_Fourth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1608, _by Captain
Alexander Sharpey_.[270]
INTRODUCTION.
The relation of this fourth voyage fitted out by the English East India
Company, and of various circumstances arising out of it, as given by
Purchas, consists of four different narratives, to which the editor of
Astley's Collection adds a fifth, here adopted from him. The following
are the remarks in Astley, respecting this voyage and its several
narratives.
[Footnote 270: Purch. Pilgr. I. 228, Astley, I. 336.]
In this voyage there were employed two good ships; the Ascension
admiral, commanded by Captain Alexander Sharpey, general of the
adventure; and the Union vice-admiral, under the command of Captain
Richard Rowles, lieutenant-general. As these vessels separated at the
Cape of Good Hope, and the Ascension was cast away in the bay of
Cambaya, they may be considered as separate voyages, of which we have
distinct relations.
There are two accounts extant of the voyage of the Ascension; one
written by Captain Robert Coverte, and the other by Thomas Jones. There
was a third, written by Henry Moris at Bantam, from the mouth of William
Nichols, one of the sailors belonging to the Ascension; but as the
voyage part was the same in substance as that given by Jones, Purchas
omitted that part, and only inserted the journey of Nichols by land
from Surat to Masulipatam; which requires to be inserted, although his
remarks on the road to Masulipatam, and his voyage from thence to
Bantam, are comprised in very few words.
The relation of Captain Coverte is not inserted in the Pilgrims of
Purchas, who omitted it, because, as he tells us, it was already in
print. Its title runs thus: A true and almost incredible Report of an
Englishman, that, being cast away in the good Ship called the Ascension,
in Cambaya, the furthest Part of the East Indies, travelled by Land
through many unknown Kingdoms and great Cities. With a particular
Description of all these Kingdoms, Cities, and People. As also a
Relation of their Commodities and Manner of Traffic, &c. With the
Discovery of a great Empire, called the _Great Mogul_, a Prince not till
now known to the English Nation. By Captain Coverte. London, printed by
William Hall, for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer, 1612.
The circumstance of this narrative having been before printed, is a
very insufficient reason for its omission, since Purchas inserted many
others which were before in print, and few tracts had a better title for
insertion, than this of Coverte. _De Bry_, however, knew its value, and
gave a translation of it with cuts, in his _Ind. Orient._ part xi. p.
11. but divided into chapters, the original being in one continued
narrative. It is true that Purchas has given an extract from it in his
_Pilgrimage_, book V. chap. vii. sect. 5. a work on general geography
entirely different from his _Pilgrims_, or Collection of Voyages and
Travels; but this is very imperfect, and only refers to his land
journey.
This voyage of Coverte contains sixty-eight pages in quarto, black
letter, besides the dedication and title, which occupy four pages more.
It is dedicated to Robert Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of
England; but there is nothing in the dedication worth notice, except
that he says, after the wreck of the Ascension, and getting on shore
with seventy-four others, he was the only one among them who would
venture upon so _desperate an undertaking_ as to travel home by land. He
likewise asserts that every thing he relates is true, protesting that he
speaks of nothing but what he had seen and suffered.
In this place, we shall only abstract the author's voyage to Cambaya;
and, instead of his journey home through India, Persia, and Turkey,
[which will be inserted among the Travels,[271]] shall give the account
of Jones of his own return from Cambaya by sea to England. This voyage
lays claim to two discoveries, that of the Moguls country, as appears in
the tide, though Captain Hawkins had got the start of him there; and the
discovery of the Bed Sea by the Ascension, as mentioned in the title of
the relation by Jones in Purchas.--_Astley_.
[Footnote 271: This promise is not however performed in Astley's
Collection. In the Pilgrims, I. 235, Purchas has inserted the
peregrination of Mr Joseph Salbank through India, Persia, part of
Turkey, the Persian Gulf, and Arabia, in 1609, written to Sir Thomas
Smith; and tells us in a sidenote, that Robert Coverte was his companion
in the journey all the way through India and Persia, to Bagdat. We meant
to have inserted these peregrinations as a substitute for those of
Coverte, but found the names of places so inexplicably corrupted, as to
render the whole entirely useless.--E.]
In Astley's Collection, copying from Purchas, a brief account of the
same voyage is given, as written by Thomas Jones, who seems to have been
carpenter or boatswain of the Ascension, and whose narrative differs in
some particulars from that of Coverte, though they agree in general.
Instead of augmenting our pages by the insertion of this additional
narrative, we have only remarked in notes the material circumstances in
which they differ. Neither can be supposed very accurate in dates, as
both would probably lose their journals when shipwrecked near Surat.
We have likewise added, in supplement to the narrative of Coverte, such
additional circumstances as are supplied by Jones, after the loss of the
ship.--E.
§ 1. _Relation of this Voyage, as written by Robert Coverte_.[272]
We weighed anchor from Woolwich on the 14th of March, 1608, and came to
the Downs over against Deal, three miles from Sandwich, where we
remained till the 25th, when we sailed for Plymouth. Leaving that place
with a fair gale on the 31st, we arrived at the _Salvages_, 500 leagues
from thence, on the 10th of April, and came next morning in sight of the
Grand Canary. Casting anchor there at midnight, we fired a gun for a
boat to come off: But the Spaniards, fearing we were part of a squadron
of twelve Hollanders, expected in these seas, instead of sending any
one on board, sent into the country for a body of 150 horse and foot to
defend the town; neither were their fears abated till two of our factors
went ashore, and acquainted them that we were two English ships in want
of some necessaries. Next morning we fired another gun, when the
governor sent off a boat to know what we wanted. Having acquainted him,
he made answer, that it was not in his power to relieve our wants,
unless we came into the roads. Yet, having examined our factors upon
oath, they had a warrant for a boat at their pleasure, to go between the
shore and the ships with whatever was wanted. What we most wondered at,
was the behaviour of two ships then in the roads, known by their colours
to be English, the people of which had not the kindness to apprize us of
the customs of the _subtile currish_ Spaniards. It is the custom here,
when any foreign ship comes into the roads, that no person of the same
nation even, or any other, must go on board without leave from the
governor and council.
[Footnote 272: Astley, I. 336.--In Astley's Collection, this person is
named captain; but it does not appear wherefore he had this title.--E.]
During five days that we remained here, some of the Spaniards came on
board every day, and eat and drank with us in an insatiable manner. The
general also made a present to the governor of two cheeses, a gammon of
bacon, and five or six barrels of pickled oysters, which he accepted
very thankfully, and sent in return two or three goats and sheep, and
plenty of onions. We there took in fresh water, Canary wine, marmalade
of quinces at twelve-pence a pound, little barrels of _suckets_, or
sweetmeats, at three shillings a barrel, oranges, lemons, _pame
citrons_, and excellent white bread baked with aniseeds, called
_nuns-bread_.
We set sail on the 18th April in the morning, with a fair wind, which
fell calm in three hours, which obliged us to hover till the 21st, when
a brisk gale sprung up, with which we reached Mayo, one of the Cape Verd
islands, in the afternoon of the 27th, 300 leagues from the Canaries,
where we came to anchor, determining to take in water at Bonavista; but
finding the water not clear, and two or three miles inland, we took the
less, but had other good commodities. At our arrival we were told by two
negroes, that we might have as many goats as we pleased for nothing; and
accordingly we got about 200 for both ships. They told us also, that
there were only twelve men on the island, and that there was plenty of
white salt _growing out of the ground_,[273] so that we might have
loaded both ships. It was excellent white salt, as clear as any that I
ever saw in England. Eight leagues from Mayo is the island of St Jago.
[Footnote 273: This must be understood as formed naturally by
evaporation, owing to the heat of the sun, in some places where the
sea-water stagnates after storms or high tide.--E.]
We left Mayo on the 4th May at six in the morning, and passed the
equinoctial line at the same hour on the 20th.[274] The 14th July, we
came to Saldanha bay, having all our men in health except two, who were
a little touched, with the scurvy, but soon recovered on shore. That day
we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope, 15 or 16 leagues from hence. We
refreshed ourselves excellently at Saldanha bay, where we took in about
400 cattle, as oxen, steers, sheep, and lambs; with fowls, plenty of
fish of various kinds, and fresh water. At Penguin island, five or six
leagues from the land, there are abundance of the birds of that name,
and infinite numbers of seals. With these latter animals we filled our
boat twice, and made train-oil for our lamps. From this island we took
off six fat sheep, left there by the Hollanders for a pinnace which we
met 200 leagues from the Cape, and left six bullocks in their stead. On
our first arrival at Saldanha bay, we set up our pinnace, which we
launched on the 5th September, and in six or eight days after she was
rigged and fit for sea.
[Footnote 274: Jones observes, that after passing the line, they fell in
with the _trade-wind_, which blows continually between S.E. and S.E. by
E. the farther one goes to the southwards, finding it still more
easterly, all the way between the line and the tropic of Capricorn. This
almost intolerable obstacle to the outward-bound India voyage, was
afterwards found easy to be avoided, by keeping a course to the
westward, near the coast of Brazil.
Jones likewise mentions, that on the 11th June, when in lat. 26° S. they
overtook a carak, called the Nave Palma, bound for India; which was
afterwards lost on the coast of Sofala, within twelve leagues of
Mozambique.--E.]
The natives of the country about Saldanha bay are a very beastly people,
especially in their feeding; for I have seen them eat the guts and
garbage, dung and all. They even eat the seals which we had cast into
the river, after they had lain fourteen days, being then full of
maggots, and stinking most intolerably. We saw here several signs of
wild beasts, some so fierce, that when we found their dens, we durst
neither enter nor come near them. The natives brought down to us
ostrich eggs, some of the shells being empty, with a small hole at one
end; also feathers of the same bird, and porcupine quills, which they
bartered for our commodities, being especially desirous of iron,
esteeming old pieces of that metal far beyond gold or silver.
Early on the 20th September,[275] we came out of the bay and set sail;
and that night, being very dark and windy, we lost sight of the Union
and our pinnace, called the _Good Hope_. The Union put out her ensign
about five o'clock p.m. for what reason we never knew, and lay too all
that night. We proceeded next day, and having various changes of wind,
with frequent calms, we came on the 27th October to the latitude of 26°
S. nearly in the parallel of St Lawrence. Continuing our course with
similar weather, we descried two or three small islands on the 22d
November in the morning, and that afternoon came to another off a very
high land, called Comoro.[276] Sending our boat ashore on the 24th, the
people met five or six of the natives, from whom they bought plantains.
The 25th, by the aid of our boat towing the ship between two islands, as
the wind would not serve, we came to anchor in the evening near the
shore of Comoro, in between 17 and 20 fathoms water.
[Footnote 275: Jones says the 25th, and that the subsequent storm, on
the 26th, in which they lost sight of the Union and the pinnace, was so
violent as to split their fore-course.--E.]
[Footnote 276: According to Jones, they wished to have passed to the
south of Madagascar, making what is now called the outer and usual
passage, but could not, and were forced to take the channel of
Mozambique.--E.]
The boat was sent ashore on the 26th with a present for the king, in
charge of our factor, Mr Jordan, consisting of two knives, a sash or
turban, a looking-glass and a comb, the whole about 15s. value. The king
received these things very scornfully, and gave them to one of his
attendants, hardly deigning them a look: Yet he told Mr Jordan, that if
our general would come ashore, he might have any thing the country
afforded, and he bowed to him very courteously on taking leave. It
appears the king had examined the present afterwards, and been better
pleased with it, for he sent off a bullock to our general in the
afternoon, when the messenger seemed highly gratified by receiving two
penny knives. Next day, the general went ashore with twelve attendants,
carrying a small banquet as a present to the king, consisting of a box
of marmalade, a barrel of suckets, and some wine. These were all tasted
by the English in the king's presence, who touched nothing, but his
nobles both eat and drank. The general had some discourse with the king,
by means of an interpreter, concerning our wants; and understood that he
had some dealings with the Portuguese, which language the king could
speak a little. The king had determined on the 28th to have gone aboard
the Ascension, but we were told by the interpreter, that his council and
the common people would not allow him.
I went ashore on the 29th with the master, Mr Tindall and Mr Jordan, and
all the trumpeters. We were kindly received at the water-side by the
interpreter, who conducted us to the king, who was then near his
residence, and bowed very courteously on our approach. His guard
consisted of six or eight men, with sharp knives a foot long, and as
broad as hatchets, who went next his person. Besides these, several
persons went before and many behind, for his defence. The natives seem
very civil, kind, and honest; for one of our sailors having left his
sword, one of the natives found it and brought it to the king, who,
perceiving that it belonged to one of the English, told him he should be
assuredly put to death, if he had come by it otherwise than he declared.
Next day, on going ashore, the interpreter returned the sword, and told
us what the king had said on the occasion.
The natives likewise have much urbanity among themselves, as we observed
them, in the mornings when they met, shaking hands and conversing, as if
in friendly salutation. Their manners are very modest, and both men and
women are straight, well-limbed, and comely. Their religion is
Mahometism, and they go almost naked, having only turbans on their
heads, and a piece of cloth round their middles. The women have a piece
of cloth before, covering their breasts and reaching to the waist, with
another piece from thence to a little below their knees, having a kind
of apron of sedges hanging down from a girdle, very becomingly. They go
all barefooted, except the king, who wears sandals. His dress was as
follows: A white net cap on his head; a scarlet vest with sleeves, but
open before; a piece of cloth round his middle; and another which hung
from his shoulders to the ground.
When at the town, the natives brought us cocoa-nuts for sale, of various
sizes, some as big as a man's head, each having within a quantity of
liquor proportioned to its size, and as much kernel as would suffice for
a man's dinner. They brought us also goats, hens, chickens, lemons,
rice, milk, fish, and the like, which we bought very cheap for
commodities; as two hens for a penny knife; lemons, cocoa-nuts, and
oranges for nails, broken pikes, and pieces of old iron. Fresh water is
scarce, being procured from holes made in the sands, which they lade out
in cocoa-nut shells as fast as it springs, and so drink. They brought
some of it to us, which we could not drink, it looked so thick and
muddy.
We sailed from Comoro on the 29th November, and on the 10th December, at
three a.m. we suddenly descried a low land, about a league a-head,
having high trees growing close to the shore. We took this at first to
be the island of Zanjibar, till one of the natives told us it was
Pemba.[277] We immediately stood off till day-break, when we again made
sail for the shore, along which we veered in search of a harbour or
anchoring place, and sent Mr Elmore in the boat to look out for a
convenient watering-place. On landing, some of the inhabitants demanded
in Portuguese who we were; and being told we were English, they asked
again what we had to do there, as the island belonged to the King of
Portugal? Answer was made that we knew not this, and only wanted a
supply of water. The ship came next day to anchor, near two or three
broken islands, close by Pemba, in lat. 5° 20' S. The 12th, Mr Jordan
went ashore, and conversed with some of the people in Portuguese, but
they seemed not the same who had been seen before, as they said the king
of the island was a Malabar. Mr Jordan told them, though the ship was
English, that he was a Portuguese merchant, and the goods were belonging
to Portugal. They then said he should have every thing he wanted, and
sent a Moor to shew them the watering-place, which was a small hole at
the bottom of a hill, more like a ditch than a well. Having filled their
borachios, or goat-skins, they carried the Moor aboard, and going again
next day for water, set him ashore. The report he made of his good
usage, brought down another Moor who could speak a little Portuguese,
and said he was one of the king's gentlemen.
[Footnote 277: Jones says they overshot Zanjibar by the fault of their
master, so that all their misfortunes seem attributable to his
ignorance.--E.]
This man went also on board and was well treated, and on landing next
day, he promised to bring hens, cocoa-nuts, and oranges, which he did. I
went this day on shore along with the master, Mr Revet, and some others,
and dined on shore. When we had done dinner, there came two head men and
a Moor slave to the watering-place, who asked if the chief men belonging
to the ship were ashore, and where they were. Edward Churchman told them
that the master and one of the merchants were ashore, and he would bring
us to them if they pleased. At our meeting they saluted us after the
Portuguese fashion, and told us that we were welcome, and that every
thing in the island was at our command: But all these sugared words were
only a cloak to their treacherous designs. We asked who the chief person
among them was, and were told he was the king's brother; who immediately
produced a plate of silver, on which were engraven the names of all the
villages and houses in the island, telling us that he was governor of
all these. On asking if there were any Portuguese on the island, they
said no, for they were all banished, because they would have
refreshments there by force, and endeavoured to make slaves of the
people; wherefore they had made war upon them ever since their first
appearance.
In the mean time our pinnace joined us, having been sent to another part
of the island for cattle according to appointment, but the people had
postponed supplying them, till they could find an opportunity of
executing their intended treachery. The people of the pinnace told us,
they had been informed that fifteen sail of Hollanders had lately taken
Mozambique, and put all the Portuguese to the sword. At this news, which
came from Zanjibar, the head Moors seemed overjoyed, being another
subtle contrivance to lead us on to our ruin. On the approach of night,
we entreated them to go on board with us, which they declined, but
promised they would next day. Accordingly, he who called himself the
king's brother came with two others on board, having Thomas Cave,
Gabriel Brooke, and Lawrence Pigot, our surgeon, as their pledges. They
were handsomely entertained, and next morning our general gave the chief
two goats and a cartridge of gunpowder, with some trifles to the two
others. Messrs Revet, Jordan, Glascock, and I, went ashore with them for
the pledges, and on landing went unadvisedly along with them to some
houses, where we found the pledges guarded by some fifty or sixty men,
armed with bows and arrows, swords, bucklers, and darts; yet were they
delivered to us. We then returned to the pinnace, accompanied by the
king's brother, most of the Moors following us, and six or seven of them
going up to the pinnace to examine it, after which they returned to the
rest. We went all into the boat, and the king's brother readily came
along with us, and was courteously entertained as usual. Towards night
the master offered him a knife, which he scornfully refused, and
immediately went ashore in an almadia.
The long-boat went ashore very early of the 14th for water, and when the
casks were filled the ship was seen with her sails set down to dry; but
the natives believing she was going away, the companion of the king's
brother came and asked our boatswain if it were so. The boatswain, as
well as he could by signs, made him understand that it was only to dry
the sails. While thus talking, our pinnace was observed coming ashore
well armed, on which the natives went away. Had not the pinnace made her
appearance so very opportunely, I believe they intended at this time to
have cut off our men, and seized the long-boat, for two or more of the
rogues were seen lurking about the watering-place, as if waiting for the
signal of attack. When our pinnace came on shore, and the men were
standing near on the sands under arms, the master sent Nicholas White to
the town, to tell the islanders that our merchants were landed, and as
White was passing a house full of people, he observed six Portuguese in
long branched or flowered damask gowns, lined with blue taffeta, under
which they wore white calico breeches. Presently after, the attendant on
the king's brother came and told Mr Revet that the native merchants were
weary, and requested therefore that the English would come up to look at
the cattle. Now White saw only one bullock and no more. Mr Revet desired
to be excused, and pressed him to send down the bullock, saying, there
were enough of goods in the boat to pay for it; with which answer he
went away.
The king's brother was then on the sands, and gave orders to a negro to
gather cocoa-nuts to send to our general, and desired Edward Churchman
to go and fetch them, who went accordingly, but was never seen or heard
of more.[278] Finding that the English refused to land, and stood on
their guard, the word was given for assault, and a horn was sounded,
upon which our men at the watering-place were immediately assaulted.
John Harrington, the boat-swain's mate, was slain, and Robert Backer, Mr
Ellanor's man, was sore wounded in eight or ten places, and had
certainly been killed, but that a musket or two were fired from the
boat, by which it would seem that some of them were hurt, as they
retired crying out. Bucker, though weak and faint, made a shift to get
to the boat, and two or three other men, who were at the watering-place,
got safe into the boat.
[Footnote 278: Jones says he was informed afterwards by a Portuguese,
that Churchman afterwards died at Mombaza. He tells us likewise, that
the Portuguese of Mombaza intended to have manned a Dutch hulk which had
wintered there, on purpose to take the Ascension; but learning her force
they laid that design aside, and endeavoured to circumvent them by means
of the natives of Pemba, who are very cowardly, and dare not venture on
any enterprize, unless instigated by the Portuguese.--E.]
In the morning of the 26th, the boat and pinnace went ashore well armed
to fetch in our _davy,_ which is a piece of timber by which the anchor
is hauled up; and a little beyond it, they found the body of Harrington
stark naked, which they buried in an island near Pemba. The natives of
this island seemed well disposed towards us; for, at our first coming,
they made signs to us, as if warning us to take care of having our
throats cut, which we then paid no attention to.[279]
[Footnote 279: This circumstance is not easily understood, unless by the
natives are here meant negroes, as distinguished from the Moors, who
endeavoured to murder the English, probably at the instigation of the
Portuguese.--E.]
We set sail that same day from Pemba, being the 20th December, and by
midnight our ship got aground on the shoals of Melinda, or Pemba, which
we were not aware of, but got off again, by backing our sails, as the
wind was very moderate. Next morning we pursued and took three small
boats, called _pangaias_, which had their planks very slightly connected
together, while another boat was endeavouring to come off from the land
to give them notice to avoid us. In these boats there were above forty
persons, six or eight of whom being comparatively pale and fair, much
differing from the Moors, we thought to have been Portuguese; but being
asked, they shewed their backs all over with written characters; and
when we still insisted they were Portuguese, they said the Portuguese
were not circumcised as they were.[280] As we could not be satisfied of
their not being Portuguese, some of our mariners spoke to them about the
murder of our men, which seemed to put them in fear, and they talked
with each other in their own language, which made us suspect they were
meditating some desperate attempt. For this reason, I remained watchful
on the poop of our ship, looking carefully after our swords, which lay
naked in the master's cabin, which they too seemed to have their eyes
upon. They seemed likewise to notice the place where I and Mr Glascock
had laid our swords, and anxiously waiting for the place being clear.
They even beckoned several times for me to come down upon the spar-deck,
which I refused, lest they might have taken that opportunity to seize
our weapons, which would have enabled them to do much more mischief than
they afterwards did.
[Footnote 280: These men were probably tawny Moors, or Arabs of pure
descent; whereas many of the Mahometans along the eastern shore of
Africa; and in its islands, are of mixed blood, partly negro,--E.]
Our master, Philip de Grove, came soon afterwards on the spar-deck, and
asking for their pilot, took him down into his cabin to shew him his
plat or chart, which he examined very attentively; but on leaving the
others to go with the master, he spoke something to them in the Moors
language which we did not understand, but which we afterwards supposed
was warning them to be on their guard to assault us as soon as he gave
the signal. It was reported that the pilot had a concealed knife, for
which he was searched; but he very adroitly contrived to shift it, and
therewith stabbed our master in the belly, and then cried out. This
probably was the signal for the rest, for they immediately began the
attack on our people on the spar-deck. The general, with Messrs Glascock
and Tindal, and one or two more, happened to be there at the time, and
had the good fortune to kill four or five of the _white_ rogues, and
made such havoc among the rest that at length they slew near forty of
them, and brought the rest under subjection. A little before this, our
master had proposed to the general to buy from them some _garavances,_
or pease, the ordinary food of the country, if they had any for sale,
and then to set them at liberty with their boats and goods. To this the
general had agreed, and the master, as before mentioned, had called the
Moorish pilot, to see if he had any skill in charts. But as they had
treacherously attacked us, we certainly could do no otherwise now than
slay them in our own defence. Five or six of them, however, leapt
overboard, and recovered a _pangaia_ by their astonishing swiftness in
swimming, and escaped on shore, as they swam to windward faster than our
pinnace could row.
In this skirmish only three of our men were hurt, namely, Mr Glascock,
Mr Tindal, and our master.[281] The first had two wounds, one of which
was very deep in the back. When they commenced the attack, Mr Tindal had
no weapon in his hand, and one of them aimed to stab him in the breast;
but as he turned suddenly round, he received the wound on his arm. They
all recovered perfectly.
[Footnote 281: According to Jones, he personally slew the Moorish pilot
in this affray. One of the persons wounded on this occasion was the
chaplain, but his name is not mentioned. Great lamentation was made by
the Moors on the coast of Africa for their loss in this affair, as Jones
was told afterwards by the Portuguese, as some of them, probably those
mentioned as _white rogues_ by Coverte, were of the blood royal.--E.]
The 19th of January, 1609, we espied many islands, which the Portuguese
call Almirante,[282] being nine in number, and all without inhabitants,
as the Portuguese affirm. Next morning we sent our pinnace to one of
them in search of fresh water, which could not be found, but our people
saw many land tortoises, and brought six on board. We then went to
another of these islands, where we came to anchor in twelve or thirteen
fathoms in a tolerably good birth, and here we refreshed ourselves with
water, cocoa-nuts, fish, palmitos, and turtle-doves,[283] which last
were in great plenty. The 1st of February we set sail with a fair wind,
and passed the line on the 19th, having previously on the 15th come
within _ken_ of the land on the coast of Melinda. We came to anchor next
day on the coast of the continent, in 12 fathoms, about two leagues from
shore, and sent our pinnace to seek refreshments; but they were unable
to land, and the natives could not be induced to adventure within
hearing, wherefore our ship departed in the afternoon. About this time,
William Acton, one of the ship boys, confessed being guilty of a foul
and detestable crime;[284] and being tried and found guilty by a jury,
was condemned and executed on the morning of the 3rd March.
[Footnote 282: Called by Jones the Desolate Islands, because not
inhabited.--E.]
[Footnote 283: Jones says these turtle-doves were so tame that one man
might have taken twenty dozen in a day with his hands.--E.]
[Footnote 284: In the last paragraph but one of his book, Mr Coverte
explains the nature of this crime: "Philip de Grove, our master, was a
Fleming, and an arch villain, for this boy confessed to myself that he
was a detestable sodomite. Hence, had not the mercy of God been great,
it was a wonder our ship did not sink in the ocean."--For any thing that
appears, the boy was put to death to save the master.--Astl. I. 342. c.
In Jones's Narrative no notice is taken of this crime and
punishment.--E.]
The 21st betimes, we espied an island in lat. 12° 17' N. with four rocks
or hills about three leagues from it. We had beaten up a whole day and
night to get to this island; but finding it barren and unpeopled, we
passed on, and got sight of three other islands that same day about
sun-set, in lat. 12° 29' N. Two were about a league asunder, and we
found the third to be Socotora, which is in lat. 12° 24' N. We arrived
here the 29th March, and came to anchor next day in a fine bay. As the
islanders lighted a fire on seeing us, we sent the skiff on shore, but
the people fled in all haste, having possibly been injured by some who
had passed that way. Finding no prospect of any relief here, our men
returned on board, when we again made sail to find the chief harbour.
Standing out to sea next day, we met a ship from Guzerat, laden with
cotton, calico, and pintados or chintz, and bound for Acheen.[285] As
they told us it was a place of great trade, we went there along with
her, but we found it quite otherwise, being merely a garrison town with
many soldiers. There is a castle at the entrance cut out of the main
land, and surrounded by the sea, having thirty-two pieces of ordnance,
and there were fifty in the town. Arriving there the 10th April, the
people of the Guzerat ship landed, and told the governor that an English
ship had come to trade there. The governor sent his admiral to invite
our general, who went very unadvisedly on shore, where he and his
attendants were received with much courtesy, three or four horses
waiting for his use, and was brought in great pomp to the governor.
Finding our general but a simple man, the governor put him into a house
with a _chiaus,_ or keeper, and a strong guard of janissaries, and kept
him and his attendants prisoners for six weeks, I being of the number.
The governor then obliged him to send aboard for iron, tin, and cloth,
to the value of 2500 dollars, pretending that he meant to purchase the
goods; but when once on shore, he seized them under pretence of customs.
Seeing he could get no more, he sent the general aboard on the 27th May,
but detained two of our merchants as pledges for payment of 2000
dollars, which he said was for anchorage: but as we all declared against
submitting to pay this arbitrary exaction, the governor sent our two
merchants to the Pacha at Sanaa, about eight days journey up the
country.
[Footnote 285: Jones says she belonged to Diu, but told the English she
was from Surat, and gave them an account of the arrival of Captain
Hawkins at that place.--E.]
The 28th of May, we were joined by our pinnace, the Good Hope, the
master of which, John Luffkin, had been knocked in the head with a
mallet by Thomas Clarke, with the consent of Francis Driver, master's
mate,[286] together with Andrew Evans and Edward Hilles. Being asked the
reason for this murder, they could only allege being refused some _aqua
vitae_ and _rosa solis_, which Luffkin wished to preserve for the crew
in case of sickness. A jury was called on the 31st May, when the
murderers were convicted; of whom Driver and Clarke were hanged in the
pinnace. The other two met their deserts, for Hilles was eaten by
canibals,[287] and Evans rotted where he lay.
[Footnote 286: Jones calls Clarke master's-mate, and Driver gunner.--E.]
[Footnote 287: Hilles was left at Madagascar, where perhaps he might be
eaten.--Astl. 343. c.]
The 3d June, we departed from Aden and sailed into the Red Sea through
the Straits of Mecca.[288] This strait is about a league in breadth, and
three leagues in length, with an island in the middle, and 18 fathoms
water close to the island. Within the straits there is a shoal some two
leagues off shore, which it is necessary to keep clear from. From the
straits it is about six leagues to Mokha, where is a good road and fair
ground for vessels to ride in 14 fathoms. This port is never without
shipping, being a place of great trade, and frequented by caravans from
Sanaa, Mecca, Cairo, and Alexandria. There is good vent here for tin,
iron, lead, cloth, sword-blades, and all kinds of English commodities.
It has a great _bazar_, or market, every day in the week; and has plenty
of apricots, quinces, dates, grapes, peaches, lemons, and plantains,
which I much wondered at, as the inhabitants told me they had no rain
for seven years before, and yet there was abundance of good corn to be
had at 18d. a bushel. There is such abundance of cattle, sheep, and
goats, that we got an ox for three dollars, and a goat for half a
dollar. Of dolphins, mow-fish, basse, mullets, and other good fish,
there was such plenty, that we could buy as much for 3_d_. as would
suffice ten men for a meal. The town is under the government of the
Turks, who punish the Arabians severely for any offence, having gallies
for that purpose, otherwise they would be unable to keep them in awe and
under subjection.
[Footnote 288: In the original it is Mockoo, and on the margin Moha, but
these are not the Straits of Mokha, but of Mecca--Astl. I. 348 b.
The proper name of the entrance into the Red Sea is Bab-al-Mondub,
usually called Babelmandel, signifying the gates of lamentation, owing
to the dangers of the navigation outwards to India.--E.]
We departed from Mokha on the 18th July, repassing the straits, where we
lost two anchors. From thence we sailed to Socotora, and about the 5th
August cast anchor opposite the town of _Saiob_, or _Sawb_, where the
king resides. One of our merchants went ashore, desiring leave to
purchase water, goats, and other provisions, which he refused, alleging
that the women were much afraid of us; but if we would remove to another
anchorage about five leagues off, we might have every thing his country
afforded. We accordingly went there, where we bought water, goats,
aloes, dragon's blood, &c. We set sail from Socotora on the 18th.[289]
[August?], and on the 28th came to Moa,[290] where one of the natives
told us we might have a pilot for 20 dollars to bring us to the road of
Surat, but our wilful master refused, saying that he had no need of a
pilot.
[Footnote 289: This date is inexplicable, but was probably the 18th of
August; the month being omitted by the editor of Astley's Collection, in
the hurry of abbreviation.--E.]
[Footnote 290: Jones says they fell in with the coast of Diu about eight
leagues to the eastward of that place, and steering seven leagues more
along the coast, came to anchor at a head-land, where they sent the
skiff ashore, and bought sheep and other things, and were here offered a
pilot to Surat for seven dollars. Fifteen leagues east from Diu would
bring them to near Wagnagur, almost directly west from Surat river, on
the opposite coast of the Gulf of Cambay. _Moa_ was probably a village
on the coast.--E.]
The 29th [August?] we proceeded, thinking to hit the channel for the bar
of Surat, getting first from ten fathoms into seven, and afterwards into
six and a half. We now tacked westwards, and deepened our water to
fifteen fathoms; but the next tack brought us into five. When some of
the company asked the master where he proposed going? he answered, the
vessel _must go over the height_. The ship immediately struck, which I
told him of. On hearing this he cried out, who dares to say the ship has
struck and had scarcely spoken these words when she struck again with
such violence that the rudder broke off and was lost.[291] We then came
to anchor, and rode there for two days; after which our skiff was split
in pieces, so that we now only had our long-boat to help us in our
utmost need. But our people made a shift to get the pieces of the skiff
into the ship, which our carpenter contrived to bind together with
waldings, so that, in the extremity of our distress, she brought sixteen
people on shore.
[Footnote 291: According to Jones they attempted the shoals of Surat
river at the last quarter of the ebb; whereas if they had taken the
first quarter of the flood tide, they would have had sufficient water to
carry them clear over the shoals.--E.]
The 2d September, about six p.m. the ship again struck and began to
founder, having presently two feet water in the well. We plied our pumps
till eleven; but the water increased so fast that we could continue no
longer on board, and took to our boats. About £10,000 in money lay
between the main-mast and steerage, of which the general desired the
people to take what they would; and I think they took among them about
£3000; some having £50, some £40, and others more or less. We now
quitted our ill-fated and ill-managed ship, without taking a morsel of
meat or a single drop of drink along with us; putting off for the shore,
which lay about twenty leagues to the eastward, between midnight and one
in the morning. We sailed and rowed all night and next day till five or
six in the evening, without any sustenance, when we reached a small
island on the bar. But just then, a sudden squall of wind broke the
middle thwart of our long-boat, in which were fifty-five persons. But we
saved our mast, and when the gust ceased we got over the bar into the
river of _Gundewee.[292]
[Footnote 292: Gundavee, a small river, on which is a town of the same
name, five leagues south from the river of Surat.--E.]
When the people of the country saw so many men in two boats, they beat
their drums and ran to arms, taking us for Portuguese coming to plunder
some of their towns. Observing their alarm, and having a native of
Guzerat among us, we set him on shore to undeceive the inhabitants; and
as soon as they knew who we were, they directed us to the city of
Gundavee, of which a great man was governor, who seemed sorry for our
misfortunes, and gave us a kind welcome; and here ended our unfortunate
voyage.
§2. _Supplement to the foregoing Narrative, from the Account of the same
unfortunate Voyage, by Thomas Jones._[293]
Thus was our tall ship lost, to the great detriment of the worshipful
company, and the utter ruin of all us poor mariners, our voyage being
altogether overthrown, with the loss of all the treasure and goods both
of the merchants and all of us, who were now far from our native
country. We took to our boats on the night of the 5th September, it
being almost miraculous that in two so small boats so many men should be
saved, being at the least eighteen leagues from the shore.[294] We
remained at sea in our boats till about four p.m. of the 6th, when we
discovered land, which we made towards by all the means in our power,
endeavouring to get into the river of Surat. But Providence, which had
already saved us from the shipwreck, would not now suffer us to fall
into the hands of our enemies the Portuguese, who then lay off the bar
of Surat with five frigates to take us and our boats, as they had
intelligence of the intended coming of our ill-fated ship; for, contrary
to our wish and intention, we fell in with the river of Gundavee, about
five leagues to the southward of the bar of Surat, where we were kindly
entertained by the governor of the town. We here learnt that our pinnace
had come into the same river, and had been taken possession of by the
Portugueze, but all her men got ashore, and were gone by land to Surat.
[Footnote 293: Purch. Pilgr. I.228. Astl. I.344. We have here given only
so much of the narrative of Jones as supplies additional circumstances
after the end of that by Coverte.--E.]
[Footnote 294: This surely is a gross error, as they could hardly exceed
the distance of a league or two from shore, though the shore is said in
the former narrative to have been twenty leagues from where the ship was
lost.--E.]
The governor of this town of Gundavee is a Banian, and one of those
people who observe the law of Pythagoras. They hold it a great sin to
eat of any thing that hath life, but live on that which the earth
naturally produces. They likewise hold the cow in great honour and
reverence, and also observe the ancient custom of burning their dead.
It has also been an ancient custom among them, for the women to burn
themselves alive along with the bodies of their deceased husbands; but
of late years they have learnt more wisdom, and do not use this custom
so commonly; yet those women who do not, have their hair cut out, and
are ever afterwards held as dishonoured, for refusing to accompany their
husbands into the other world.
On the 7th of September, we left Gundavee to travel by land to Surat,
which might be some thirty or forty miles distant, and we arrived there
on the 9th, where we were met by William Finch, who kept the English
factory at that place. Captain Hawkins had gone up to Agra, which is
about thirty days journey up into the interior country from Surat, and
at which place the King, or Emperor of the Moguls, resides. Our general,
Captain Alexander Sharpey, remained at Surat with his company till the
end of September, when he and the rest of our people went from Surat to
Agra, intending to go by land through Persia in the way to England. But
I, holding this to be no fit course for me, determined to try some other
method of endeavouring to get home. While I was in much uncertainty how
to proceed, it pleased God of his infinite goodness to send a father of
the order of St Paul, who was a Portuguese, who came from Cambaya to
Surat by land, and with whom I became acquainted. He offered, if I would
commit myself to his guidance, to procure me a passage home, or at least
to Portugal, and which promise he most faithfully performed.
In company with this father, myself and three more of our company left
Surat on the 7th of October: these were Richard Mellis, who died
afterwards in the carak during our voyage to Europe, John Elmor, who was
master of the pinnace Good Hope, and one Robert Fox. We arrived at the
strong town and fortress of Daman, where I again saw our pinnace, the
Good Hope, which we built at Saldanha Bay, near the Cape of _Bona
Esperanza_. From Daman we went to Chaul, and thence to Goa, where we
arrived on the 18th November, 1609.
We embarked on the 9th January, 1610, in a carak called _Our Lady of
Pity_, being admiral of a fleet of four sail bound for Lisbon, and
immediately sailed. The 28th, we crossed the equinoctial line on the
eastern coast of Africa.[295] The 21st March, we fell in with the land
in lat. 33° 30' S. about five leagues east of Cape Aguillas, where we
lay with contrary winds till the second of April, when we had a terrible
storm at W.S.W. so that we were forced to bear up six hours before the
sea,[296] and then it pleased God to send us fair weather. The 4th
April, we again fell in with the land in lat. 34° 40' S. We continued
driving about in sight of land with contrary winds, having twice sight
of the Cape of Good Hope, yet could not possibly get beyond it, till the
19th April, when, by the blessing of God, we doubled the Cape to our no
small comfort, being almost in despair, and feared we must have wintered
at Mosambique, which is usual with the Portuguese. The 27th April, we
crossed the tropic of Capricorn, and came to anchor at St Helena on the
9th May, in lat. 15° S. We remained here watering till the 15th, when we
weighed anchor, and crossed the equator on the 2d June.
[Footnote 295: In Purchas it is called the coast of India, an obvious
error.--E.]
[Footnote 296: The meaning of this is not clear. Perhaps they had to
drive with the storm, being unable to ply to windward.--E.]
We crossed the tropic of Cancer on the 26th June, having the wind at
N.E. which the Portuguese call the general wind. By the judgment of our
pilot in the carak, we passed the Western Islands, or Azores, on the
16th July, being in latitude forty degrees and odd minutes, but we saw
no land after leaving St Helena, till the 3d of August, when we got
sight of the coast of Portugal not above two leagues from the rock of
Lisbon, to our no small comfort, for which we gave thanks to God. We
came that same day to anchor in the road of Caskalles [_Cascais_]; and
the same day I got ashore in a boat, and so escaped from the hands of
the Portuguese. I remained secretly in Lisbon till the 13th of that same
month, when I embarked in a ship belonging to London, commanded by one
Mr Steed, and bound for that place. We weighed anchor that day from the
Bay of _Wayers_, where a boat full of Portuguese meant to have taken the
ship and carried us all on shore, having intelligence of our intended
departure; but by putting out to sea we escaped the danger, and, God be
praised, arrived at our long-desired home on the 17th September, 1610,
having been two years and six months absent from England.
§3. _Additional Supplement, from the Report of William Nichols_.[297]
At Bramport, or Boorhanpoor, most of our company departed from the
general, Captain Sharpey, who was unable to provide for them, except
some who were sick and were obliged to remain. Some went to one place,
and some to another, and some back again to Surat. I told my companions,
being one of those who were willing to take the best course we could,
that I would travel, God willing, to Masulipatam, where I had learnt at
Surat that there was a factory of the Hollanders. Not being able to
prevail on any Christian to accompany me, I made enquiry at Boorhanpoor
if there were any persons going thence for Masulipatam, and found one,
but it was such a company as few Englishmen would have ventured to
travel with, as it contained three Jews; but necessity has no law. After
agreeing to travel with them, I thought if I had any money, the dogs
would cut my throat, wherefore I made away with all my money, and
attired myself in a Turkish habit, and set off along with these dogs
without a penny in my purse.
[Footnote 297: Purch. Pilgr. I. 232.--William Nichols, according to
Purchas, was a mariner in the Ascension, who travelled by land from
Boorhanpoor to Masulipatam. His account of the unfortunate voyage was
written at Bantam, 12th September, 1612, by Henry Moris; but being the
same in substance with those already given, Purchas has only retained
the following brief narrative of the route of Nichols to Masulipatam and
Bantam.--E.]
Travelling along with them for four months, I had nothing to eat but
what the Jews gave me; and many times they refused to give me any food,
so that I was reduced to the necessity of eating such food as they gave
their camels, and was glad to get even that, for which I had often to
make interest with the camel-keepers. In this miserable case I travelled
with these dogs four months. Sometimes they would say to each other,
"Come, let us cut the throat of this dog, and then open his belly, for
he has certainly swallowed his gold." Two of them would have cut my
throat, but the third was an honest dog, and would not consent.
So at length, with many a weary days journey, and many a hungry belly,
after long and dangerous travel, we came safe to Masulipatam, where I
immediately quitted these cruel dogs, and betook myself to the Dutch
factory, where the chief used me very kindly, and gave me clothes and
meat and drink for five months, before any shipping came there. At last
there came to Masulipatam three ships belonging to the Hollanders, one
called the _Hay_, and another the _Sun_; the third was a frigate which
they had taken in the Straits of Malacca. The Sun and the frigate being
bound for Bantam, I entreated the master of the Sun to allow me to work
my passage to Bantam, when he told me very kindly, he would not only
grant me a passage for my work, but would give me wages, for which I
gave him my hearty thanks, and so went on board. We set sail not long
after from Masulipatam, and arrived safe at Bantam on Thursday the 6th
September, 1610, when I immediately went with a joyful heart to the
English house.
In my travel overland with the three Jews, I passed through the
following fair towns, of which only I remember the names, not being able
to read or write. First, from Bramport [Boorhanpoor] we came to
_Jevaport_, _Huidare_, and _Goulcaude_,[298] and so to _Masulipatania_.
[Footnote 298: These names are strangely corrupted, and the places on
that route which most nearly resemble them are, Jalnapoor, Oudigur, or
Oudgir, and Golconda, near Hydrabad.--E.]