set eyes

on it, because it was the report of Indians and given for the most

part by means of signs, yet as the report appeared to me to be very

fine and that it was important that it should be investigated for

Your Majesty’s service, I determined to go and see it with the men

I have here. I started from this province on the 23d of last April,

for the place where the Indians wanted to guide me. After nine days’

march I reached some plains, so vast that I did not find their limit

anywhere that I went, although I traveled over them for more than 300

leagues. And I found such a quantity of cows in these, of the kind

that I wrote Your Majesty about, which they have in this country,

that it is impossible to number them, for while I was journeying

through these plains, until I returned to where I first found them,

there was not a day that I lost sight of them. And after seventeen

days’ march I came to a settlement of Indians who are called

Querechos, who travel around with these cows, who do not plant, and

who eat the raw flesh and drink the blood of the cows they kill, and

they tan the skins of the cows, with which all the people [p581] of

this country dress themselves here. They have little field tents made

of the hides of the cows, tanned and greased, very well made, in

which they live while they travel around near the cows, moving with

these. They have dogs which they load, which carry their tents and

poles and belongings. These people have the best figures of any that

I have seen in the Indies. They could not give me any account of the

country where the guides were taking me. I traveled five days more

as the guides wished to lead me, until I reached some plains, with

no more landmarks than as if we had been swallowed up in the sea,

where they strayed about, because there was not a stone, nor a bit of

rising ground, nor a tree, nor a shrub, nor anything to go by. There

is much very fine pasture land, with good grass. And while we were

lost in these plains, some horsemen who went off to hunt cows fell in

with some Indians who also were out hunting, who are enemies of those

that I had seen in the last settlement, and of another sort of people

who are called Teyas; they have their bodies and faces all painted,

are a large people like the others, of a very good build; they eat

the raw flesh just like the Querechos, and live and travel round with

the cows in the same way as these. I obtained from these an account

of the country where the guides were taking me, which was not like

what they had told me, because these made out that the houses there

were not built of stones, with stories, as my guides had described

it, but of straw and skins, and a small supply of corn there. This

news troubled me greatly, to find myself on these limitless plains,

where I was in great need of water, and often had to drink it so poor

that it was more mud than water. Here the guides confessed to me that

they had not told the truth in regard to the size of the houses,

because these were of straw, but that they had done so regarding the

large number of inhabitants and the other things about their habits.

The Teyas disagreed with this, and on account of this division

between some of the Indians and the others, and also because many of

the men I had with me had not eaten anything except meat for some

days, because we had reached the end of the corn which we carried

from this province, and because they made it out more than forty

days’ journey from where I fell in with the Teyas to the country

where the guides were taking me, although I appreciated the trouble

and danger there would be in the journey owing to the lack of water

and corn, it seemed to me best, in order to see if there was anything

there of service to Your Majesty, to go forward with only 30 horsemen

until I should be able to see the country, so as to give Your Majesty

a true account of what was to be found in it. I sent all the rest

of the force I had with me to this province, with Don Tristan de

Arellano in command, because it would have been impossible to prevent

the loss of many men, if all had gone on, owing to the lack of water

and because they also had to kill bulls and cows on which to sustain

themselves. And with only the 30 horsemen whom I took for my escort,

I traveled forty-two days after I left the force, living all this

while solely on the flesh of the bulls and cows which we killed, at

the cost of several of our horses which they killed, [p582] because,

as I wrote Your Majesty, they are very brave and fierce animals; and

going many days without water, and cooking the food with cow dung,

because there is not any kind of wood in all these plains, away from

the gullies and rivers, which are very few.

[Illustration: LXXVI. The Keres Pueblo of Katishtya or San Felipe]

It was the Lord’s pleasure that, after having journeyed across these

deserts seventy-seven days, I arrived at the province they call

Quivira, to which the guides were conducting me, and where they had

described to me houses of stone, with many stories; and not only

are they not of stone, but of straw, but the people in them are as

barbarous as all those whom I have seen and passed before this;

they do not have cloaks, nor cotton of which, to make these, but

use the skins of the cattle they kill, which they tan, because they

are settled among these on a very large river. They eat the raw

flesh like the Querechos and Teyas; they are enemies of one another,

but are all of the same sort of people, and these at Quivira have

the advantage in the houses they build and in planting corn. In

this province of which the guides who brought me are natives, they

received me peaceably, and although they told me when I set out for

it that I could not succeed in seeing it all in two months, there

are not more than 25 villages of straw houses there and in all the

rest of the country that I saw and learned about, which gave their

obedience to Your Majesty and placed themselves under your royal

overlordship. The people here are large. I had several Indians

measured, and found that they were 10 palms in height; the women are

well proportioned and their features are more like Moorish women

than Indians. The natives here gave me a piece of copper which a

chief Indian wore hung around his neck; I sent it to the viceroy of

New Spain, because I have not seen any other metal in these parts

except this and some little copper bells which I sent him, and a

bit of metal which looks like gold. I do not know where this came

from, although I believe that the Indians who gave it to me obtained

it from those whom I brought here in my service, because I can not

find any other origin for it nor where it came from. The diversity

of languages which exists in this country and my not having anyone

who understood them, because they speak their own language in each

village, has hindered me, because I have been forced to send captains

and men in many directions to find out whether there was anything

in this country which could be of service to Your Majesty. And

although I have searched with all diligence I have not found or heard

of anything, unless it be these provinces, which are a very small

affair. The province of Quivira is 950 leagues from Mexico. Where I

reached it, it is in the fortieth degree. The country itself is the

best I have ever seen for producing all the products of Spain, for

besides the land itself being very fat and black and being very well

watered by the rivulets and springs and rivers, I found prunes like

those of Spain [_or_ I found everything they have in Spain] and nuts

and very good sweet grapes and mulberries. I have treated the natives

of this province, and all the others whom I found wherever I went,

as well as was possible, [p583] agreeably to what Your Majesty

had commanded, and they have received no harm in any way from me or

from those who went in my company.[357] I remained twenty-five days

in this province of Quivira, so as to see and explore the country

and also to find out whether there was anything beyond which could

be of service to Your Majesty, because the guides who had brought

me had given me an account of other provinces beyond this. And what

I am sure of is that there is not any gold nor any other metal in

all that country, and the other things of which they had told me are

nothing but little villages, and in many of these they do not plant

anything and do not have any houses except of skins and sticks, and

they wander around with the cows; so that the account they gave me

was false, because they wanted to persuade me to go there with the

whole force, believing that as the way was through such uninhabited

deserts, and from the lack of water, they would get us where we and

our horses would die of hunger. And the guides confessed this, and

said they had done it by the advice and orders of the natives of

these provinces. At this, after having heard the account of what was

beyond, which I have given above, I returned to these provinces to

provide for the force I had sent back here and to give Your Majesty

an account of what this country amounts to, because I wrote Your

Majesty that I would do so when I went there. I have done all that

I possibly could to serve Your Majesty and to discover a country

where God Our Lord might be served and the royal patrimony of Your

Majesty increased, as your loyal servant and vassal. For since I

reached the province of Cibola, to which the viceroy of New Spain

sent me in the name of Your Majesty, seeing that there were none of

the things there of which Friar Marcos had told, I have managed to

explore this country for 200 leagues and more around Cibola, and

the best place I have found is this river of Tiguex where I am now,

and the settlements here. It would not be possible to establish a

settlement here, for besides being 400 leagues from the North sea and

more than 200 from the South sea, with which it is impossible to have

any sort of communication, the country is so cold, as I have written

to Your Majesty, that apparently the winter could not possibly be

spent here, because there is no wood, nor cloth with which to protect

the men, except the skins which the natives wear and some small

amount of cotton cloaks. I send the viceroy of New Spain an account

of everything I have seen in the countries where I have been, and as

Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas is going to kiss Your Majesty’s hands,

who has done much and has served Your Majesty very well on this

expedition, and he will give Your Majesty an account of everything

here, as one who has seen it himself, I give way to him. And may Our

Lord protect the Holy Imperial Catholic person of Your Majesty, with

increase of greater kingdoms and powers, as your loyal servants and

vassals desire.      From this province of Tiguex, October 20, in the

year 1541.      Your Majesty’s humble servant and vassal, who would

kiss the royal feet and hands:

FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO.

[p584]

TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO

ACCOUNT GIVEN BY CAPTAIN JUAN JARAMILLO OF THE JOURNEY WHICH HE MADE

TO THE NEW COUNTRY, ON WHICH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO WAS THE

GENERAL.[358]

We started from Mexico, going directly to Compostela, the whole way

populated and at peace, the direction being west, and the distance

112 leagues. From there we went to Culiacan, perhaps about 80

leagues; the road is well known and much used, because there is a

town inhabited by Spaniards in the said valley of Culiacan, under

the government of Compostela. The 70 horsemen who went with the

general went in a northwesterly direction from this town. He left his

army here, because information had been obtained that the way was

uninhabited and almost the whole of it without food. He went with the

said horsemen to explore the route and prepare the way for those who

were to follow. He pursued this direction, though with some twisting,

until we crossed a mountain chain, where they knew about New Spain,

more than 300 leagues distant. To this pass we gave the name of

Chichilte Calli, because we learned that this was what it was called,

from some Indians whom we left behind.

[Illustration: LXXVII. The South Town of the Tiwa Pueblo of Taos]

Leaving the said valley of Culiacan, he crossed a river called

Pateatlan (_or_ Peteatlan), which was about four days distant. We

found these Indians peaceful, and they gave us some few things to

eat. From here we went to another river called Cinaloa, which was

about three days from the other. From here the general ordered ten

of us horsemen to make double marches, lightly equipped, until we

reached the stream of the Cedars (arroyo de los Cedros), and from

there we were to enter a break in the mountains on the right of the

road and see what there was in and about this. If more time should

be needed for this than we gained on him, he would wait for us at

the said Cedros stream. This was done, and all that we saw there was

a few poor Indians in some settled valleys like farms or estates,

with sterile soil. It was about five more days from the river to

this stream. From there we went to the river called Yaquemi, which

took about three days. We proceeded along a dry stream, and after

three days more of marching, although the dry stream lasted only for

a league, we reached another stream where there were some settled

Indians, who had straw huts and storehouses of corn and beans and

melons. Leaving here, we went to [p585] the stream and village

which is called Hearts (Corazones), the name which was given it by

Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and Castillo and the negro Estebanillo,

because they gave them a present of the hearts of animals and birds

to eat.

About two days were spent in this village of the Hearts. There is an

irrigation stream, and the country is warm. Their dwellings are huts

made of a frame of poles, almost like an oven, only very much better,

which they cover with mats. They have corn and beans and melons for

food, which I believe never fail them. They dress in deerskins. This

appeared to be a good place, and so orders were given the Spaniards

who were behind to establish a village here, where they lived until

almost the failure of the expedition. There was a poison here, the

effect of which is, according to what was seen of it, the worst that

could possibly be found; and from what we learned about it, it is the

sap of a small tree like the mastick tree, or lentisk, and it grows

in gravelly and sterile land.[359] We went on from here, passing

through a sort of gateway, to another valley very near this stream,

which opens off from this same stream, which is called Señora. It

is also irrigated, and the Indians are like the others and have the

same sort of settlements and food. This valley continues for 6 or 7

leagues, a little more or less. At first these Indians were peaceful;

and afterward not, but instead they and those whom they were able

to summon thither were our worst enemies. They have a poison with

which they killed several Christians. There are mountains on both

sides of them, which are not very fertile. From, here we went along

near this said stream, crossing it where it makes a bend, to another

Indian settlement called Ispa.[360] It takes one day from the last of

these others to this place. It is of the same sort as those we had

passed. From here we went through deserted country for about four

days to another river, which we heard called Nexpa, where some poor

Indians came out to see the general, with presents of little value,

with some stalks of roasted maguey and pitahayas. We went down this

stream two days, and then left the stream, going toward the right to

the foot of the mountain chain in two days’ journey, where we heard

news of what is called Chichiltic Calli. Crossing the mountains,

we came to a deep and reedy river, where we found water and forage

for the horses. [p586] From this river back at Nexpa, as I have

said, it seems to me that the direction was nearly northeast. From

here, I believe that we went in the same direction for three days to

a river which we called Saint John (San Juan), because we reached

it on his day. Leaving here, we went to another river, through a

somewhat rough country, more toward the north, to a river which we

called the Rafts (de las Balsas), because we had to cross on these,

as it was rising. It seems to me that we spent two days between one

river and the other, and I say this because it is so long since we

went there that I may be wrong in some days, though not in the rest.

From here we went to another river, which we called the Slough (de

la Barranca.) It is two short days from one to the other, and the

direction almost northeast. From here we went to another river, which

we called the Cold river (el rio Frio), on account of its water being

so, in one day’s journey, and from here we went by a pine mountain,

where we found, almost at the top of it, a cool spring and streamlet,

which was another day’s march. In the neighborhood of this stream a

Spaniard, who was called Espinosa, died, besides two other persons,

on account of poisonous plants which they ate, owing to the great

need in which they were. From here we went to another river, which

we called the Red river (Bermejo), two days’ journey in the same

direction, but less toward the northeast. Here we saw an Indian or

two, who afterward appeared to belong to the first settlement of

Cibola. From here we came in two days’ journey to the said village,

the first of Cibola. The houses have flat roofs and walls of stone

and mud, and this was where they killed Steve (Estebanillo), the

negro who had come with Dorantes from Florida and returned with Friar

Marcos de Niza. In this province of Cibola there are five little

villages besides this, all with flat roofs and of stone and mud, as I

said. The country is cold, as is shown by their houses and hothouses

(estufas). They have food enough for themselves, of corn and beans

and melons. These villages are about a league or more apart from each

other, within a circuit of perhaps 6 leagues. The country is somewhat

sandy and not very salty (_or_ barren of vegetation[361]), and on the

mountains the trees are for the most part evergreen. The clothing of

the Indians is of deerskins, very carefully tanned, and they also

prepare some tanned cowhides, with which they cover themselves, which

are like shawls, and a great protection. They have square cloaks of

cotton, some larger than others, about a yard and a half long. The

Indians wear them thrown over the shoulder like a gipsy, and fastened

with one end over the other, with a girdle, also of cotton. From

this first village of Cibola, looking toward the northeast and a

little less, on the left hand, there is a province called Tucayan,

about five days off, which has seven flat-roof villages, with a food

supply as good as or better than these, and [p587] an even larger

population; and they also have the skins of cows and of deer, and

cloaks of cotton, as I described.[362]

[Illustration: LXXVIII. The Tewa Pueblo of K’hapóo or Santa Clara]

All the waterways we found as far as this one at Cibola—and I do not

know but what for a day or two beyond—the rivers and streams run into

the South sea, and those from here on into the North sea.

[Illustration: LXXIX. The Tewa Pueblo of Ohke or San Juan]

From this first village of Cibola, as I have said, we went to another

in the same province, which was about a short day’s journey off, on

the way to Tihuex. It is nine days, of such marches as we made, from

this settlement of Cibola to the river of Tihuex. Halfway between, I

do not know but it maybe a day more or less, there is a village of

earth and dressed stone, in a very strong position, which is called

Tutahaco.[363] All these Indians, except the first in the first

village of Cibola, received us well. At the river of Tihuex there are

15 villages within a distance of about 20 leagues, all with flat-roof

houses of earth, instead of stone, after the fashion of mud walls.

There are other villages besides these on other streams which flow

into this, and three of these are, for Indians, well worth seeing,

especially one that is called Chia,[364] and another Uraba,[365]

and another Cicuique.[366] Uraba and Cicuique have many houses two

stories high. All the rest, and these also, have corn and beans and

melons, skins, and some long robes of feathers which they braid,

joining the feathers with a sort of thread; and they also make them

of a sort of plain weaving with which they make the cloaks with

which they protect themselves. They all have hot rooms underground,

which, although not very clean, are very warm.[367] They raise and

have a very little cotton, of which they make the cloaks which I have

spoken of above. This river comes from the northwest and flows about

southeast, which shows that it certainly flows into the North sea.

Leaving this settlement[368] and the said river, we passed two other

villages whose names I do not know,[369] and in four days came to

Cicuique, which I have already mentioned. The direction of this is

toward the northeast. From there we came to another river, which the

Spaniards named after Cicuique, in three days; if I remember rightly,

it seems to me that we went rather toward the northeast to reach this

river where we crossed it, and after crossing this, we turned more

to [p588] the left hand, which would be more to the northeast, and

began to enter the plains where the cows are, although, we did not

find them for some four or five days, after which we began to come

across bulls, of which there are great numbers, and after going on in

the same direction and meeting the bulls for two or three days, we

began to find ourselves in the midst of very great numbers of cows,

yearlings and bulls all in together. We found Indians among these

first cows, who were, on this account, called Querechos by those in

the flat roof houses. They do not live in houses, but have some sets

of poles which they carry with them to make some huts at the places

where they stop, which serve them for houses. They tie these poles

together at the top and stick the bottoms into the ground, covering

them with some cowskins which they carry around, and which, as I have

said, serve them for houses. From what was learned of these Indians,

all their human needs are supplied by these cows, for they are fed

and clothed and shod from these. They are a people who wander around

here and there, wherever seems to them best. We went on for eight or

ten days in the same direction, along those streams which are among

the cows. The Indian who guided us from here was the one that had

given us the news about Quevira and Arache (_or_ Arahei) and about

its being a very rich country with much gold and other things, and

he and the other one were from that country I mentioned, to which we

were going, and we found these two Indians in the flat-roof villages.

It seems that, as the said Indian wanted to go to his own country, he

proceeded to tell us what we found was not true, and I do not know

whether it was on this account or because he was counseled to take

us into other regions by confusing us on the road, although there

are none in all this region except those of the cows. We understood,

however, that he was leading us away from the route we ought to

follow and that he wanted to lead us on to those plains where he had

led us, so that we would eat up the food, and both ourselves and our

horses would become weak from the lack of this, because if we should

go either backward or forward in this condition we could not make any

resistance to whatever they might wish to do to us. From the time

when, as I said, we entered the plains and from, this settlement of

Querechos, he led us off more to the east, until we came to be in

extreme need from the lack of food, and as the other Indian, who was

his companion and also from his country, saw that he was not taking

us where we ought to go, since we had always followed the guidance

of the Turk, for so he was called, instead of his, he threw himself

down in the way, making a sign that although we cut off his head he

ought not to go that way, nor was that our direction. I believe we

had been traveling twenty days or more in this direction, at the end

of which we found another settlement of Indians of the same sort and

way of living as those behind, among whom there was an old blind man

with a beard, who gave us to understand, by signs which he made,

[p589] that he had seen four others like us many days before, whom

he had seen near there and rather more toward New Spain, and we so

understood him, and presumed that it was Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca

and those whom I have mentioned. At this settlement the general,

seeing our difficulties, ordered the captains, and the persons whose

advice he was accustomed to take, to assemble, so that we might

discuss with him what was best for all. It seemed to us that all the

force should go back to the region we had come from, in search of

food, so that they could regain their strength, and that 30 picked

horsemen should go in search of what the Indian had told about; and

we decided to do this. We all went forward one day to a stream which

was down in a ravine in the midst of good meadows, to agree on who

should go ahead and how the rest should return. Here the Indian

Isopete, as we had called the companion of the said Turk, was asked

to tell us the truth, and to lead us to that country which we had

come in search of. He said he would do it, and that it was not as the

Turk had said, because those were certainly fine things which he had

said and had given us to understand at Tihuex, about gold and how it

was obtained, and the buildings, and the style of them, and their

trade, and many other things told for the sake of prolixity, which

had led us to go in search of them, with the advice of all who gave

it and of the priests. He asked us to leave him afterward in that

country, because it was his native country, as a reward for guiding

us, and also, that the Turk might not go along with him, because he

would quarrel and try to restrain him in everything that he wanted

to do for our advantage; and the general promised him this, and said

he would be with one of the thirty, and he went in this way. And

when everything was ready for us to set out and for the others to

remain, we pursued our way, the direction all the time after this

being toward the north, for more than thirty days’ march, although

not long marches, not having to go without water on any one of them,

and among cows all the time, some days in larger numbers than others,

according to the water which we came across, so that on Saint Peter

and Paul’s day we reached a river which we found to be there below

Quibira. When we reached the said river, the Indian recognized it and

said that was it, and that it was below the settlements. We crossed

it there and went up the other side on the north, the direction

turning toward the northeast, and after marching three days we found

some Indians who were going hunting, killing the cows to take the

meat to their village, which was about three or four days still

farther away from us. Here where we found the Indians and they saw

us, they began to utter yells and appeared to fly, and some even

had their wives there with them. The Indian Isopete began to call

them in his language, and so they came to us without any signs of

fear. When we and these Indians had halted here, the general made an

example of the Indian Turk, whom we had brought along, keeping him

all the time out of sight among the rear guard, and [p590] having

arrived where the place was prepared, it was done in such a way that

the other Indian, who was called Isopete, should not see it, so as

to give him the satisfaction he had asked. Some satisfaction was

experienced here on seeing the good appearance of the earth, and it

is certainly such among the cows, and from there on. The general

wrote a letter here to the governor of Harahey and Quibira, having

understood that he was a Christian from the lost army of Florida,

because what the Indian had said of their manner of government and

their general character had made us believe this. So the Indians went

to their houses, which were at the distance mentioned, and we also

proceeded at our rate of marching until we reached the settlements,

which we found along good river bottoms, although without much

water, and good streams which flow into another, larger than the

one I have mentioned. There were, if I recall correctly, six or

seven settlements, at quite a distance from one another, among which

we traveled for four or five days, since it was understood to be

uninhabited between one stream and the other. We reached what they

said was the end of Quibira, to which they took us, saying that the

things there were of great importance.[370] Here there was a river,

with more water and more inhabitants than the others. Being asked if

there was anything beyond, they said that there was nothing more of

Quibira, but that there was Harahey, and that it was the same sort

of a place, with settlements like these, and of about the same size.

The general sent to summon the lord of those parts and the other

Indians who they said resided in Harahey, and he came with about 200

men—all naked—with bows, and some sort of things on their heads,

and their privy parts slightly covered. He was a big Indian, with a

large body and limbs, and well proportioned. After he had heard the

opinion of one and another about it, the general asked them what we

ought to do, reminding us of how the army had been left and that the

rest of us were there, so that it seemed to all of us that as it was

already almost the opening of winter, for, if I remember rightly,

it was after the middle of August, and because there was little to

winter there for, and we were but very little prepared for it, and

the uncertainty as to the success of the army that had been left,

and because the winter might close the roads with snow and rivers

which we could not cross, and also in order to see what had happened

to the rest of the force left behind, it seemed to us all that his

grace ought to go back in search of them, and when he had found out

for certain how they were, to winter there and return to that country

at the opening of spring, to conquer and cultivate it. Since, as I

said, this was the last point which we reached, here the Turk saw

that he had lied to us, and one night he called on all these people

to attack us and kill us. We learned of it, and put him under guard

and strangled him that night so that he never waked up. With the plan

[p591] mentioned, we turned back it may have been two or three days,

where we provided ourselves with picked fruit and dried corn for our

return. The general raised a cross at this place, at the foot of

which he made some letters with a chisel, which said that Francisco

Vazquez de Coronado, general of that army, had arrived here.

This country presents a very fine appearance, than which I have not

seen a better in all our Spain, nor Italy, nor a part of France,

nor, indeed, in the other countries where I have traveled in His

Majesty’s service, for it is not a very rough country, but is made up

of hillocks and plains, and very fine appearing rivers and streams,

which certainly satisfied me and made me sure that it will be very

fruitful in all sorts of products. Indeed, there is profit in the

cattle ready to the hand, from the quantity of them, which is as

great as one could imagine. We found a variety of Castilian prunes

which are not all red, but some of them black and green; the tree

and fruit is certainly like that of Castile, with a very excellent

flavor. Among the cows we found flax, which springs up from the earth

in clumps apart from one another, which are noticeable, as the cattle

do not eat it, with their tops and blue flowers, and very perfect

although small, resembling that of our own Spain (_or_ and sumach

like ours in Spain). There are grapes along some streams, of a fair

flavor, not to be improved upon. The houses which these Indians have

were of straw, and most of them round, and the straw reached down to

the ground like a wall, so that they did not have the symmetry or the

style of these here; they have something like a chapel or sentry box

outside and around these, with an entry, where the Indians appear

seated or reclining.[371] The Indian Isopete was left here where the

cross was erected, and we took five or six of the Indians from these

villages to lead and guide us to the flat-roof houses.[372] Thus they

brought us back by the same road as far as where I said before that

we came to a river called Saint Peter and Paul’s, and here we left

that by which we had come, and, taking the right hand, they led us

along by watering places and among cows and by a good road, although

there are none either one way or the other except those of the cows,

as I have said. At last we came to where we recognized the country,

where I said we found the first settlement, [p592] where the Turk

led as astray from the route we should have followed. Thus, leaving

the rest aside, we reached Tiguex, where we found the rest of the

army, and here the general fell while running his horse, by which

he received a wound on his head which gave symptoms of turning out

badly, and he conceived the idea of returning, which ten or twelve of

us were unable to prevent by dissuading him from it. When this return

had been ordered, the Franciscan friars who were with us—one of them

a regular and the other a lay brother—who were called, the regular

one Friar Juan de Padilla and the lay one Friar Luis de Escalona,

were told to get ready, although they had permission from their

provincial so that they could remain. Friar Luis wished to remain in

these flat-roof houses, saying that he would raise crosses for those

villagers with a chisel and adze they left him, and would baptize

several poor creatures who could be led, on the point of death, so

as to send them to heaven, for which he did not desire any other

company than a little slave of mine who was called Christopher, to

be his consolation, and who he said would learn the language there

quickly so as to help him; and he brought up so many things in favor

of this that he could not be denied, and so nothing more has been

heard from him. The knowledge that this friar would remain there

was the reason that many Indians from hereabouts stayed there, and

also two negroes, one of them mine, who was called Sebastian, and

the other one of Melchor Perez, the son of the licentiate La Torre.

This negro was married and had his wife and children. I also recall

that several Indians remained behind in the Quivira region, besides

a Tarascan belonging to my company, who was named Andrew. Friar Juan

de Padilla preferred to return to Quivira, and persuaded them to give

him those Indians whom I said we had brought as guides. They gave

him these, and he also took a Portuguese and a free Spanish-speaking

Indian, who was the interpreter, and who passed as a Franciscan

friar, and a half-blood and two Indians from Capottan (_or_ Capotean)

or thereabouts, I believe. He had brought these up and took them in

the habits of friars, and he took some sheep and mules and a horse

and ornaments and other trifles. I do not know whether it was for the

sake of these or for what reason, but it seems that they killed him,

and those who did it were the lay servants, or these same Indians

whom he took back from Tiguex, in return for the good deeds which he

had done. When he was dead, the Portuguese whom I mentioned fled, and

also one of the Indians that I said he took in the habits of friars,

or both of them, I believe. I mention this because they came back to

this country of New Spain by another way and a shorter route than

the one of which I have told, and they came out in the valley of

Panico.[373] I have given Gonzalo Solis de Meras and Isidore de Solis

an account of this, because it seemed to me important, according to

what I say I have understood, that [p593] His Majesty ordered Your

Lordship to find or discover a way so as to unite that land to this.

It is perhaps also very likely that this Indian Sebastian, during the

time he was in Quivira, learned about its territory and the country

round about it, and also of the sea, and the road by which he came,

and what there is to it, and how many days’ journey before arriving

there. So that I am sure that if Your Lordship acquires this Quivira

on this account, I am certain that he can confidently bring many

people from Spain to settle it according to the appearance and the

character of the land. [p594]

[Illustration: LXXX. A Native of San Juan]

TRANSLATION OF THE REPORT OF HERNANDO DE ALVARADO

ACCOUNT OF WHAT HERNANDO DE ALVARADO AND FRIAR JUAN DE PADILLA

DISCOVERED GOING IN SEARCH OF THE SOUTH SEA.[374]

We set out from Granada on Sunday, the day of the beheading of Saint

John the Baptist, the 29th of August, in the year 1540, on the way

to Coco.[375] After we had gone 2 leagues, we came to an ancient

building like a fortress, and a league beyond this we found another,

and yet another a little farther on, and beyond these we found an

ancient city, very large, entirely destroyed, although a large part

of the wall was standing, which was six times as tall as a man, the

wall well made of good worked stone, with gates and gutters like a

city in Castile. Half a league or more beyond this, we found another

ruined city, the walls of which must have been very fine, built of

very large granite blocks, as high as a man and from there up of very

good quarried stone. Here two roads separate, one to Chia and the

other to Coco; we took this latter, and reached that place, which

is one of the strongest places that we have seen, because the city

is on a very high rock, with such a rough ascent that we repented

having gone up to the place. The houses have three or four stories;

the people are the same sort as those of the province of Cibola; they

have plenty of food, of corn and beans and fowls like those of New

Spain. From here we went to a very good lake or marsh, where there

are trees like those of Castile, and from there we went to a river,

which we named Our Lady (Nuestra Señora), because we reached it the

evening before her day in the month of September.[376] We sent the

cross by a guide to the villages in advance, and the next day people

came from twelve villages, the chief men and the people in order,

those of one village behind those of another, and they approached the

tent to the sound of a pipe, and with an old man for spokesman. In

this fashion they came into the tent and gave me the food and clothes

and skins they had brought, and I gave them some trinkets, and with

this they went off.

This river of Our Lady flows through a very wide open plain sowed

with corn plants; there are several groves, and there are twelve

[p595] villages. The houses are of earth, two stories high; the

people have a good appearance, more like laborers than a warlike

race; they have a large food supply of corn, beans, melons, and fowl

in great plenty; they clothe themselves with cotton and the skins of

cows and dresses of the feathers of the fowls; they wear their hair

short. Those who have the most authority among them are the old men;

we regarded them as witches, because they say that they go up into

the sky and other things of the same sort. In this province there are

seven other villages, depopulated and destroyed by those Indians who

paint their eyes, of whom the guides will tell Your Grace; they say

that these live in the same region as the cows, and that they have

corn and houses of straw.

Here the people from the outlying provinces came to make peace

with me, and as Your Grace may see in this memorandum, there are

80 villages there of the same sort as I have described, and among

them one which is located on some streams; it is divided into twenty

divisions, which is something remarkable; the houses have three

stories of mud walls and three others made of small wooden boards,

and on the outside of the three stories with the mud wall they have

three balconies; it seemed to us that there were nearly 15,000

persons in this village. The country is very cold; they do not raise

fowls nor cotton; they worship the sun and water. We found mounds of

dirt outside of the place, where they are buried.

In the places where crosses were raised, we saw them worship these.

They made offerings to these of their powder and feathers, and some

left the blankets they had on. They showed so much zeal that some

climbed up on the others to grasp the arms of the cross, to place

feathers and flowers there; and others bringing ladders, while some

held them, went up to tie strings, so as to fasten the flowers and

the feathers. [p596]

TESTIMONY CONCERNING THOSE WHO WENT ON THE EXPEDITION WITH FRANCISCO

VAZQUEZ CORONADO[377]

At Compostela, on February 21, 1540, Coronado presented a petition

to the viceroy Mendoza, declaring that he had observed that certain

persons who were not well disposed toward the expedition which was

about to start for the newly discovered country had said that many

of the inhabitants of the City of Mexico and of the other cities

and towns of New Spain, and also of Compostela and other places in

this province of New Galicia were going on the expedition at his

request or because of inducements offered by him, as a result of

which the City of Mexico and New Spain were left deserted, or almost

so. Therefore, he asked the viceroy to order that information be

obtained, in order that the truth might be known about the citizens

of New Spain and of this province who were going to accompany him. He

declared that there were very few of these, and that they were not

going on account of any attraction or inducement offered by him, but

of their own free will, and as there were few of them, there would

not be any lack of people in New Spain. And as Gonzalo de Salazar,

the factor or royal agent, and Pero Almidez Cherino, the veedor or

royal inspector of His Majesty for New Spain, and other citizens of

Mexico who knew all the facts and had the necessary information, were

present there, Coronado asked His Grace to provide and order that

which, would best serve His Majesty’s interests and the welfare and

security of New Spain.

The viceroy instructed the licenciate Maldonado, oidor of the

royal audiencia,[378] to procure this information. To facilitate

the hearing he provided that the said factor and veedor and the

regidores, and others who were there, should attend the review of the

army, which was to be held on the following day. Nine of the desired

witnesses were also commanded by Maldonado to attend the review and

observe those whom they knew in the army.

On February 26[379] the licentiate Maldonado took the oaths of the

witnesses in proper form, and they testified to the following effect:

[Illustration: LXXXI. A Native of Pecos]

Hernand Perez de Bocanegra, a citizen of Mexico, stated that he had

been present on the preceding Sunday, at the review of the force

which the viceroy was sending for the pacification of the country

recently discovered by the father provincial, Fray Marcos de Niza,

and that he [p597] had taken note of the force as the men passed

before him; and at his request he had also been allowed to see the

list of names of those who were enrolled in the army; and he declared

that in all the said force he did not recognize any other citizens

of Mexico who were going except Domingo Martin, a married man,

whom he had sometimes seen living in Mexico, and provided him with

messengers; and one Alonso Sanchez, who was going with his wife and

a son, and who was formerly a shoemaker; and a young man, son of the

_bachiller_ Alonso Perez, who had come only a few days before from

Salamanca, and who had been sent to the war by his father on account

of his restlessness; and two or three other workmen or tradespeople

whom he had seen at work in Mexico, although he did not know whether

they were citizens there; and on his oath he did not see in the whole

army anyone else who was a citizen of Mexico, although for about

fourteen years he had been a citizen and inhabitant of that city,

unless it was the captain-general, Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, and

Lopez de Samaniego the army-master; and, moreover, he declared that

he felt certain that those above mentioned were going of their own

free will, like all the rest.

Antonio Serrano de Cardona, one of the magistrates of Mexico, who was

present from beginning to end of the review of the preceding Sunday,

testified in similar form. He said that Alonso Sanchez had formerly

been a citizen of Mexico, but that for a long time his house had

been empty and he had traveled as a trader, and that he was going

in search of something to live on; and one Domingo Martin was also

going, who formerly lived in Mexico, and whose residence he had not

known likewise for a long time, nor did he think that he had one,

because he had not seen him living in Mexico. He did not think it

would have been possible for any citizens of Mexico to have been

there whom he did not know, because he had lived in Mexico during the

twenty years since he came to Mexico, and ever since the city was

established by Christians, and besides, he had been a magistrate for

fifteen years. And besides, all those whom he did see who were going,

were the most contented of any men he had ever seen in this country

starting off for conquests. After the force left the City of Mexico,

he had been there, and had noticed that it was full of people and

that there did not seem to be any scarcity on account of those who

had started on this expedition.

Gonzalo de Salazar, His Majesty’s factor for New Spain, and also a

magistrate of the City of Mexico, declared that the only person on

the expedition who possessed a repartimiento or estate in New Spain

was the captain-general, Vazquez de Coronado, and that he had noticed

one other citizen who did not have a repartimiento. He had not seen

any other citizen of Mexico, nor of New Spain, although one of the

greatest benefits that could have been done New Spain would have been

to draw off the young and vicious people who were in that city and

all over New Spain. [p598]

Pedro Almidez Cherino, His Majesty’s veedor in New Spain, had, among

other things, noted the horses and arms of those who were going,

during the review. He had noticed Coronado and Samaniego, and Alonso

Sanchez and his wife, whom he did not know to be a citizen, and

Domingo Martin, who was away from Mexico during most of the year. All

the rest of the force were people without settled residences, who

had recently come to the country in search of a living. It seemed to

him that it was a very fortunate thing for Mexico that the people

who were going were about to do so because they had been injuring

the citizens there. They had been for the most part vicious young

gentlemen, who did not have anything to do in the city nor in the

country. They were all going of their own free will, and were very

ready to help pacify the new country, and it seemed to him that if

the said country had not been discovered, almost all of these people

would have gone back to Castile, or would have gone to Peru or other

places in search of a living.

Servan Bejarano, who had been in business among the inhabitants of

Mexico ever since he came to that city, added the information that he

knew Alonso Sanchez to be a provision dealer, buying at wholesale and

selling at retail, and that he was in very great need, having nothing

on which to live, and that he was going to that country in search

of a living. He was also very sure that it was a great advantage to

Mexico and to its citizens to have many of the unmarried men go away,

because they had no occupation there and were bad characters, and

were for the most part gentlemen and persons who did not hold any

property, nor any repartimientos of Indians, without any income, and

lazy, and who would have been obliged to go to Peru or some other

region.

Cristobal de Oñate had been in the country about sixteen years,

a trifle more or less, and was now His Majesty’s veedor for New

Galicia. He knew the citizens of Mexico, and also declared that not

a citizen of Compostela was going on the expedition. Two citizens of

Guadalajara were going, one of whom was married to an Indian, and

the other was single. As for the many young gentlemen and the others

who were going, who lived in Mexico and in other parts of New Spain,

it seemed to him that their departure was a benefit rather than a

disadvantage, because they were leading vicious lives and had nothing

with which to support themselves.

When these statements and depositions had all been duly received,

signed, and attested, and had been shown to his most illustrious

lordship, the viceroy, he ordered an authorized copy to be taken,

which was made by Joan de Leon, clerk of Their Majesties’ court and

of the royal audiencia of New Spain, the 27th of February, 1540,

witnessed by the secretary, Antonio de Almaguer, and sent to His

Majesty, to be laid before the lords of the council, that they might

provide and order that which should be most serviceable to their

interests. [p599]

A LIST OF WORKS

USEFUL TO THE STUDENT OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITION

The following list contains the titles of the books and documents

which have been found useful during the preparation of the preceding

memoir on the Coronado expedition of 1540–1542. The works cited have

helped, in one way or another, toward the formation of the opinions

expressed in the Historical Introduction, and in them may be found

the authority for the statements made in the introduction and in the

notes to the translations of the Spanish narratives. It is hoped that

no source of information of prime importance has been overlooked.

The comments on the various books, essays, and documents are such as

suggested themselves in the course of the examination of the works in

question.

References are given to the location of the more important documents,

so far as these are available in the various collections of printed

documents. The value of these sources has been discussed in the

preceding pages, and these opinions are not repeated in this list.

The titles of the printed books are quoted from the editions which

came nearest to the authors’ manuscripts, so far as these editions

could be consulted. Reference is made also to the most available

later editions, and to the English and French translations of

Spanish, Italian, and Latin works. With hardly an exception, the

titles are quoted from the volumes themselves, as they were found in

the Harvard College Library or in the John Carter Brown Library of

Providence. The Lenox Library of New York supplied such volumes as

were not to be found in Cambridge, Boston, or Providence.

Dr Justin Winsor and Mr F.W. Hodge have rendered very material

assistance in giving this list such completeness as it possesses. To

Mr Hodge especially are due many of the titles which relate to the

ethnological and archeological aspects of the subject.

Abelin, Johann Phillip; _pseud._ Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt.

Newe Welt vnd Americanische Historien.—Franckfurt, M. DC. LV.

Page 560. Beschreibung der grossen Landschafft Cibola.

Alarcon, Hernando.

De lo que hizo por la mar Hernando de Alarcon, que con dos

nauios andaua por la costa por orden de Visorrey don Antonio

de Mendoça.

_Herrera_, Dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xiii.

— Relatione della Navigatione & scoperta che fece il Capitano

Fernando Alarcone per ordine dello Illustrissimo Signor Don

Antonio di Mendozza Vice Re della nuoua Spagna.

_Ramusio_, III, fol. 363–370, edition of 1556; III, fol. 303

verso, edition of 1606.

— The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine

Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable

Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça vizeroy of New Spaine.

_Hakluyt_, III, 425–439, edition of 1600. This translation

is made from Ramusio’s text.

— Relation de la navigation et de la découverte faite par le

capitaine Fernando Alarcon. Par l’ordre de . . . don Antonio

de Mendoza.

_Ternaux_, IX (Cibola volume), 299–348. From Ramusio’s text.

— Relacion del armada del Marqués del Valle, capitaneada de

Francisco de Ulloa . . . y de la que el virey de Nueva España

envió con un Alarcon.

_Doc. de España_, IV, 218–219. A very brief, probably

contemporary, mention of the discovery of Colorado river.

Alvarado, Hernando de.

Relacion de lo que Hernando de Alvarado y Fray Joan de Padilla

descubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur.—Agosto de 1540.

_Doc. de Indias_, III, 511–513. B. Smith’s _Florida_, 65–66.

Translated in the _Boston Transcript_, 14 Oct., 1893, and on

page 594 _ante_.

Alvarado, Pedro de.

Asiento y capitulaciones, entre el virey de Nueva España, D.

Antonio de Mendoza, y el adelantado, D. Pedro de Alvarado,

para la prosecucion del descubrimento de tierra nueva, hecho

por Fr. Márcos de Niza.—Pueblo de Tiripitio de la Nueva

España, 29 Noviembre, 1540.

_Doc. de Indias_, III, 351–362. Also in the same collection,

XVI, 342–355. See page 353 _ante_.

— Proceso de residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado, . . . sacadas

de los antiguos codices mexicanos, y notas y noticias . . .

por D. Jose Fernando [p600] Ramirez. Lo publica paleografiado

del MS. original el Lic. Ignacío L. Rayon.—Mexico, 1847.

A collection of documents of considerable interest; with

facsimile illustrations and portrait.

— _See_ Carta del Obispo de Guatemala.

Ardoino, Antonio.

Examen apologetico de la historica narracion de los naufragios,

peregrinaciones, i milagros de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Baca, en

las tierras de la Florida, i del Nuevo Mexico.—Madrid, 1786.

Barcia, _Historiadores Primitivos_, I (VI), pp. 50. See note

under Cabeza de Vaca _Relacion_.

Ayllon, Lucas Vazquez de.

Testimonio de la capitulacion que hizo con el Rey, el Licenciado

Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, para descubrir la tierra que está

á la parte del Norte Sur, de la Isla Española, 35 á 37

grados.—Valladolid, 12 Junio, 1523.—Presentó en Madrid, 31

Marzo, 1541.

_Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 503–515.

Bancroft, George.

History of the United States. Author’s latest revision.—New

York, 1883.

For _Coronado_ see Vol. I, 32–37. Written from the documents

translated in Ternaux, _Cibola_.

Bancroft, Hubert Howe.

History of the Pacific states of North America.—San Francisco,

1882–1890.

34 volumes. Vol. V, Mexico, II, 1521–1600. Vol. X, North

Mexican States, 1531–1800. Vol. XII, Arizona and New

Mexico, 1530–1888; pages 1–73 are devoted to Cabeza de Vaca

and Coronado. The range of Mr H. H. Bancroft’s extensive

literary labors has seriously interfered with the accuracy

in statement and the soundness of judgment which are so

essential to satisfactory historical writing. His volumes,

however, contain an immense number of references, often

mentioning documentary sources and manuscript materials

which are as yet practically beyond the reach of other

students.

Bandelier, Adolph. Francis (Alphonse)=.

Historical introduction to studies among the sedentary Indians

of New Mexico.—Santa Fé. N.M., Sept. 19, 1880.

_Papers of the Archæological Institute of America_, American

series, I, Boston, 1881. 2d edition, 1893, pp. 1–33.

Relates especially to the Coronado expedition. Cited in the

preceding pages as Bandelier’s _Introduction_.

— A visit to the aboriginal ruins in the valley of the Rio Pecos.

_Papers of the Archæological Institute of America_, American

series, I, 1881, pp. 37–133. In the same volume as the

preceding entry.

— Ein Brief über Akoma.

_Das Ausland_, 1884, No. XXIII, pp. 241–243.

— Report of an archæological tour in Mexico in 1881.

_Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America_,

American series, II, Boston, 1884.

— Report by A. F. Bandelier on his investigations in New Mexico

in the spring and summer of 1882.—Highland, Ill., Aug. 15,

1882.

_Bulletin of the Archæological Institute of America_, I,

Boston, Jan., 1883, pp. 13–33.

— The historical archives of the Hemenway southwestern

archæological expedition.

_Congrès International des Amérícanístes_, 1888, pp.

450–459.—Berlin, 1890.

— Contributions to the history of the southwestern portion of

the United States.

_Papers of the Archæological Institute of America_, Am.

series, V, and _The Hemenway Southwestern Archæological

Expedition_, Cambridge, 1890. Cited in the preceding pages

as Bandelier’s _Contributions_. An invaluable work, the

result of careful documentary study and of much experience

in field work in the southwest. It will always serve as the

foundation of all satisfactory study of the history of the

Spaniards in that portion of the United States.

— Quivira.

_Nation_. N. Y., 31 Oct. and 7 Nov., 1889. (Nos. 1270,

1271.) Letters dated Santa Fé, October 15, 1889.

— The ruins of Casas Grandes.

_Nation_, N. Y., 28 Aug. and 4 Sept., 1890 (Nos. 1313,

1314). Letters dated Santa Fé, Aug. 1, 11, 1890.

— The Delight Makers.—New York, 1890.

A story, in which Mr Bandelier has portrayed, with

considerable success, the ways of life and of thinking among

the Indians of the New Mexican pueblas, before the advent of

Europeans.

— Fray Juan de Padilla, the first Catholic missionary and martyr

in eastern Kansas. 1542.

_American Catholic Quarterly Review_, Philadelphia, July,

1890, XV, 551–565.

— An outline of the documentary history of the Zuñi tribe.

_Journal American Ethnology and Archæology_, III, Boston,

1892, pp. 1–115. This work remained in manuscript for some

years before it was printed. It contains many extracts

from the contemporary narratives, in translation; that of

Castañeda being taken from Ternaux’s version. See note on

page 389.

— Final report of investigations among the Indians of the

southwestern United States, carried on mainly in the years

from 1880 to 1885.

_Papers of the Archæological Institute of America._

Cambridge; Part I, 1890; Part II, 1892.

The most valuable of all of Bandelier’s memoirs on

southwestern history and ethnology. It bears the same

relation to the work of the American ethnologist as his

_Contributions_ do to that of the historical student.

— The “Montezuma” of the pueblo Indians.

_American Anthropologist_, Washington, Oct., 1892, V. 319.

— The Gilded Man.—New York, 1893.

This work contains much valuable material concerning the

early history of the southwest, but should be used with

care, as it was edited and published during the author’s

absence in Peru. [p601]

— La découverte du Nouveau-Mexique par le moine franciscain

frère Marcos de Nice en 1539.

_Revue d’Ethnographie_, V (1886), 31, 117, 193 (50 pages).

— The discovery of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of Nizza.

_Magazine of Western History_, IV, Cleveland, Sept., 1886,

pp. 659–670. The same material was used in the articles in

the _Revue d’Ethnographie_.

— Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, the first overland traveler of

European descent, and his journey from Florida to the Pacific

coast—1528–1536.

_Magazine of Western History_, IV, Cleveland, July, 1886,

pp. 327–336.

Barcia, Andres Gonzales.

Historiadores primitivos de las Indias: Occidentales, que juntó,

traduxo en parte, y sacó á luz, ilustrados con erudítas notas,

y copiosos indices, el ilustrissimo Señor D. Andres Gonzalez

Barcia, del Consejo, y Camara de S. M. Divididos en tres

tomos.—Madrid, año MDCCXLIX.

These three folio volumes are made up of very satisfactory

reprints of a number of the narratives of the early Spanish

conquerors of America. The _Naufragios_ and _Comentarios_ of

Cabeza de Vaca are in the first volume.

— Ensayo cronologico, para la historia general de la

Florida . . . desde 1512 hasta 1722, escrito por Don Gabriel

de Cardenas z Cano.—Madrid, MDCCXXIII.

The name on the title page is an anagram for that of S^r.

Gonzalez Barcia. Florida, in this work, comprises all of

America north of Mexico. The Ensayo was published with the

_Florida del Ynca_ of 1723.

Baxter, Sylvester.

The father of the pueblos.

_Harper’s Magazine_, LXV, June, 1882, pp. 72–91.

— An aboriginal pilgrimage.

_Century Magazine_, II (XXIV), August, 1882, pp. 526–536.

— The old new world. An account of the explorations of the

Hemenway southwestern archæological expedition.—Salem, Mass.,

1888.

Reprinted from the _Boston Herald_, April 15, 1888.

Begert, or Baegert, Jacob.

Nachrichten von der Amerikanischen Halbinsel Californien: mit

einem zweyfachen Anhang falscher Nachrichten. Gesehrieben

von einem Priester der Gesellschaft Jesu, welcher lang

darinn diese letztere Jahr gelebet hat. Mit Erlaubnuss der

Oberen.—Mannheim, 1773.

Translated and arranged for the Smithsonian Institution by

Charles Rau, of New York City, in the _Smithsonian Reports_,

1863, pp. 352–369; 1864, pp. 378–399. Reprinted by Rau in

_Papers on Anthropological Subjects_, pp. 1–40.

Benavides, Alonso de.

Memorial qve Fray Ivan de Santander de la Orden de san

Francisco, presenta á Felipe Qvarto, hecho por el Padre Fray

Alonso de Benauides, Custodio qve ha sido de las prouincias, y

conuersiones del Nueuo-Mexico.—Madrid, M. DC. XXX.

Translations of this valuable work were published in French

at Bruxelles, 1631, in Latin at Salzburg, 1634, and in

German at Salzburg, probably also in 1634.

Benzoni, Girolamo.

La historia del Mondo Nvovo.—(Colophon) Venetia, MDLXV.

Besides early Latin, Dutch, and German translations of

Benzoni, there is an old French edition (Geneva, 1579). An

English translation was published by the Hakluyt Society in

1857.

Blackmar, Frank Wilson.

Spanish institutions of the southwest.—Baltimore, 1891.