CHAPTER XXIV.

AINTAB, MARASH AND URFA.

The Situation in Northern Syria--No Revolutionary Movement--Massacre

at Aintab--Kurdish Women--A Turkish Captain Helps the Pillage--A

Colonel Checks it--Caring for the Wounded--Two Attacks at

Marash--Destruction of American Houses--Brave Men in Zeitun--Story of

Massacres at Urfa.

South of the Taurus Mountains, in what is called Northern Syria, are

a number of large cities, the most important being Aleppo, Antioch,

Aintab, Birejik and Urfa. On the very edge of the mountains is the

city of Marash, while in the midst of the range are Zeitun, Albistan,

Behesni, Adiaman and some other places of more or less note. Aleppo is

a distinctively Moslem city, and, more noticeable still, purely Arabic.

Its inhabitants are only to a limited degree Turks, the great majority,

whether Moslem or Christian, being of Syrian race. Antioch has less

of the Arab element, but all the rest are distinctively Turkish and

Armenian. The Turks are very largely of Turcoman rather than Ottoman

or Seljuk descent. The Armenians not only lose almost entirely their

own language, adopting the Turkish, but differ in some respects

from the Armenians of Asia Minor. Whether this is because they are

somewhat shut off by the mountains, or because they were more bitterly

oppressed, or because they more thoroughly accepted the inevitable,

it is impossible to say. In any case they have been noted for their

general sturdiness of character, their general prosperity, and a large

degree of liberality for new ideas. Protestant missions have advanced

greatly among them, and their system of schools established in the

cities is probably the best in the empire. In general, they have always

been peaceable, though in the mountains they have not been slow to

assert their independence. Few Turks cared to enter Zeitun against

the will of its people, and in Aintab their representatives in the

local city council were always found self-assertive, though always

diplomatic and not aggressive in their manner. As a natural result of

their interest in education, it came about that a college for young men

was established in Aintab, and one for young women in Marash, and the

students in both cities showed marked ability and progressive ideas.

For the most part their relations with the Moslems were friendly,

though in Marash, where apparently the close proximity of the mountain

sections seemed to roughen all, there was considerable jealousy and

antagonism.

The Armenian Revolutionists apparently made little effort, certainly

met with no success, to embroil these communities, and when the storm

burst in the north there was a general feeling that these places would

be spared. One exception might be made in regard to Marash, and the

well-known jealousy of the Turkish Government in regard to colleges

made some fear for Aintab. The mutterings preceding the storm were

heard, however, as soon as the word of the massacre at Constantinople

had reached the Turkish population of the region. There was trouble in

the smaller places first, an attack in Urfa on November 3d; and then,

less than two weeks later, the blow fell at Aintab. The following

description by an eye-witness will give the story better than any one

else can. The letter is written from the college, which is situated on

a hill quite a distance from the city.

“AINTAB, Monday, November 18th, 1895.

“We have been congratulating ourselves that our city had escaped the

outbreak of Moslem fanaticism which has lately swept the neighboring

cities with the besom of destruction. But Saturday morning, without

the slightest warning, while we were at breakfast, a great noise of

shouting and firing of guns came to us from the city, telling us

that the work of blood and plunder had begun here, also. My first

thought was for the ladies and girls at the seminary and hospital.

So, seizing my revolver, I sprang upon my horse and hurried over

there. I met and passed many armed Kurds, who live in the suburb just

about the hospital and seminary, but they did not interfere with me.

Upon nearing the city, the confused sound that had reached us at the

college became resolved into its elements; and I could distinguish

the hoarse cries of fighting men, the screams of women and children,

and, most terrible of all, the shrill, exultant _lu-lu-lu-lu_ of the

Kurdish and Turkish women, cheering on their men to the attack. I

found the girls’ school and hospital had not, as yet, been attacked.

Dr. Hamilton and Miss Trowbridge preferred to remain at their post of

duty rather than to join the ladies at the seminary, which decision I

could not oppose. Upon my return to the seminary, which is separated

from the hospital yard by a narrow street only, I found Brother

Sanders there, and shortly our nearest neighbor, Hadji Hussein Agha,

came in and said that at the outbreak which occurred at the Bazar,

he had hastened at the top of his speed--not great at best, for he

is a very fat man--to protect the hospital and girls’ school. As I

had saved his brother’s life by a desperate surgical operation some

years ago, and always been on friendly terms with him, I felt we

could trust him to do his best. But when, a few minutes later, some

200 soldiers in uniform, with fixed bayonets, filed out of the street

below and marched into the open just beyond the seminary, I felt a

great relief; for that meant that the government intended to protect

the Americans at least. From the upper veranda of the seminary we

could plainly see the crowd of plunderers breaking into Christian

houses and carrying off household goods. We could see the brave

defense made by some of the Christians from the housetops with stones

and firearms, where they had them, and still the horrid _lu-lu-lu_

of the Kurdish women rent the air, mingled with the screams of the

conquered, wounded and the dying, the hoarse cries of the men and

the frequent reports of the firearms. An attack was made upon the

hospital gate, but Hadji Hussein held the assailants in check until

the soldiers arrived and drove them off. Clouds of smoke from a

fire in the lower part of the city added to the terror of the women

servants at the hospital, some of whom lived in that neighborhood.

But the girls at the school behaved very well indeed. About noon,

seeing that there was no immediate danger of an attack upon the

seminary or hospital, I left Brother Sanders there and returned to

the college. Here I found some thirty or forty refugees, mostly

stonecutters, who had been out on the hills at work, and a few women

and children.

“Not long after noon the disturbance in the part of the city near

us had mostly ceased, although the occasional sound of guns and the

smoke of burning houses from the central part of the city showed that

the fiendish work still went on; and a continual passing of villagers

with bundles of plunder on their backs, and some with donkey loads

and camel loads, showed too plainly that the looted area must have

been considerable. Although not anticipating a night attack, we

thought it wise to make preparations for one, and so barricaded the

most defensible of the buildings on the campus for a rendezvous, set

a watch and retired. But there was not much sleep. Nothing occurred

during the night, and a cloudy morning broke above the city. At

sunrise the villagers had already begun to enter the city; but soon

after that the soldiers began to stop them, in a half-hearted sort of

way, allowing them to congregate in large numbers a short distance

away from the line of soldiers. About eleven o’clock I saw through

my field-glass a captain on a white horse (I recognized both the

man and the horse) approach a crowd of the plunderers, about two

hundred strong, who had been driven away from the city, upon the

hill, a quarter of a mile or so to the south, and make a harangue to

them. Then he turned back toward the city with the soldiers who had

been holding back the mob; and before they had reached the city the

whole crowd had swarmed past them and entered the streets; then I

knew the scenes of the day before were to be repeated, so taking my

field-glass I mounted to the college tower as offering a better view.

I did not have long to wait before the head of the crowd appeared,

coming up through Pasha Street, which had been completely looted the

day before. They poured out of the street, a motley crowd of Turkish

villagers, city Kurds, and roughs to the number of fifteen hundred or

so, and turning to the right made a rush for the Christian quarter of

Haik. That quarter has a strong gate across its entrance, and thirty

or forty Christians were gathered upon the housetops, commanding the

approach to this gate, armed with stones and two or three guns; and

with the advantage afforded by their position on the flat roofs they

held the mob at bay for three-fourths of an hour, and finally drove

them off. Meantime, on the north side of the city, I saw the same

Yûzbashi on the white horse. Here there were, perhaps, one thousand

plunderers held in check by thirty or forty soldiers. Not long after

the Yûzbashi made his appearance in that quarter, a part of their

mob made a break, and some two or three hundred of them rushed into

a small Christian quarter just under the seminary wall, and in a

very few minutes were to be seen running off with their plunder.

In the case of both these attacks there were plenty of soldiers

standing about with loaded guns and fixed bayonets, who made not

the slightest attempt to prevent the attack, or to scatter the mob;

and the conclusion was irresistible that the Yûzbashi on the white

horse had planned the attack in each case, or at least had signified

to the mob that it could work its will. But his plans did not work

altogether to his taste, for while the plunder was going on upon the

north side, a Bimbashi (colonel) appeared upon the scene, and very

soon the soldiers were firing over the heads of the mob to frighten

them, and they were flying pellmell out of the city. I wondered at

the time that they should be so much frightened by a few guns fired

into the air; but from a perfectly reliable source we learned that

the Bimbashi shot four of the mob with his own hand, which would

account for the celerity with which they dispersed. I attempted to

go to the hospital yesterday morning and again this morning, but

was not allowed to do so. Mr. Sanders brought word that the wounded

of the north side attack yesterday, had been taken to the hospital,

and one of them had died in the night, others being in a bad way.

Dr. Hamilton had cared for them with the help of Miss Trowbridge and

Solomon, our surgical assistant. We are as yet unable to form any

idea of the number of the killed and wounded, or of the extent of

the plundering, although we know of four outlying Christian quarters

that have been entirely looted. The main part of the Christians live

in the two quarters of Haik and Kyajuk, which have so far escaped.

The women and children of two quarters that were entirely looted are

confined in the mosques of the quarters, with the choice of ‘Islam

or death;’ but if not murdered before that time will, of course, be

liberated as soon as the government gets control of the city again.

To-day the plunderers from outside have been kept out of the city,

but villagers have been freely allowed to go out of the city with

their booty, until just now as I write this, at 2 P.M., a company

of mounted gendarmes from Aleppo, which arrived this morning, has

been sent out into the roads leading out of the city, to arrest

plunderers and take their booty from them.

“This, I take it, means that the trouble is nearly over. How I

wish that I could get into the city to look after the wounded. We

have made application to the governor for permission to go to the

hospital, but have as yet received no reply; yesterday he refused a

similar request, and as there is a large body of soldiers between

here and there, it is impossible to go.

“Sunday Evening, November 24th.

“It seems at least a month since I wrote the first part of this

letter. Tuesday morning I was allowed to go into the city to see the

Kaimakam and the ‘Alai Pasha’--military commander--in whose company

I found most of the notables of the Moslem community. I appealed to

them for safe conduct for the wounded to be brought to the hospital

and for burial of the dead. Both of which requests they granted; and

I had not been back at the hospital more than half an hour when Dr.

Habib, with an escort of soldiers, brought in some fifty or sixty

patients. We were soon at work, and a ghastly set they were. They had

been wounded upon the Saturday before, and had lain either exposed

to the weather or crowded into a dirty stable all that time. Those

who had escaped the ministration of the native hakim were fortunate;

for all the wounded which he had touched were in a terribly septic

state. The wounds were mostly made by knives or swords upon the

heads, or hands and arms raised to ward off the head blows; and very

few of the poor fellows had escaped without several, and some of

them had ten or a dozen cuts. There were a few bayonet and gunshot

wounds inflicted by the soldiers. In the middle of the afternoon,

just as we began to congratulate ourselves that we were getting

through with them, a batch of twenty-one more arrived, which kept us

busy until dark. Among those brought in that day there were four or

five fractured skulls, and two arms that I had to amputate, besides

several other very severe cases. Three of them have since died. Each

day since there have been some new cases brought in, until the number

of wounded that we have treated at the hospital now exceeds 150. We

have as yet no means of knowing the number of the dead; for while

they readily promised protection for the burial, that promise was not

carried out. Most of the Christian dead were dragged to the outskirts

of the city with every imaginable indignity and either burned or cast

into the old quarries that abound upon the edge of the city, and left

for the dogs and vultures to eat. Some of them, after being thrown

into these pits, were covered out of sight by casting stones upon

them. The best estimate obtainable puts the number of the killed at

between 300 and 400 for the Christians and 10 or 12 from the Moslems.

The massacre began in the market without the slightest warning, and

the poor unarmed Christians were scattered like sheep before their

well-armed assailants, who outnumbered them three to one. The carnage

soon spread from the bazars and markets to the outlying Christian

quarters of the city. All the Christian shops were plundered, and

four outlying wards, mostly occupied by the poorest classes. When the

mob reached the more compact Christian quarters of the city, they met

with some vigorous resistance; and many of the streets have heavy

gates which were closed, and some of them well defended; so their

progress was checked, until night came down and put an end to the

scene. So far as I can learn there was no attempt made by either the

government or the Moslem beys and effendis during the whole of that

terrible Saturday to stop the killing and looting, except that they

hurried a large force of soldiers out for the defense of the foreign

residents. The soldiers took part in the pillage and did nothing to

prevent the butchery, although not doing a large part of the latter

themselves. The following day they began to repress the populace,

as I have already narrated in the earlier part of this letter, and

up to the present have succeeded in preventing any further general

outbreak; but the poor Christians are terror-stricken, and all of

them await their death in their houses or the churches. Yesterday

there was a determined attempt upon the part of a large mob to attack

the Christian part of the city, but the military quelled it without

much difficulty. This took place upon the southern side of the city;

and while the soldiers were mostly withdrawn to that side, two or

three houses were looted upon the northern side of the city, but no

one killed.

“December 8th, 1895.

“The time drags on, with no great change in the situation. There

has been no further outbreak since my last writing, and the strain

seems somewhat relaxed; but the Christians dare not stir out of

their houses yet, and all business is at a standstill. The college

is still shut off from the city by a cordon of soldiers; and I am

the only one allowed to go back and forth without obtaining special

permission each time from the captain of the guard, and I am not

allowed to enter the city except with a guard of two soldiers.

This is ostensibly for my protection, but practically restricts

my intercourse with the people very much, and debars me from much

information that I might otherwise obtain. We had from Judge Terrell

a telegraphic offer of an armed escort to the coast, where a United

States cruiser awaited us; but we could not entertain the thought of

leaving these poor people in their terror and distress, although we

were in a good deal of anxiety for our women and children. There are

now between 3,000 and 4,000 soldiers in the city, and so long as they

remain under the control of the authorities there is no danger of

another massacre. There are rumors among the Moslems of a commission

coming here this week to investigate the massacre, and they are in a

good deal of apprehension.

“Yesterday the Kaimakam asked me if I were willing to go to Zeitun

on behalf of the government to negotiate for peace. I, of course,

expressed myself as willing and glad to do so if the government

would offer such terms as these Zeitunlis might probably accept, and

he proceeded to communicate with higher officials. I have not yet

had any further advice from him. I have managed to get a half-day’s

rest to-day for the first time in three Sabbaths. Our patients are

all doing well, except one, who may very likely die from thrombosis

of the cerebral sinuses. The best information I can get leads me

to place the killed at not less than 400. The attack was wholly

unprovoked, and the fact that not more than ten Moslems were killed,

shows for itself that it was a mere butchery. Women and girls were

not molested except in a few cases, when they attempted to defend

their husbands or sons; but little boys were killed as ruthlessly

as the men. It has been a terrible time, and I have not written the

horrible details that you must have before you in order to realize

the fiendish brutality of the affair. One thing which has made it

particularly hard to bear has been the impossibility of communicating

with the outside world, either to learn what is going on there or

to acquaint others with the state of things here. Our letters have

been intercepted in the mails, no newspapers allowed to reach us,

our telegrams not sent, etc.; and when we have attempted to send

special messengers, they have been arrested and treated as spies,

imprisoned, and we think in two cases killed. Letters are not now

interfered with to the same extent as before, and if things continue

to improve I shall try to send this by next post. We have felt that

the Everlasting Arm was underneath us through it all, and it has been

a great pleasure to me personally to be able to help the sick and

wounded. What is to become of the thousands of homeless widows and

orphans during the coming winter? Aintab has escaped with little loss

as compared with many places; and still in Aintab there are at least

2,000 people who must be _wholly_ supported by charity during this

winter.”

Three days after the attack at Aintab came the massacre at Marash.

There had already been one outbreak on November 13th, and for four

weeks there had been increasing disturbance, but the chief massacre

occurred on the 18th. As to the first, an eye-witness wrote:

“Thus far at least fifty have been killed, and perhaps 300 have been

wounded, some of them fatally. The affair is attributed to a quarrel

between a Mussulman and an Armenian, in which the Mussulman was fatally

injured. This was on the 24th of October. The next day, after the man

was buried, the attack began. According to a Turkish official the

outbreak would have occurred in any case, even had not this fatal

altercation precipitated it. The disorder commenced on Friday, the

25th. Word came around that the plan had been to have it on Sunday,

when the Armenian population would have been in the churches. We do

not certainly know this. But nothing could be more apparent than that

it was, at least, a permitted massacre. The worst occurred after the

Mutessarif had sent a crier around three times to order the Armenians

to open their shops on pain of fine. Those who obeyed had their shops

pillaged. This is only too significant. Not a Moslem has been arrested

for injuries to Christians. A few who aided the Christians have been

arrested. The order of the day now is gradually to arrest the Armenians

who are prominent in influence or position. Two days ago the pastor of

the Third Protestant Church was imprisoned. He is as innocent of any

political crime as I am.”

As to the second attack, the following letter gives an interesting

account. It was written from the Girls’ College, on the mountain just

outside of the city:

“MARASH, Nov. 26th.

“We survived the massacre of Nov. 18th, though we had given up all

hope for hours. For four weeks previously Christians had been shot at

sight in the streets, houses plundered, men’s heads put on pikes, and

two cases in my knowledge where little girls had been disemboweled.

It was a reign of terror, culminating in the butchery of the 18th.

Early that morning the three church quarters were fired, and the

steady report of the guns told us of the work of annihilation.

“We took the girls (of the college) and crossed the seminary yard

into the one occupied by the Lees and McCalloms. It was not a moment

too soon, as the houses overlooking their walls were then being

plundered, and we plainly saw what was in progress. It was about

9 o’clock. The Arab soldiers had been turned loose on the city. A

number of regiments were drawn up west of the city ready to lend

assistance if there should be any opposition. A company was on a

hill near us, not regulars, but still in uniform, to see that no one

interfered here, and the Arab fiends had possession. I cannot now

describe the scenes we witnessed. The raiding of the houses in the

seminary yard, the killing of our two men and a third riddled with

bullets. Finally they were held up and chopped and hacked with the

sword as mercilessly and with as little purpose as a child attacks

a mullein head. After the soldiers had left to carry away a load of

our academy stores, the old women and children came in to carry away

what was left. It seemed the plan that everything must go. I had

said, ‘There will be a larger and better organized force come here,

for they may think we can resist.’ There were 290 people in the two

houses, chiefly women and children, and as still as death; and our

girls, our sweet-faced girls, who tortured us with no wailing, but

looking, in a heart-rendering manner, into our faces for the comfort

and assurance that had never failed before. Everything was given

over. The smoke and dusk were closing in around us. The seminary yard

was nearly finished. A lull of perhaps a moment. We peeped through

the curtains (Miss B. and I), and turning to each other, quietly

said, ‘They’ve come.’

“A large force of Arabs was in the street, drawn up in order, each

with his gun ready for firing, I thought, and started to go below

to our girls, to be with them to the last. Someone was pounding on

the street door, and we heard friendly calls. Mr. McCallom gave a

glance at his wife and babies and said, ‘I must go,’ and he went.

The calling continued and we were puzzled. But the gate, on being

opened, let in some of our people and a colonel who had come with a

guard--the first in all that day. We had seen the man on horseback

in the afternoon, riding among the soldiers and playfully hitting

them on the shoulders as if pretending to drive them away. This only

made us feel sure that the government had doomed us and wanted a

pretext for trying to protect us. Fortunately for me, the two wounded

theologues were brought in, and I had my hands full till midnight,

when one of them died. The other was shot and hacked up terribly,

but I dressed his wounds and he is still alive. The condition in

the city is beyond description. Starvation on every hand; the best

of our people gone. The soldiers estimate as their day’s work 4,700

dead, but it is too much. They were occupied with plunder. One young

man was given the alternative of death or becoming a Moslem. He

chose death and they struck his head off. His poor body was taken

to his mother, who, taking his hand and kissing it, said: ‘Rather

so, my son, than living to deny our Lord and Saviour.’ He is one of

thousands to sacrifice his life rather than deny Christ.”

This, however, was not all. At Zeitun, not far away, the Turkish

troops had made an effort to attack the Armenians. They in their turn

arose, made the Turks prisoners, fortified their position and defied

the government. The effect was manifest in Marash, which was made the

headquarters for the troops that soon came pouring in to put down this

sole instance of real insurrection in the whole empire. From that

time on, riot in greater or less degree was continuous, and every

Christian in the city, foreigner and native, lived in constant terror.

For more than three months the brave Zeitun men held out, trusting

in their own pluck, skill and knowledge of the country, and at last,

late in February, 1896, the Turkish Government was forced to give them

honorable terms of peace.

For a month attention was specially directed to Zeitun and the mountain

cities, including Adiaman, but by the middle of December there were

indications that trouble was to break out again in Urfa. That city

was for a long time identified with Ur of the Chaldees, not merely by

Moslem tradition, but in Christian books. It was, too, the seat of

government of Abgar, the Armenian king, to whom, according to Armenian

historians, Thaddeus preached, and who had the unique honor of a

letter from the Saviour. Here, too, was the home of Ephrem Syrus, the

famous ecclesiastic of the earlier Syrian Church. Moslem and Christian

interest and pride centered alike about the place, and in some respects

there was exceptional Moslem fanaticism. In the city was a single

American missionary lady. Anxious for her safety, the missionaries

at Aintab had made efforts to bring her there, but she remained. Her

account of the scenes at that time is given below:

LETTER FROM A MISSIONARY.

“We had often heard that the Moslems were dissatisfied with the

attempt of two months ago which resulted in the destruction of only

40 lives and about £150,000 worth of goods, the plunder of 600

shops and 289 houses. After this the Christians were all completely

disarmed by the government. Some 80 men had been imprisoned, and we

feared another scene of terror. It came at last with great suddenness.

“On Saturday, December 28th, the firing of a few guns in the Moslem

quarter south of us proved the signal. Immediately an immense

multitude gathered on the hill back of our house. The guards in the

street east of us went to meet the people, fired a few shots over

their heads, and then allowed the mass of wild humanity, thirsty for

blood, to pass into the city and begin their work. The horrid work

continued until dark. Three soldiers kept the mob from entering our

street, constantly proclaiming: ‘It is the house of a foreigner, and

it is forbidden to touch her.’ We find by count that our ‘shadow’

covered 17 houses and 240 people. The mob came as far as to enter

our girls’ schoolrooms in the churchyard, and they broke open the

third door below us on the street and plundered the house. I saw one

man beaten and then thrown down on the roof just opposite to me on

the other side of the street. The Syrians and Roman Catholics were

also spared. All other Christians suffered complete loss of all home

furnishings, and some houses were burned. The number of killed cannot

be less than 3,500 and may reach 4,000. Of these it is estimated

that 1,500 perished in the great Gregorian church. On Saturday

that portion of the city was hardly touched, and great numbers of

Armenians flocked to the church for safety that night. Sunday morning

the work began again at daybreak, and when the people reached the

church the soldiers broke open the doors. Then entering, they began

a butchery which became a great holocaust. It was participated

in by many classes of Moslems. For two days the air of the city

was unendurable; then began the clearing up. During two days we

saw constantly men lugging sacks filled with bones and ashes. The

dragging off of 1,500 bodies for burial in trenches was more quickly

completed, some being taken on animals. The last work of all has

been the clearing of the wells. From one very large well it is said

that 60 bodies were taken. It is well authenticated that 20 bodies

were taken from another well. About 300 persons escaped from the

church by way of the roof, which was reached by a narrow staircase

on the inside. Shortly after noon on Sunday, some fifteen or more of

the prominent citizens and government officials (not including the

Mutessarif, or the military commander), preceded by a military band

and mounted guard, made a grand parade of the city. They entered our

yard, and, speaking with me from the veranda, they assured me of

perfect safety and begged me not to be alarmed, as it was ‘nothing

that pertained to me.’ I very quickly went into my room.

“The work did not cease until dark on Sunday, the 29th. On Monday

the Kurds and Arabs were prevented from entering the city, the firing

beginning about dawn. All day Sunday a strong guard was about our

premises. A captain of the army sat on his horse for hours at our

northwest corner, just outside of the church premises. Repeatedly I

received salutations and assurances of perfect safety from government

officials during that longest day I ever knew. It was evident that

the utmost was done to protect _me_. How willingly I would have died,

that the thousands of _parents_ might be spared for their children!

“The work of plunder is complete. Literally naught remains. By actual

count only ten Protestant houses remain untouched, and five of these

are in the district which I have spoken of as my shadow.

“Our loss of life is 105, all but nine being men. These nine include

two women and seven children, who were in the Gregorian Church

when it was sacked. Our wounded are many. I have eighteen under my

immediate care. Most of these have several severe wounds. One has 11;

one has 18; ghastly sword and axe cuts on head and neck. There are

a few gunshot wounds. There is only one doctor for the whole city.

He has 350, and cannot care for more, nor for these but in part.

He came at my call to see one who we supposed must lose his hand,

dressed the arm and committed the case to my care. Thus far, thank

God, all are doing well. I have found three persons who, like myself,

are inexperienced in such matters; but they are proving careful,

sensible workers with me. We dress most of the wounds in the church.

Our schoolrooms (all but one, used as headquarters of our guard) are

crowded with some 250 or 300 of the most forlorn and needy. Our home

is also full. Those who are spared to their families are in great

fear, and wish to be near me. We cannot receive all, and it is hard

to daily turn away so many. Some have a little food, found in their

houses, and some nothing. One of the several great men who have

called to express sympathy, and to say, Turkish style, ‘It was from

God,’ has sent provisions, for which I am exceedingly grateful.

“The government provides about 200 loaves of bread per day for the

poor. But all this kindness will soon come to an end, and utter

poverty will be the lot of most. The Protestant pastor, the Rev. H.

Abouhayatian, and several efficient members of the church, are among

the dead. I tried to secure the body of the pastor, but failed. His

children--six--they immediately granted to me.

“The custom in these affairs, so general in Turkey, seems to be for

one party to rush ahead and kill. This is followed by another party

which hurries off the women and children to some mosque, khan or

some Moslem home temporarily open for their reception. Lastly, this

operation is followed by the stripping of the house. Children often

get separated from their parents and are late in being found. One of

the earliest offers made to me was to undertake finding any lost if

I would send in the full name. My own guards, twenty in number since

Sunday, do my every bidding as if I were a queen. I use them for help

in all sorts of ways.

“Markets are closed, and it is very difficult to get some things much

needed. We have had but forty-five beds given back to us of those

plundered, and a few pieces of copper; as yet I fail to secure more,

or instructions as to method of procedure for individuals to secure

stolen goods. The government has large numbers of beds and much

copper ware stored for return to the owners, but all fear to stir

lest the end has not yet come.

“The aged Bishop of the Gregorians was spared, but only one, or

possibly two priests.

“Our own teacher of the Boys’ High School and several Gregorian

teachers were killed. I believe the Gregorians are in greater

suffering than the Protestants, having no foreigner to do for them,

and any efficient ones spared are afraid to venture out.

“To-day the long-expected soldiers have arrived--eight or nine

hundred. Our city has been guarded (?) by resident soldiers. We must

have your prayers and your pecuniary aid. How are the people to live

through this winter?

“URFA, January 7th, 1896.”

[Illustration:

SCENE OF SLAUGHTER. Showing how the unarmed Armenians were clubbed

and shot to death by the fanatical and bloodthirsty Moslems.]

[Illustration:

IMPRISONING ARMENIANS. This is from a sketch by an eye-witness of the

brutal seizure of Armenians, and either murdering them or forcing

them into the Prison or Death-house at Stamboul.]

Turkey and the Armenian atrocities · 第 24 / 30 章