POLITICS AND MASSACRE AT CONSTANTINOPLE.
Investigation at Sassun--Mr. Gladstone on the Situation--Disturbances
in Constantinople--Joint Notes by the Embassies--Plan of Reforms--New
English Government--Massacre in Constantinople--Decisive Action
of the Embassies--Signing of the Reforms--Subsequent Acts of
Defiance--Breach Between England and Russia--Collapse of English
Influence.
The report of the massacres in Sassun aroused a storm of indignation
throughout Europe. The British Consul at Van made investigation,
confirmed the report of the massacres, which was again confirmed by the
local military commander. The British Ambassador at Constantinople sent
special officials to make public inquiries, with the result finally
that the Turkish Government was informed that prompt, efficient steps
must be taken to secure better government in Eastern Turkey, or she
would join with European Powers in such intervention as would secure
peace and justice for the Armenians. Meanwhile Czar Nicholas had come
to the throne, and just what course would be taken by him was not yet
evident. There were indications that he would pursue a different policy
from his father, more in the line of general liberty and toleration,
and there was a widespread feeling that the English demand was
practically supported by Russia. A Turkish investigating commission
was appointed, but its personnel was such as to make it open to grave
suspicion, and the British Consuls at Erzrum and Van were instructed
to watch its course carefully. This suspicion was increased by the
fact that the Turkish commander was decorated, and notwithstanding the
repeated efforts of the Turkish Government to prevent the spread of
news, the worst reports as to the massacres were confirmed all over the
empire. At the same time the Turkish Government invited an American
representative to attend the commission. President Cleveland declined
to do this, but after negotiations with England decided to send, as an
independent investigator, Consul Jewett, of Sivas. To this, however,
the Turkish Government objected, and refused to give him the traveling
papers.
As matters became more clearly understood, reports were spread of a
separate commission to represent England, Russia, Austria, France and
probably Germany, entirely apart from the commission appointed by the
Turkish Government. This general intensity of feeling on the part of
Europe aroused considerable anxiety among the Turks, and the result was
that a commission was at last appointed with regular representatives
of the different European Powers to attend it and insure that its
investigations were carried on in an impartial and thorough manner.
The anxiety, however, was by no means confined to the government.
Throughout the empire word had been spread among the Moslems that the
Christians, backed by the European Governments, were planning the
overthrow of the Sultan. At the same time the Huntchagists redoubled
their efforts. They evidently felt that a point had been reached at
which they might make a strike. The result was that disturbances were
reported from the whole region of Western Turkey, especially in the
vicinity of Zeitun, Marash and Adana. Destructive fires were started
in several cities. The Moslems charged it upon the Armenians, the
Armenians retorted the charge upon the Moslems, and the situation
rapidly grew more intense even than it had been before. The next step
of the Turkish Government was to announce that a new plan of government
had been adopted for the districts of Erzrum, Van, Bitlis and Mush.
These four were to be made a single province with a Mussulman governor
appointed for five years, to be succeeded by Christians, who, however,
were not to be Armenians. The gendarmerie were to be recruited from the
district and commanded by a general named by the Sultan; local revenues
were to be retained by the provinces except one annual contribution to
the Porte; judges were to be elected and local ministries of education
and public works were to be formed. This was largely as the result
of the intense feeling roused in England, which was expressed by Mr.
Gladstone in response to a deputation of Armenians from Paris and
London on his eighty-fifth birthday, December 29, 1894.
“The history of Turkey has been a sad and painful history. That
race has not been without remarkable, and even in some cases, fine
qualities, but from too many points of view it has been a scourge to
the world, made use of, no doubt, by a wise Providence for the sins of
the world. If these tales of murder, violation and outrage be true,
then it will follow that they cannot be overlooked, and they cannot
be made light of. I have lived to see the Empire of Turkey in Europe
reduced to less than one-half of what it was when I was born, and why?
Simply because of its misdeeds--a great record written by the hand of
Almighty God, in whom the Turk, as a Mohammedan, believes, and believes
firmly--written by the hand of Almighty God against injustice, against
lust, against the most abominable cruelty; and if--and I hope, and I
feel sure, that the government of the Queen will do everything that
can be done to pierce to the bottom of this mystery, and to make the
facts known to the world--if, happily--I speak hoping against hope--if
the reports we have read are to be disproved or to be mitigated, then
let us thank God; but if, on the other hand, they be established,
then I say it will more than ever stand before the world that there
is no lesson, however severe, that can teach certain people the duty,
the prudence, the necessity of observing in some degree the laws of
decency, and of humanity, and of justice, and that if allegations such
as these are established, it will stand as if it were written with
letters of iron on the records of the world, that such a government as
that which can countenance and cover the perpetration of such outrages
is a disgrace in the first place to Mohammed, the Prophet whom it
professes to follow, that it is a disgrace to civilization at large,
and that it is a curse to mankind. Now, that is strong language.
“Strong language ought to be used when facts are strong, and ought
not to be used without strength of facts. I have counselled you still
to retain and to keep your judgment in suspense, but as the evidence
grows and the case darkens, my hopes dwindle and decline; and as long
as I have a voice, I hope that voice, upon occasion, will be uttered on
behalf of humanity and truth.”
Soon after came the formation of a commission, which was, however,
so constituted as not to inspire the greatest confidence, the foreign
representatives not being of high rank. However, it was better than
nothing, and the general feeling was that its report would be awaited
with interest. Meanwhile there came notices of disturbance elsewhere.
There was a rising of the Christians in Albania, and considerable
trouble in Bulgaria, where the Russian power was made manifest by the
appearance upon the scene of Mr. Zankoff, who had been practically an
exile for some time. The commission had started, and by the middle of
February was thoroughly established in its work in Mush. On its way
to that place it made some interesting discoveries. At the village of
Bulanik some of the Armenian villagers came to the European members
and reported that Turkish soldiers were at that time engaged in
extorting money from villagers by threats of reporting them as rebels.
The commission sent a polite invitation to the commander, asking him
to come and answer a few questions. Instantly the whole body fled in
every direction, evidently supposing that they would not be interfered
with. This was a fair illustration of the kind of extortion carried on
through the whole of Eastern Turkey. Those who made any difficulty were
imprisoned, until it was said that there was scarcely a single Armenian
of prominence in the city of Bitlis who was not in prison, while
Armenian ecclesiastics of every grade were arrested. This fact also
illustrates the nature of the charges of the government with regard to
insurrection among the Armenians. At Khnus the commission found some
genuine refugees whom they took along with them to Mush.
At the same time attention was diverted to the region of Marash, so
far as appears, there was no special charge of insurrection, but a
general uprising. The houses of the American missionaries were entered
by force and searched for arms, which naturally they did not find.
Complaint was sent to Constantinople and demands were made through
the American Legation for protection. Similarly at Nicomedia a French
Catholic complained that his domicile had been violated and that he
himself had been arrested by the Turks. The French ambassador, standing
firm upon the capitulations accorded to his government, demanded the
removal of the governor, the punishment of the officers and a public
apology to the priest. The Turks objected, but finally yielded. Even
Constantinople was not safe. An American citizen passing through the
streets, only a short distance from the Sultan’s palace, was stabbed
and killed by a Turkish soldier, who had also seriously wounded sixteen
others. A day or two later another Turk in a theatre got into a quarrel
with an Englishman and endeavored to kill him. The Englishman escaped,
but a student friend who rose to defend him, was struck down with a
single blow of the Turk’s knife. The chief value of these incidents
was that the government made every effort to excuse the criminals, and
would give no punishment except under pressure. The official statement
as to the man who murdered the American was, that the soldier had got
into a quarrel with one of his comrades and merely stabbed the sixteen
Christians on the supposition that they were trying to catch him. The
absurdity of this is evident from the fact that one of them was an
Armenian girl, standing on the steps of her own home; another was a
milkman, whom the soldier asked, “Are you a Christian or a Moslem?” and
on being told that he was a Moslem let him go.
For some weeks there was no special change in the situation,
though the relations between Turks and Christians were constantly
more serious, so that the council of the Armenian Patriarchate at
Constantinople presented a memorial to the Sultan, urging him to cease
the constant ill treatment which the Armenians suffered at the hands
of the Turkish officers. It was not surprising that the memorial was
returned with a request that it be modified in form. How needful it
was, however, was manifest from the following facts reported from a
city a short distance from Constantinople. An Armenian pastor and
teacher were arrested and imprisoned on the charge of having seditious
letters, which letters, when read, were shown to be simply private
correspondence. One man was imprisoned for two weeks because his name
suggested a similarity to an address to which a telegram was sent
saying, “Come at once.” An Armenian was forced to sell his house at
only a trifle over half value, because a pasha wanted it for one of his
wives. A traveler happening to meet an official on the road was turned
back and imprisoned for a week on no charge whatever, and released only
on the payment of three Turkish pounds. These are but illustrations of
what was going on near Constantinople. In the region of Dersim, north
of Sivas and Harput, the Kurds seemed to have made special effort
to search for proofs of sedition. In two villages papers were found
stating that a certain order for arms had been filled and forwarded.
No weapons were discovered, however, and subsequently a Turk confessed
that he had himself forged the papers. Notwithstanding this, fifty
people, thirty from one village, were imprisoned, of whom a number
died. Everywhere throughout Asia Minor the Christians were in constant
fear of the Turks, who were stirred by their priests to provide
themselves with arms in order to be ready for any emergency, which the
priests assured them would come as the result of the efforts of the
Christians, supported by European powers, to overthrow the Turkish
Government. For a time there seemed to be hope of better things. The
Turkish Government revoked some of its appointments of notoriously
unfit men, and the commission at Mush were making increasing reports of
the situation, which aroused repeated and indignant protests throughout
Europe. It became apparent that the moral sense of the Christian Powers
was awake, and the Porte understood very well that that could not be
ignored. The British Government had definitely announced its intention
to secure protection for Christians throughout the empire. At the same
time United States cruisers arrived on the coast, and in interviews
with the Turkish governors made it very apparent that protection
to Americans must be secured. The immediate result of this was the
release of a large number of ecclesiastics who had been confined in
various fortresses, and who, though for some time under surveillance
in Constantinople, were practically at liberty. The summer thus passed
by with a generally better condition and there were strong hopes that
reforms would actually be instituted, especially as reports came that
Great Britain, France and Russia had united in a joint note to the
Porte, stating the reforms which they insisted upon for the better
conduct of the government in the interior. A complete statement of
these reforms is hardly necessary here. In the main they followed the
line of the different promises that had been made previously. Among the
most important provisions were the following:
“A High Commissioner, appointed with the assent of the Powers, is to
have general supervision over the whole empire, with the assistance
of a commission sitting in Constantinople; the provinces of Eastern
Turkey are to have Mohammedan or Christian governors, according to the
preponderance of population, the vice-governor to be of different faith
from the governor; taxes are to be collected by local and municipal
agents instead of by soldiers or treasury agents, and the provinces
are to retain enough funds for their own administration, and send the
balance to Constantinople; there is to be a general amnesty for crimes
and offences other than those against the common law; pending political
trials are to stop and the prisoners are to be released; imprisonment
without special warrant is forbidden and speedy trial assured, together
with release in case of acquittal; the number of Christian judges is to
be increased in proportion to the Christian population; Christians are
to serve equally with Moslems in the gendarmerie; conversion to Islam
by force is forbidden, and general freedom of religious confession is
to be secured; the powers of magistrates are to be extended, and the
local courts are to be under the supervision of a delegation from the
Court of Appeals.”
The position taken by the Ottoman Government with regard to these
reforms was not such as to inspire much of hope. Answer was long
delayed; furthermore, there was a change of ministry, the new Grand
Vizier being one well known as anti-English in his policy and warmly
supporting Russia. The one selected as Minister of Foreign Affairs was
also president of the commission to investigate the Sassun massacre.
Meanwhile trouble had arisen in Arabia, there being attacks upon the
English, French and Russian Consuls at Jeddah. The whole Moslem world
seemed to be on the verge of an outbreak. The British Government was
strengthening its garrisons in the Mediterranean and in Egypt, and
there was a very general belief that it was ready to take extreme
steps, even to the extent of occupying the Dardanelles, and perhaps
the Bosporus in case of necessity. At last the reply of the Turkish
Government came, acceding to the general principle of control by the
Powers of the plan of reforms, but asking that the period be limited to
three years. As if, however, to complicate matters still more, reports
came of an uprising in Macedonia. Bulgarian emissaries had apparently
been at work among their brethren under Turkish rule, exciting revolt
and urging annexation. The result was manifest in incursions across
the mountains, and notice was given by the Bulgarian Government that
it might be compelled to take decisive action with regard to the
disturbances. Underneath all this there was generally recognized to be
Russian, and perhaps Austrian influence, so that the general situation
was uncertain in the extreme.
Just at this time, in July, came the overthrow of the liberal
government in England, and the return of the conservatives to power.
Hitherto the conservative policy toward Turkey had always been
aggressive, and every one expected that tradition would be respected.
In anticipation of this, the Sultan’s Government sent conciliatory
answers in regard to reforms, stating that they proposed to apply them
to the entire empire; appoint Christian assessors to assist provincial
governors; make the selection of under-officials from both Mussulmans
and Christians, improve prisons, check the excesses of Kurds, etc.
In Tarsus a mob attacked the building of St. Paul’s Institute, and
in other portions of the country there was manifest a great deal of
tension of feeling. The Huntchagists again stirred themselves, and in
Marsovan murdered two prominent Armenians, one a Protestant, the other
a Gregorian. They also committed various murders in Constantinople,
and threatened the life of the Patriarch because he refused to endorse
their scheme for absolute independence. About this time also became
increasingly manifest the bitter feeling on the part of the Turks
themselves against their own government. Reports spread for the past
year by the Moslem priests that the Sultan’s rule was in danger,
and that the Christians were planning to overcome the Moslem power,
combined with the increasing taxation and the great injustice from
which in many sections of the empire Moslems suffered not less than
Christians, stirred the Young Turkey Party to an increasing degree of
bitterness. Just to what extent this party was organized it has never
been possible to learn; that remains for the future historian. It
is, however, a fact that everywhere throughout the empire there was
hostility not merely against the Christians, but against the Turkish
Government for its failure to do justice to the Moslems even at the
expense of Christians. Just at this time came Mr. Gladstone’s famous
address at Chester, in which he summed up very clearly the situation;
under the treaty of 1856 the Powers of Europe had a right, clear and
indisputable, to march into the country and take the government of
it out of the hands of the Turks; England had a special right under
the treaty of 1878 (the Cyprus Convention) and a special duty, from
the fact that the making of promises in treaties carries with it the
obligation to compel the keeping of the promises; the whole situation,
therefore, he summed up in the three words: _coercion_, _must_ and
_ought_. The last he claimed had absolutely no meaning; _must_, he
said, is fairly understood, but the first is the one that is thoroughly
appreciated.
One of the first manifestations of spirit of the new English
Government was the sending of an English fleet to the vicinity of the
Dardanelles and there was a general feeling that aggressive action
would be taken. Here, however, appeared a new phase. Having practically
accepted the principle of European control, the Sultan now denounced
it, saying that it was derogatory to his dignity and that it would
endanger his own control over his empire. In this connection also he
made complaint to France and Russia of the position taken by England.
They indeed did not give him encouragement, but from this time it
became questionable whether the concert of the three Powers which had
been supposed to be firm was really so. Meanwhile relief work had been
going on and a special commission had been sent into Eastern Turkey
to manage the question of relief. This will be referred to later, but
reference must be made to it here to show the peculiar situation in
which England was placed. She was manifesting her deepest sympathy
with the Armenians, was apparently taking steps to coerce the Sultan
and had made, or was on the point of making, propositions for his
deposition. So far as appears, she was doing all that could possibly
be expected. The next step was equally strong. It was asserted that,
in an interview with the Turkish ambassador at London, Lord Salisbury
had announced that the refusal on the part of the Turkish Government
to execute Article 61 of the Treaty of Berlin would be the signal of
the dismemberment of the empire. This was indeed denied the next day,
but it was generally believed to be virtually true, and the immediate
issuing by the Sultan of a note stating the concessions he was willing
to make with regard to the administration of the eastern provinces
of his empire indicated that some extra pressure had been brought to
bear upon him. Those concessions were not of remarkable character,
merely in the line of what had repeatedly been said and repeatedly
promised. It was evident, however, that there was increasing uneasiness
throughout the empire. Next came reports that Russia and France had
intimated their acceptance of the Sultan’s proposals, while Great
Britain insisted that they were incomplete. Fresh outrages were said
to have started up throughout the empire. Despatches from the region
of Erzingan spoke of a band of brigands attacking a company of Turkish
soldiers, whereupon the authorities decided that the assailants were
Armenian revolutionaries, and sent a force of 1,000 Turks to the
Armenian village of Kemakh, the result being that five villages were
pillaged, several thousand persons rendered homeless, men tortured,
women and children assaulted and four monasteries attacked. There were
also reports of an organization among the Turkish minor officials to
attack the Christians on every hand if the government should definitely
accept the scheme of reforms. For a couple of weeks there was apparent
quiet, when the civilized world was astounded by the report of a
massacre in Constantinople itself.
The long delay in effecting any result favorable to good order
in Turkey from the negotiations respecting reform gave opportunity
for the Huntchagists. At the same time the Turks were exasperated by
the long continuance of the English fleet near the Dardanelles. The
Armenians said that England and Russia had quarrelled. The Turks were
inclined to believe also that there was weakness and fear on the part
of the English, else the passage of the Dardanelles would be risked.
Then came reports of all sorts. The Huntchagists circulated a story
that the English Ambassador desired to have a few Armenians killed in
the streets of Constantinople in order to have an excuse for bringing
in the fleet. On Monday, October 1st, a procession of Armenians was
formed, including perhaps 200, some armed with revolvers, but the
greater part entirely peaceable men, and even those who were armed
were for the most part ignorant of the use of their weapons. They
started to the offices of the Sublime Porte to present their petition
for relief from the terrible oppression under which their nation was
suffering. Such petition was entirely in accord with the time-honored
customs of Turkey. It was, however, not difficult to give it an
illegal appearance, and taken in connection with various threats,
it is scarcely surprising that the Turkish Government was alarmed.
The police were drawn up hastily and the Armenians were ordered to
disperse. In some way or other firing commenced, the Turks say by the
Armenians, the Armenians charge it upon the Turks. There was an attack
upon the men by the police and a number of persons were killed before
the procession was broken up. Once started, however, the disturbance
was not easily stopped. It spread through different parts of the
city. The Softas gathered from their Mosques and started on a riot
through the streets armed with clubs. They attacked any Armenians they
could find, knocking them down, wounding them severely and sometimes
killing them; even attacking those who were already prisoners in the
hands of the police. Through all that day and night and the next day
this situation continued. During Tuesday night a number of attacks on
Armenians in their lodging-places were made and from 70 to 80 were
thus killed in cold blood. The whole number of killed is estimated at
about 200 and most of them absolutely innocent of any action hostile
to the government. The Turks, however, were thirsting for Christian
blood and the Armenians were in a panic. The government sent for the
Armenian Patriarch, but told him that none of his followers would be
permitted to accompany him. He therefore declined the invitation and
remained at his palace, where he was practically imprisoned, together
with a large number of Armenians. In the main streets for two or
three days there was apparently no difficulty, but on a side street
it was not safe for an Armenian to be seen. The panic spread into the
European quarter and 21 Armenian laborers at the glass works in Pera
were killed. Multitudes took refuge in the churches, and in one case
an effort was made to break through the walls, apparently to allow the
Moslems free entrance to the church. Under the lead of the British
Ambassador the foreign representatives acted promptly. The Dragoman
of the English Embassy, under orders from Sir Philip Currie, visited
the patriarchate to express sympathy with the Armenians. Sir Philip
insisted upon the prompt acceptance of the scheme of reforms and
demanded that every effort be made to restore order. For several days,
however, it was impossible to persuade the terror-stricken Armenians to
leave the churches where they were taking refuge, and it was not until
the ambassadors sent their own officials to the churches, giving their
personal pledges for safety, that the churches were cleared and quiet
was re-established in the city. Just at this time there came a change
in the government and Said Pasha gave place to Kiamil Pasha, one of the
ablest statesmen Turkey has ever known, and who was identified with
the best interests of the empire. This, however, was attended by the
sending to the Softas from the Sultan’s palace of several hundred sheep
and a quantity of delicacies as a reward for their loyalty. The flame
once started in Constantinople, spread rapidly throughout the empire.
The record of the massacres is contained in the following chapters.
We confine ourselves here to a general survey of the political events
following, until March, 1896.
The immediate result of the disturbance at Constantinople politically
was the approval and signing by the Sultan of the scheme approved by
the embassies for reforms in Turkey by the Sultan. This aroused great
opposition among the Moslems in Constantinople and corresponding
delight throughout the empire. It was not certain, however, what the
general result would be. The Sultan claimed that it was done under
compulsion and evidently cared very little about the reforms being
carried out. At the same time came threats of the assassination of
the Sultan on the part of the Albanian guards in the palace, and the
general situation in the capital being serious, the embassies made
a demand for additional guardships for their own protection and the
protection of the foreign residents. Further than this there was no
indication of positive action on the part of the European Powers, and
the conviction grew rapidly that a breach had formed between Russia and
England and that nothing practical would be done. With the constantly
repeated reports of massacres throughout the empire and the increased
demands of the foreign Powers came another change in the ministry.
Kiamil Pasha was summarily and very harshly dismissed and ordered to
Aleppo. He appealed for protection to the ambassadors and receiving
some support was sent to Aldin, a more favorable post.
The most significant item in the early part of November was a speech
by Lord Salisbury, at the Lord Mayor’s banquet, in which he expressed
the hope that the Sultan would grant justice to the Armenians and
secure their prosperity, peace and safety, but intimated very clearly
that if he did not, it would be the ruin of his empire. The fact that
this was coincident with the sending of the French Mediterranean
squadron to the Levant and the massing of the Russian troops through
the Caucasus, gave an impression that positive intervention was nearer
than at any time before. It was asserted in the English papers that
a joint ultimatum would be presented to the Sultan transferring the
internal government to persons trusted by the Powers, and that in case
of refusal the combined squadrons would advance on Constantinople.
On the other hand, the Sultan was reported as terrified at the
increasing bitterness against him on the part of the Turks; as
improving every opportunity to decorate and advance men who had been
identified with the outrages, and in general as holding an attitude
of defiance. The time passed by, however, with no positive action.
News came of massacres at Harput, Marash, Aintab and elsewhere, with
increasing proofs of the complicity, to say the least, of the Turkish
authorities. The man who was more than any other identified with the
worst oppression in the province of Van was made governor of Aleppo,
and there seemed to be on every side a condition of chaos. Some
defended the Sultan, claiming that while he would be glad to stop the
disturbances, he was powerless, the movement having become a popular
movement and having gone clear beyond any ability of his to check it.
The next phase was the discussion in regard to the admission of the
guardships. The demand was entirely within the rights of the embassies,
but the Sultan hesitated on the ground that it would exasperate the
Moslem communities, and the European Governments hesitated to press
the point. The result was, that more and more it became evident that
there was on the one hand no cordial, united action between the
European Governments, and on the other that the disturbances throughout
the empire were under the direct orders of the Turkish Government. A
significant event was the fleeing of the ex-Grand Vizier, Said Pasha,
to the British Embassy for protection, on the ground that his life was
in danger. He was kept there for some time and only left on specific
assurance from the Sultan himself. Meanwhile on every hand reports
of the situation in the interior increased in seriousness, but the
government persistently denied them and spread the most atrocious lies
with regard to the whole state of the country; declared that in every
case the Armenians had risen in defiance of the Turkish Government,
and that where massacre had been reported there was simply a little
disturbance.
The close of the year 1895 found everything in the empire in a state
of uncertainty. The fleets had withdrawn, and there seemed to be no
plan of action on the part of the various Powers, while the Turkish
Government was doing its best by repeated falsehoods to arouse the
Moslem populace to a high pitch of exasperation. At the same time the
Turkish army was suffering from lack of pay, soldiers not receiving
their wages and having no clothing or adequate food. A revolt of the
Druzes in Syria called a large number of troops to the south, but it
was difficult to secure military discipline among them. Meanwhile the
widespread destitution resulting upon the massacres had called the
earnest attention of Europe and of America, and appeals were made for
assistance. This was at first refused by the Turkish Government, which
would not even permit the Red Cross to enter the country, claiming
that there was no war and no necessity; that the story of sufferings
had been greatly exaggerated, and that the whole thing was the direct
result of Armenian revolution. The month of January passed without
any special change. The guardships were admitted, but the long delay
had deprived the matter of any great significance. Then came reports
of the secret treaty between Russia and Turkey, by which Russia would
guarantee the Sultan’s Government and in turn receive free passage
for her fleets through the straits, which would be closed by Turkey
to other nations. These reports were officially denied, but it was
generally believed that there was basis for them. Early in February
the report of the commission investigating the massacre at Sassun was
issued. The actual statements confirmed the story of the outrages,
showed that no steps were taken by troops to stop the Kurds, that in
fact the soldiers and Kurds alike were the authors of the burning of
entire villages; they also showed that there was no proof of revolt
on the part of the Armenians. In the middle of February, Parliament
assembled, and in the speech from the throne, which sets forth the
general policy of the government, was the following clause in reference
to Turkey:
“The Sultan of Turkey has sanctioned the principal reforms in the
government of the Armenian provinces, for which, jointly with the
Emperor of Russia and the President of the French Republic, I have felt
it to be my duty to press. I deeply regret the fanatical outbreak on
the part of a section of the Turkish population which has resulted in a
series of massacres which have caused the deepest indignation in this
country.”
This clause aroused very strong criticism by the liberals, but Lord
Salisbury claimed that it was impossible for the government to have
done more, and intimated distinctly that Russia and France had refused
to co-operate, and had distinctly said that they would resist any
attack on the part of England to bring coercion to bear on the Turkish
Empire.
[Illustration:
THE CITY OF GUMUSHKHANE, on the road from Trebizond to Erzrum in
Eastern Turkey. The city derives its name from the silver (gumush)
mines, from which ore is taken for the artisans in Trebizond and
Constantinople. The buildings are of a much better class than are
usually to be found in Eastern Turkey, and indicate the prosperity of
the place.]
[Illustration:
VIEW IN THE CITY OF TABRIZ, NORTHERN PERSIA; in some respects as
typical a Turkish city as any in Turkey. It gives a good illustration
of the style of building. A Moslem procession is passing in the
street and the women and children are gathered on the roofs looking
over the parapets. In summer the people bring their beds upon the
roofs to sleep on account of the extreme heat.]