TWO.

But by the time the speeches were in progress he was uplifted high once

more into the joy of life. He had been welcomed by acquaintances and by

strangers with a deferential warmth that positively startled him. He

realised, as never before, that the town esteemed him as a successful

man. His place was not many removes from the chair. Osmond Orgreave

was on his right, and Albert Benbow on his left. He had introduced an

impressed Albert to his friend Mr Orgreave, recently made a Justice of

the Peace.

And down the long littered tables stretched the authority and the wealth

of the town-aldermen, councillors, members of the school board,

guardians of the poor, magistrates, solid tradesmen, and solid

manufacturers, together with higher officials of the borough and some

members of the learned professions. Here was the oligarchy which,

behind the appearances of democratic government, effectively managed,

directed, and controlled the town. Here was the handful of people who

settled between them whether rates should go up or down, and to whom it

did not seriously matter whether rates went up or down, provided that

the interests of the common people were not too sharply set in

antagonism to their own interests. Here were the privileged, who did

what they liked on the condition of not offending each other. Here the

populace was honestly and cynically and openly regarded as a restless

child, to be humoured and to be flattered, but also to be ruled firmly,

to be kept in its place, to be ignored when advisable, and to be made to

pay.

For the feast, the court-room had been transformed into a banqueting

hall, and the magistrates' bench, where habitual criminals were created

and families ruined and order maintained, was hidden in flowers. Osmond

Orgreave was dryly facetious about that bench. He exchanged comments

with other magistrates, and they all agreed, with the same dry

facetiousness, that most of the law was futile and some of it

mischievous; and they all said, `But what can you do?' and by their tone

indicated that you could do nothing. According to Osmond Orgreave's

wit, the only real use of a magistrate was to sign the necessary papers

for persons who had lost pawn-tickets. It appeared that such persons in

distress came to Mr Orgreave every day for the august signature. "I

had an old woman come to me this morning at my office," he said. "I

asked her how it was they were always losing their pawn-tickets. I told

her I never lost mine." Osmond Orgreave was encircled with laughter.

Edwin laughed heartily. It was a good joke. And even mediocre jokes

would convulse the room.

Jos Curtenty, the renowned card, a jolly old gentleman of sixty, was in

the chair, and therefore jollity was assured in advance. Rising to

inaugurate the oratorical section of the night, he took an enormous red

flower from a bouquet behind him, and sticking it with a studiously

absent air in his button-hole, said blandly, "Gentlemen, no politics,

please!" The uproarious effect was one of his very best. He knew his

audience. He could have taught Edwin a thing or two. For Edwin in his

simplicity was astonished to find the audience almost all of one colour,

frankly and joyously and optimistically Tory. There were not ten

Liberals in the place, and there was not one who was vocal. The cream

of the town, of its brains, its success, its respectability, was

assembled together, and the Liberal party was practically unrepresented.

It seemed as if there was no Liberal party. It seemed impossible that

a Labour candidate could achieve anything but complete disaster at the

polls. It seemed incredible that in the past a Liberal candidate had

ever been returned. Edwin began, even in the privacy of his own heart,

to be apologetic for his Liberalism. All these excellent fellows could

not be wrong. The moral force of numbers intimidated him. He suspected

that there was, after all, more to be said for Conservatism than he had

hitherto allowed himself to suppose.

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