CHAPTER IV.

THE TURKS.

Their Origin--Early History--General Characteristics--Good

Qualities--Kindness--Hospitality--Temperance--Honesty--Intellectual

Ability--Obedience to Rulers--Bravery--Bad

Characteristics--Indifference to

Suffering--Brutality--Degradation of Women--Sensuality--Official

Unreliability--Fatalism--Insolence--Indolence--General Summary.

The term Turk is a somewhat indefinite one. In general it applies to

any or all of the different tribes originating east of the Caspian,

and who have spread in varying degrees north, south and west. Without

undertaking to give specific definition, it is sufficient to apply the

name to the greater part of the Turanian race, and for present purposes

to limit it to those branches that have at various times occupied what

is known as the Turkish Empire.

According to a legend, the common ancestor of all was a mighty king

by the name of Turk, who lived in the time of Abraham. A descendant

of his, called Oghuz Khan, had six sons, whom he sent one day to the

chase. Returning, they brought him a bow and arrows which they had

found. The bow was given to the three eldest and the three arrows to

the younger. The latter each took one, but the first three divided the

bow among them, receiving thereby the name Bosuk, The Breakers. They

were intrusted with the care of the right wing of his army, while to

the three youngest, called Utschok, The Three Arrows, was given the

care of the left wing. These younger ones extended their rule eastward

toward China and were the ancestors of the Mongols. The others roamed

westward. One became the founder of the Turkomans, another of the

Seljuks and the third of the Ottomans or Osmanlis. This, however,

is chiefly legend. What is clearer history is the fact that varying

tribes, with some evident connection with the Mongols of Eastern Asia,

spread westward through Russia and Persia, and encamped upon the plains

of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Their first incursions were about the

fifth and sixth centuries, at the very time when both Caliphate and

Byzantine Empire were showing the weakness of effeminacy. At first

their progress was, through lack of any organization and unity, of

little moment. They furnished the mercenaries for the Caliphs, and

while occasionally governing one section or another, held their power

in very uncertain hands.

The first chieftain to accomplish anything like permanent rule

was Togrul Bey, the grandson of Seljuk, an Ameer of Turkestan, who

wrested one country after another from its princes and reigned from

Bokhara to Syria, from the vicinity of the Indus to the Black Sea.

He bequeathed his vast empire to the famous Alp Arslan, who crossed

the Euphrates, conquered Armenia and Georgia, and came up to the very

borders of the already shrunken Byzantine Empire. Its emperor sought

to check the advance of the chieftain, but was defeated, captured, and

only received his liberty as a special favor of his conqueror. He,

however, granted it not so much from any considerations of humanity,

as because he realized that, brave and intrepid as his horsemen were,

they were no match in the long run for the disciplined legions of what

was to him a new world. As so often is the case, the adventurous rush

westward left his ancestral region exposed to enemies. On his return

to reinstate himself in Bokhara, Alp Arslan was killed, and his son,

Malek Shah, came to the throne. His reign, 1072-1092, was the golden

era of the Seljuk dynasty. His empire extended from the Caspian to the

Mediterranean, from Khorassan to the Bosporus. The Fatimite Caliphs of

Egypt were practically under his power, and from his capital at Konieh

(Iconium) he governed the whole of his vast domains. The Seljuk ruler

was not merely a conqueror. Whether under the influence of the Caliphs

or not, he interested himself in education, founded schools, and it

was during his reign that many of the most beautiful specimens of what

is mistakenly called Saracenic architecture were erected throughout

Central Asia Minor. The graceful mosques and arches, sometimes highly

adorned, mostly now fallen into ruin, are all that is left of a strange

incursion of the wild Tartars into civilization.

Malek Shah left little or nothing of his own ability to his three

sons, who disputed among themselves and divided the empire: one holding

Persia and laying the foundation for the present Kajar dynasty; another

occupying Northern Syria, while the third retained the ancestral

capital at Konieh. This division not merely made them subject to

incursions from abroad, but to revolutions from the chieftains who

nominally gave them allegiance. The first to take advantage of their

weakness were the Mongols, who, under Zinghis Khan, either overbore

the weak Seljuks entirely or held them in subordination, though still

allowing them the title of Sultan. The Mongols, however, had no staying

power, and gave place in their turn to still another incursion. A tribe

of Turks swept away by the Mongol invasion had found their way from

Khorassan to the region west of Ararat, where they camped about the

headquarters of the Euphrates. They found this, however, not exactly

to their mind, and longing for their ancient home, set out to return

to it. Their chief, however, was drowned in attempting to cross the

Euphrates, and the result was a division of the troops. The two oldest

sons held on their way to Khorassan; the younger two, with about 400

families, wandered back and forth in true nomad style from plain to

mountain. One, Erthogrul, came out upon a plain of Cappadocia and

found, according to the story, two armies in conflict. True to the

mountain instinct, unfortunately lost in later years, he joined the

weaker company, and with his fresh warriors won for them the victory.

Later consultation revealed to him the fact that his late ally was

the Sultan of the Seljuks, seeking to defend his much-diminished

kingdom against one of his periodical foes. The new arrivals, fresh

from their mountain life, unweakened by the experiences of the plain,

formed a valuable reinforcement. They joined heartily with those

they had helped, recognized loyally their chief, and assisted him to

regain his power over the various tribes around, and also to make some

headway against the Greeks. In course of time a closer alliance was

brought about and the son of Erthogrul, Ottoman, Osman, or Othman, by

persistent courtship and a convenient dream, won the daughter of an

Arab chief, and Malkatoun became the mother of Orchan.

Erthogrul lived to an advanced age, but little by little transferred

the care of his kingdom to Othman, who, on the death of his benefactor,

became the recognized head of the nation. This was in the latter part

of the thirteenth century. His reign, and that of Orchan, were occupied

chiefly in consolidating their power, developing the general character

of the people, introducing the best military arrangements known at that

day, and in extending their empire. One by one they drew under their

leadership the various Turkish tribes, and advanced nearer and nearer

to Constantinople, until they made Brusa their capital. It was here

that both father and son are buried, and their tombs are objects of

great reverence among the Turks to the present day.

It is probable that the influence of these two men largely controlled

the development of Turkish character. That character is often greatly

misunderstood. It is by no means as thoroughly barbaric as many

suppose. It is impossible that a nation that could develop such

power, could not merely extend its boundaries, but maintain them,

subdue nation after nation, and keep them in subjection, hold its

own for centuries against the hostility of Europe, and withstand the

disintegrating influences that have been at work during the past

century, should not have much of vitality in its nature. Whatever of

weakness at the head, there must have been, and there must still be,

soundness of body. That this is true is testified to, not merely by

travelers, of whatever nationality, but by the very people who are

quoted as saying, “There is no good Turk but a dead Turk.” The fact

is, that in order to estimate accurately the character of the Turkish

native, we must go not to the official circles, but to the private

houses, whether in the cities or the country, but most of all in the

country.

The ordinary Turkish peasant, and many a townsman, is a man very

simple in his tastes. His food is plain but wholesome, his dress is

unassuming, his house most primitively furnished. He is kindly in his

bearing; intensely fond of his children, frequently so of his wife;

a great admirer of the beauties of nature, generally contriving to

have some flowers within reach. He is social, but in rather a sober

way, in this respect quite different from the Armenians, who are far

more buoyant, and from the Greeks, whose entertainments are frequently

boisterous. He is thoroughly hospitable, entertaining with a free hand.

To the unfortunate, especially the blind, the crippled, the demented,

he is very kind, not only never lifting a finger against them, but

helping them when he can. So also with animals, he is careful and

generally considerate.

In his private life the Turkish peasant is temperate. Not as temperate

as he is supposed to be, but still temperate. As a rule he is a

monogamist. Polygamy is comparatively rare, chiefly because of

the expense. The facility and widespread use of divorce, however,

accomplishes much the same thing. Any Turk can put away his wife at

any time, and take another, and in the towns this privilege is used

constantly, nor is there any disgrace involved. There are, however,

multitudes of instances where husband and wife are true to each other

through a long life. The statement is frequently made that the social

evil is unknown. This is not true. In the cities, and wherever there

are garrisons, there is prostitution, though not to the same extent as

in Europe. Sodomy is far more common. In the main, however, the common

Turk of the provinces will compare very favorably with the peasant of

other lands, and one proof is found in the unimpaired vigor of his

physical constitution. He is ordinarily a robust, well-formed, powerful

man.

In his relations with the subject races of the empire, the Turk

never forgets that he is the lord of the land. This is intensified by

the fact that he occupies himself chiefly with the care of the land,

herds and flocks, which he considers the only real property. Trade he

has little taste for, and as little facility in it. Banking, too, is

entirely alien to his habits. These pursuits he looks upon as implying

endless trickery and deception, and accordingly he looks upon them with

contempt, for, except under the influence of the West, he is in general

truthful, honest and reliable. This contempt is usually mingled with

somewhat of dread, for he is no match for the very people he despises,

whom yet he finds so essential to his comfort and general welfare.

The result is, that for the most part he lives on good terms with his

neighbors of whatever race or creed. In ordinary times he will be seen

on friendly, even intimate, relations with them, and, although the

distinction is always clear, it is yet frequently overlooked. Villages,

Christian and Turkish, on the same plain, will ordinarily be at peace,

and in the towns and cities there is seldom any indication of the line

that separates one quarter from another. Even in the massacres of

the past year, there have been many instances where they have given

protection to hunted Christian refugees.

So far as the foreigner is concerned, he is to the average Turk more

of a curiosity than anything else, a kind of being with whom, or

with which, he has very little to do. He has a dim conception of the

existence of some strange countries far remote from his own, where

people dress in a most uncomfortable way, eat strange things, and

altogether lead a life which has not the slightest attraction for

himself. There are men, even in interior villages, who have a much more

accurate idea of Europe, and who have even heard of America, but the

following incident, which is a true one, will apply to the greater part

of the Turks of the provinces.

A foreigner who was traveling in Northern Syria came to a village on

the Euphrates, and entered into conversation with his host, a part of

which was as follows:

_Host._ What is the latest news?

_Foreigner._ Have you heard that the Russian Emperor is dead?

_Host._ No! When did he die?

_Foreigner._ Two or three weeks ago.

_Host._ Is there a new king yet? (Notice change in title.)

_Foreigner._ Why, yes, even though not formally crowned, the new

Emperor became Emperor the moment his father died.

_Host._ Who is the new king?

_Foreigner._ The son of the one dead. In Europe the crown goes from

father to child, not to the oldest male of the blood royal as in the

Turkish Empire.

_Host._ Has the new king come to Constantinople yet?

_Foreigner._ What for?

_Host._ Why, to get our Emperor’s permission to put on his crown; he

cannot put it on without our Emperor’s permission.

_Foreigner._ I think that has not been the custom of late years.

_Host._ Why, certainly it has. None of the kings of Europe can be

crowned without our Emperor’s permission. Is not that so? (this to a

Moslem who had just come in).

_Visitor._ Why, yes. They are all vassals of our Emperor.

_Host._ I wonder if our Emperor will not insist that the new Russian

king pledge himself to abstain from war two years, before letting him

put on his crown?

_Visitor._ Probably he will.

The intellectual ability of the Turk is good. When it is remembered

that there is almost no education of any kind throughout the country;

that what little there is, is confined to the priests; that there is

little reading and almost no opportunity for development, the facts

apparent on every hand indicate no mean order of talent. The records

of attainment in government schools and elsewhere show that Turkish

young men are fully the equals of any. In many respects the conduct

of the government is of a very good order, and the history of Turkish

diplomacy is certainly on a par with that of any court of Europe.

They have not the keenness of the Armenians or of the Greeks, but

have good minds, and, where circumstances give the opportunity, they

show ability to think for themselves. In the official class this is

particularly noticeable, and the educated Turk of Constantinople stands

fully abreast of his compeer in the cities of Europe. An American,

traveling in a railroad train from Adrianople to Constantinople, got

into conversation with a Turkish army officer. He found the officer

well posted in many lines of investigation and even well read in the

Turkish version of the Bible. It is an interesting and significant fact

that large editions of that version, in the form specially adapted

to Turks, have been sold throughout the empire, and that they are

constantly read and studied, has been repeatedly affirmed by the Turks

themselves. A nation that can produce such men as Fuad, Midhat, and

Ali Pashas, and not a few of those prominent in later years, and that

shows such interest in a daily press, cannot be considered of mediocre

intellectual ability.

From the standpoint of a despotic government the Turk makes an almost

ideal subject. He is absolutely obedient to those whom he regards as

constituted authorities, even where treated by them with the most

outrageous oppression and injustice, as is repeatedly the case under

the Sultan’s rule. He seldom if ever complains, and when he does it is

with bated breath, as if there could be no criticism of his superiors.

Whatever of wrong there may be, is laid at the door, not of the

authorities, but of some outside and to him unknown influences which

compel this action under which he suffers. Or it may be that he looks

upon it as just punishment from God for some crime against his law. But

of this later on. As a soldier he takes rank with the very best in the

world. His naturally fine physique and strong constitution and simple

manner of life give him great endurance, and his unwavering obedience,

which, however, is by no means stolid, as is that of the Russian, makes

him the reliance of his officers, while his education in his religion

from childhood makes him reckless even to the point of despising death.

The record of Turkish wars throughout the centuries has been one that

any nation might well be proud of, so far as achievements of its

soldiers are concerned; and no one who watched the veterans as they

returned from Plevna and from Shipka could fail to understand how it

was that Russia had to buy her way into the fortifications.

There is, however, another side to Turkish character, illustrated by

many facts along the lines already mentioned. The treatment of the

insane whose detention becomes necessary, and who have none to provide

for them, is brutal in the extreme. In times of famine or of general

distress the Turk will do little or nothing to relieve even his own

people, and when an animal becomes sick or helpless, it is left to a

miserable end. It is no uncommon sight on the caravan roads to see

camels, horses or mules, that have fallen by the way left to die,

while the vultures gather and commence their work even before life is

extinct. The stories of the past year of torture, murder and outrage,

seem to belong to a race of demons rather than of human beings. It

is true that for much of this the Kurds are responsible, as in the

Bulgarian massacres it was largely the Pomaks who were guilty of

the worst excesses, but still it is true that the Turks themselves,

soldiers and peasants, committed deeds of the most frightful enormity.

The ripping up of pregnant women to decide a wager as to the sex of

the unborn child, the wholesale outraging of women and girls, not to

speak of the torturing of men, and even little children, in the most

inhuman fashion, indicate a fiendish barbarism that seems absolutely

incompatible with the kindness and hospitality to which so many bear

witness. Yet it is simple truth that, were the facts to be detailed in

all their horror, the chronicle would disgust the world. A portion of

it has been set forth in such articles as those by E. J. Dillon, in the

_Contemporary Review_; by Frederick D. Greene, in “The Armenian Crisis

in Turkey,” and a few, comparatively very few, instances will be found

in later chapters of this book. They need not be repeated here. It is

sufficient to say that there is not a case given for which there is not

abundant proof.

So also in private life there are aspects of even the best of the

Turkish people that can call forth only condemnation. Most noticeable,

perhaps, is the condition of women, which is in the main thoroughly

degraded. From her birth she is looked upon as a menial and an

unfortunate. This is illustrated by the great amount of infanticide,

especially if the child be a girl; by the haggard, ugly countenances

of the old women, so different in that respect from the Armenians;

the piercing shrillness of their voices, from which every tone

of tenderness seems to have gone; the very general vulgarity of

conversation and of thought, always attendant upon a condition of

society where the woman must rely upon satisfying the passions rather

than the heart of her husband. As already stated, there are exceptions,

but in the main the condition of the Turkish women is very low. This

condition reacts upon the men and makes them vulgar and sensual in the

extreme. The everyday language of the average Turk would shock the

lowest of the slum boys in our own cities. Under ordinary circumstances

sensualism is kept measurably in check by the inevitable restraints of

community life, but once let those be broken and lust reigns supreme,

dominating everything. As a gentleman who knows them well and never

hesitates to recognize their good qualities, has said, “In a Turk’s

eye all that a woman has is sex, and for it he lusts with absolute

brutality.”

Similar characteristics appear in his relations with others. While

ordinarily peaceable and desirous of living on good terms with his

neighbors of other creeds or races, and thus generally truthful, honest

and hospitable, he will on occasion show the reverse of all these

characteristics, and it is not infrequently the case that travelers

find it impossible to understand how any one can possibly speak of

the race with other than contempt for its utter disregard of the most

ordinary amenities of life. The explanation is undoubtedly partly to

be found in their religious training, but there is ingrained in the

Turkish character an element of dishonesty and of disregard for truth.

This uncertainty appears somewhat in their relations to their own

government. Loyal as they are, it has not infrequently been true that

they, far more than the Christian subjects, furnish the most anxiety,

and if now the inmost thoughts of the Sultan could be learned, it is

most probable that he fears the Softas far more than the Armenians.

Next, perhaps, to the condition of woman, the weaker or the worst

side of Turkish character is manifest in the official class. The Turks

themselves have a proverb that “The Turk is a decent man until he

becomes an official, and then he becomes a scamp,” and this is borne

out in the greater part of the intercourse between that class and the

rest of the world. Probably no court in history can give so marked an

illustration of the decadence of all moral power as the Turkish court.

There have been noble men, men of preeminent ability and sterling

character, but they have been very rare, and the average official,

whether in civil, military or naval service, is absolutely unreliable.

He will make promises that he never intends to keep and that he knows

he cannot keep. He will accept bribes unblushingly and will deal with

all whom he comes in contact on the general principle that he is the

smartest man who can get the most and give the least; a sycophant to

his superiors, a bully to his inferiors. His whole life is a constant

strife with every one with whom he has any relations whatever. The

very atmosphere in which he lives seems to breathe dishonesty and

falsehood, and the ability he shows is prostituted to the very basest

ends. Yet here again, as in almost every other statement, exceptions

must be made. No one who has had dealings with the departments of

the government has failed to find many instances of courtesy and

consideration. With all the outrage and injustice perpetrated by the

provincial governors, there have been many instances of not merely

justice, but kindness, in their dealing with all classes of people.

When, however, every possible exception is noted, it remains true

that the official life from the highest to the lowest is thoroughly

demoralized.

The one dominant element in the Turkish character, however, the one

which controls and modifies all the others, is his religion. This is

no place for a general description of Mohammedanism. Some reference

has already been made to it in a preceding chapter. Here we have only

to note its effect upon the Turkish character. That effect is both

advantageous and disadvantageous. The grandeur of its monotheism

fills his soul and holds him in absolute subjection to that idea.

One result of this is that the natural simplicity of the race is

strengthened rather than weakened. Another effect of it is seen in

his general self-control and temperance. The Turk is by no means as

temperate a man as many suppose him to be; yet what temperance he has

is due primarily to the precepts of his religion. So also he is as a

rule self-contained, not from stolidity, but from principle. He is

above all things else a pure and simple fatalist, acknowledging God’s

absolute control over him and claiming that whatever is, is right. It

is immaterial to him what happens to him. Thus, on the field of battle

he absolutely refuses to recognize danger, and in private life, when

sickness overtakes him, he will frequently make no effort for recovery.

The following incident illustrates, better than any lengthy description

can, the power of this influence.

In the various scourges of cholera that have swept over many parts of

the empire, the Turk has been the most difficult patient to treat. In

the dread time in Constantinople in 1865, when the deaths numbered not

less than a thousand a day, a gentleman on his errand of mercy and of

healing met in the street a young man, who implored him to come into a

room near by and save, if he could, his father. The room was entered,

and there, upon a single quilt upon the floor, lay a Turk, old in

years, but not in strength, of magnificent physique and apparently of

perfect health until attacked by the plague. The disease had secured so

thorough a hold of him that he seemed to be marked for death. As the

medicine was produced he absolutely refused to take it, saying, “If it

is God’s will that I should die, I shall die, and your medicine will

do no good. If it is His will that I shall recover, I shall recover,

and your medicine will be of no use.” Scarcely needless to say the man

died. This same principle also makes him the obedient subject that he

is, and keeps him content with his lot when many another race would be

restless and urgent for revolution.

There are, however, other influences for evil. The very absoluteness

of Islam makes him overbearing and insolent to all who are not of his

own faith. Its exaltation of the sensual paradise frees him from all

restraint in the gratification of his passions. If once his recognized

ecclesiastical leaders, the authorized interpreters of the law, declare

against the authority of the government, he becomes immediately the

most dangerous revolutionist known to history; this in aggression. But

in another sense the same religion develops within him an indolence.

The one word that probably to many a traveler expresses Turkish

character, is the word “kef.” It is an untranslatable word, and denotes

a general condition of indolent and sensuous rather than sensual

enjoyment of different pleasures. In the enjoyment of it he is careless

of the future and the past, and lives only in the present. If urged

to labor in the fields, he says, “What is the use? I have enough for

the moment. Why should I look out for the future?” If appeal is made

to his ambition in the line of intellectual development or wide extent

of prosperity, the same indolent luxuriousness prevents his taking the

slightest trouble to alter his situation. That this indolence should

co-exist with the tremendous fury of the Turkish onslaughts as known in

history, with the atrocious barbarity of the events of the past year,

seems almost incredible, and yet it is true. This same characteristic

appears in still another form. It stands in opposition to any

development of the land. It is epicureanism interpreted in Tartar

language, and we have the Sybarite, with the bare mud floor, a cup of

coffee and a pipe, instead of the luxurious couch and deep potations

of the Roman court. This latter indeed is found where wealth gives

opportunity, but for the distinctive Turkish “kef,” we must look not in

the palace or on the shores of the Bosporus, but in the village and on

the plains of Asia Minor. An illustration is furnished in the refusal

of a Turkish pasha who owned some land on the southern slopes of the

Taurus. When some Europeans came to get a concession for working some

coal mines on his property, he replied, “If God Almighty had intended

that coal to be used, He would put it near the surface where it could

have been got at, not away below, where you have to dig for it. It is

blasphemy to change His plans.” What disturbed the pasha, however, in

truth, was not the blasphemy, but the interference with his “kef.”

It will be seen that the Turk, as is the case with so many other

peoples, is a bundle of contradictions. With some noble qualities he

unites some that are brutal and contemptible in the extreme. Those who

see only the courteous host and the easy, suave diplomat, will defend

him with all their power, while those who have felt the iron heel of

his despotism, and seen the wanton outrage of his lust, find it hard to

think that there can be any good in him. Probably the most typical Turk

of the century is the Sultan himself. To the foreign ambassador, to

the guest whom he delights to honor, he appears a man of kindly, even

benign bearing, sincerely desirous of the welfare of all his people,

sad at their distress, bitterly lamenting the cruel fate that has so

weakened the power of his rule that he cannot do what he would, yet

anxious to do all he can. To the official, however, who has displeased

him, to the peasant in his village who pays him taxes, to the priest

who seeks to perform the rites of his church, he appears a tyrant of

the most unjust and cruel type. Which is correct? In all probability

both. When all goes well, Abdul Hamid, like any other Turk, is kindly,

hospitable, even generous. When, however, adversity comes upon him, and

he finds himself face to face with disaster, not merely to himself, but

to his boasted title of Defender of the Faith, the old Tartar blood

enkindled by the ferocity of the Moslem Arab breaks forth, and he

permits, if he does not directly order, the most atrocious series of

massacres known in history. With capabilities for the best, the Turk

frequently manifests the worst elements in human nature.

[Illustration:

TURKISH PEASANT. They are ordinarily quiet, kindly men, fairly

industrious, but not aggressive. It is only when stirred by fanatical

appeals that they come to be dreaded. They almost all wear charms,

and the cord about the neck is fastened to one such. The turban is a

simple roll of dark cloth about a felt cap.]

[Illustration:

GROUP OF MOUNTAINEERS FROM CENTRAL ASIA MINOR. These are not as

fierce, although fully as brave as the Xeibecks. They form a

considerable element in what are known as the Bashi-Bozouks, or

irregular troops of the Turkish army. They are pure-blooded Turks,

stalwart, powerful men.]

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