THE REVOLUTION AND THE ARMY.
ORDER NO. 1.
These events found me far away from the Capital, in Roumania, where I
was commanding the Eighth Army Corps. In our remoteness from the Mother
Country we felt a certain tension in the political atmosphere, but we
certainly were not prepared for the sudden _dénouement_ or for the
shape it assumed.
On the morning of March 3rd I received a telegram from Army
Headquarters--"For personal information"--to the effect that a mutiny
had broken out in Petrograd, that the Duma had assumed power, and that
the publication of important State documents was expected. A few hours
later the wire transmitted the manifestoes of the Emperor Nicholas
the Second and of the Grand Duke Michael. At first an order was given
for their distribution, then, much to my amazement (as the telephones
had already been spreading the news) the order was countermanded
and finally confirmed. These waverings were apparently due to the
negotiations between the temporary Committee of the Duma and the
Headquarters of the Norman Front about postponing the publication of
these Acts owing to a sudden change in the Emperor's fundamental idea,
namely, the substitution of the Grand Duke Michael for the Grand Duke
Alexis as Heir to the Throne. It proved, however, impossible to delay
the distribution. The troops were thunderstruck. No other word can
describe the first impression produced by the _manifestoes_. There was
neither sorrow nor rejoicing. There was deep, thoughtful silence. Thus
did the regiments of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Divisions take the
news of the abdication of their Emperor. Only occasionally on parade
did the rifle waver and tears course down the cheeks of old soldiers.
In order accurately to describe the spirit of the moment, undimmed by
the passing of time, I will quote extracts from a letter I wrote to a
near relation on March 8th:
"A page of history has been turned. The first impression is stunning
because it is so unexpected and so grandiose. On the whole, however,
the troops have taken the events quietly. They express themselves
with caution; but three definite currents in the mentality of the men
can easily be traced: (1) A return to the past is impossible; (2) the
country will receive a Constitution worthy of a great people, probably
a Constitutional Limited Monarchy; (3) German domination will come to
an end and the war will be victoriously prosecuted."
The Emperor's abdication was considered as the inevitable result of
the internal policy of the last few years. There was, however, no
irritation against the Emperor personally or against the Imperial
Family. Everything was forgiven and forgotten. On the contrary,
everyone was interested in their fate, and feared the worst. The
appointment of the Grand Duke Nicholas as Supreme Commander-in-Chief,
and of General Alexeiev as his Chief-of-Staff, was favourably received,
alike by officers and men, and interest was manifested in the question
as to whether the Army would be represented in the Constituent
Assembly. The composition of the Provisional Government was treated
more or less as a matter of indifference. The appointment of a civilian
to the War Ministry was criticised, and it was only the part he had
taken in the Council of National Defence, and his close connection with
the officers' circles, that mitigated the unfavourable impression. A
great many people have found it surprising and incomprehensible that
the collapse of a Monarchist régime several centuries old should not
have provoked in the Army, bred in its traditions, either a struggle or
even isolated outbreaks, or that the Army should not have created its
own Vendée.
I know of three cases only of stout resistance: The march of General
Ivanov's detachment on Czarskoe Selo, organised by Headquarters in
the first days of the risings in Petrograd, very badly executed and
soon countermanded, and two telegrams addressed to the Emperor by
the Commanding Officers of the Third Cavalry and the Guards Cavalry
Corps, Count Keller (killed in Kiev in 1918 by Petlura's men) and Khan
Nachitchevansky. They both offered themselves and their troops for
the suppression of the mutiny. It would be a mistake to assume that
the Army was quite prepared to accept the provisional "Democratic
Republic," that there were no "loyal" units or "loyal" chiefs ready
to engage in the struggle. They undoubtedly existed. There were,
however, two circumstances which exercised a restraining influence.
In the first place, both Acts of Abdication were apparently legal,
and the second of these Acts, in summoning the people to submit to
the Provisional Government "invested with full power," took the wind
out of the sails of the monarchists. In the second place, it was
apprehended that civil war might open the front to the enemy. The Army
was _then_ obedient to its leaders, and they--General Alexeiev and all
the Commanders-in-Chief--recognised the new power. The newly-appointed
Supreme Commander-in-Chief, the Grand Duke Nicholas, said in his first
Order of the Day: "The power is established in the person of the new
Government. I, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, have recognised that
power for the good of our Mother Country, serving as an example to us
of our duty as soldiers. I order all ranks of our gallant Army and Navy
implicitly to obey the established Government through their direct
Chiefs. Only then will God grant us victory."
* * * * *
The days went by. I began to receive many--both slight and important--
expressions of bewilderment and questions from the units of my corps:
Who represents the Supreme Power in Russia? Is it the temporary
Committee which created the Provisional Government, or is it the
latter? I sent an inquiry, but received no answer. The Provisional
Government itself, apparently, had no clear notion of the essence of
its power.
For whom should we pray at Divine Service? Should we sing the National
Anthem and "O God, Save Thy People!" (a prayer in which the Emperor was
mentioned)?
These apparent trifles produced, however, a certain confusion in the
minds of the men and interfered with established military routine. The
Commanding Officers requested that the oath should be taken as soon as
possible. There was also the question whether the Emperor Nicolas had
the right to abdicate not only for himself, but for his son, who had
not yet attained his majority.
Other questions soon began to interest the troops. We received the
first Order of the Day of the War Minister, Gutchkov, with alterations
of the Army Regulations in favour of the "Democratisation of the Army"
(March 5th). By this Order, inoffensive at first sight, the officers
were not to be addressed by the men according to their rank, and were
not to speak to the men in the second person singular. A series of
petty restrictions established by Army Regulations for the men, such
as no smoking in the streets and other public places, no card-playing,
and exclusion from Clubs and Meetings, were removed. The consequences
came as a surprise to those who were ignorant of the psychology of
the rank and file. The Commanding Officers understood that if it were
necessary to do away with certain out-of-date forms the process should
be gradual and cautious, and should by no means be interpreted as one
of "the fruits of the Revolutionary victory." The bulk of the men did
not trouble to grasp the meaning of these insignificant changes in the
Army Regulations, but merely accepted them as a deliverance from the
restrictions imposed on them by routine and by respect to the Senior
Officers.
"There is liberty, and that's all there is to it."
All these minor alterations of the Army Regulations, broadly
interpreted by the men, affected, to a certain degree, the discipline
of the army. But that soldiers should be permitted, during the war
and during the Revolution, to join in the membership of various
Unions and Societies formed for political purposes, was a menace to
the very existence of the army. G.H.Q., perturbed by this situation,
had recourse to a measure hitherto unknown in the army--to a kind of
plébiscite. All Commanding Officers, including Regimental Commanders,
were advised to address direct telegrams to the Minister of War,
expressing their views on the new orders. I do not know whether the
telegraph was able to cope with this task and whether the enormous mass
of telegrams reached their destination, but I know that those that came
to my notice were full of criticism and of fears for the future of
the army. At the same time, the Army Council in Petrograd, consisting
of Senior Generals--the would-be guardians of the experience and
traditions of the army--decided at a meeting held on March 10th to make
the following report to the Provisional Government: "The Army Council
deems it its duty to declare its full solidarity with the energetic
measures contemplated by the Provisional Government in re-modelling our
armed forces in accordance with the new forms of life in the country
and in the army. We are convinced that these reforms will be the best
means of achieving rapid victory and the deliverance of Europe from
the yoke of Prussian militarism." I cannot help sympathising with a
civilian War Minister after such an occurrence. It was difficult for
us to understand the motives by which the War Ministry was guided in
issuing its Orders of the Day. We were unaware of the unrestrained
opportunities of the men who surrounded the War Minister, as well as of
the fact that the Provisional Government was already dominated by the
Soviet and had entered upon the path of compromise, being invariably
on the losing side. At the Congress of the Soviets on March 30th, one
of the speakers stated that in the Conciliation Commission there never
was a case in which the Provisional Commission did not give way on
important matters.
* * * * *
ON THE FIRST OF MARCH THE SOVIET OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS' DELEGATES
ISSUED AN ORDER OF THE DAY No. 1., WHICH PRACTICALLY LED TO THE
TRANSFER OF ACTUAL MILITARY POWER TO THE SOLDIERS' COMMITTEES, TO A
SYSTEM OF ELECTIONS AND TO THE DISMISSAL OF COMMANDING OFFICERS BY THE
MEN. THAT ORDER OF THE DAY GAINED WIDE AND PAINFUL NOTORIETY AND GAVE
THE FIRST IMPETUS TO THE COLLAPSE OF THE ARMY.
_ORDER No. 1._
March 1st, 1917.
To the Garrison of the Petrograd District, to all Guardsmen,
soldiers of the line, of the Artillery, and of the Fleet, for
immediate and strict observance, and to the workmen of Petrograd
for information.
The Soviet of Workmen and Soldiers' Delegates has decreed:
(1) That Committees be elected of representatives of the men in
all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons
and separate services of various military institutions, and on the
ships of the fleet.
(2) All military units not yet represented on the Soviet of
Workmen's Delegates to elect one representative from each
company. These representatives to provide themselves with written
certificates and to report to the Duma at 10 A.M. on March 2nd.
(3) In all its political activities the military unit is
subordinate to the Soviet,[16] and to its Committees.
(4) The Orders of the Military Commission of the Duma are to be
obeyed only when they are not in contradiction with the orders and
decrees of the Soviet.
(5) All arms--rifles, machine-guns, armoured cars, etc.--are to
be at the disposal and under the control of Company and Battalion
Committees, and should never be handed over to the officers even
should they claim them.
(6) On parade and on duty the soldiers must comply with strict
military discipline; but off parade and off duty, in their
political, social and private life, soldiers must suffer no
restriction of the rights common to all citizens. In particular,
saluting when off duty is abolished.
(7) Officers are no longer to be addressed as "Your Excellency,"
"Your Honour," etc. Instead, they should be addressed as "Mr.
General," "Mr. Colonel," etc.
Rudeness to soldiers on the part of all ranks, and in particular
addressing them in the second person singular, is prohibited, and
any infringement of this regulation and misunderstandings between
officers and men are to be reported by the latter to the Company
Commanders.
(Signed) THE PETROGRAD SOVIET.
The leaders of the Revolutionary Democracy understood full well
the results of Order No. 1. Kerensky is reported to have declared
afterwards pathetically that he would have given ten years of his
life to prevent the Order from being signed. The investigation made
by military authorities failed to detect the authors of this Order.
Tchkeidze and other members of the Soviet afterwards denied their
personal participation and that of the members of the Committee in the
drafting of the Order.
Pilates! They washed their hands of the writing of their own Credo. For
their words are placed on record, in the report of the secret sitting
of the Government, the Commanders-in-Chief and the Executive Committee
of the Workmen and Soldiers' Deputies of May 4th, 1917:
_Tzeretelli_: You might, perhaps, understand Order No. 1 if you knew
the circumstances in which it was issued. We were confronted with an
unorganised mob, and we had to organise.
_Skobelev_: I consider it necessary to explain the circumstances in
which Order No. 1. was issued. Among the troops that overthrew the old
régime, the Commanding Officers did not join the rebels. In order to
deprive the former of their importance, we were forced to issue Order
No. 1. We had inward apprehensions as to the attitude of the front
towards the Revolution. Certain instructions were given, which provoked
our distrust. To-day we have ascertained that this distrust was well
founded.
A member of the Soviet, Joseph Goldenberg, Editor of _New Life_,
was still more outspoken. He said to the French journalist, Claude
Anet: (Claude Anet: _La Révolution Russe_) "Order No. 1. was not an
error, but a necessity. It was not drafted by Sokolov. It is the
expression of the unanimous will of the Soviet. On the day we 'made the
Revolution,' we understood that if we did not dismember the old army,
it would crush the Revolution. We had to choose between the army and
the Revolution. We did not hesitate--we chose the latter, and I dare
say that we were right."
Order No. 1. was disseminated rapidly and everywhere along the whole
front and in the rear, because the ideas which it embodied had
developed for many years, in the slums of Petrograd as well as in the
remote corners of the Empire, such as Vladivostock. They had been
preached by all local army demagogues and were being repeated by all
the delegates who visited the front in vast numbers and were provided
with certificates of immunity by the Soviet.
* * * * *
The masses of the soldiery were perturbed. The movement began in
the rear, always more easily demoralised than the front, among the
half-educated clerks, doctors' assistants, and technical units. In
the latter part of March in our units, breaches of discipline only
became more frequent. The officer in command of the Fourth Army was
expecting every hour that he would be arrested at his Headquarters by
the licentious bands of men attached to service battalions for special
duty, such as tailoring, cooking, bootmaking, etc.
The text of the oath of allegiance to the Russian State was received
at last. The idea of Supreme Power was expressed in these words: "I
swear to obey the Provisional Government now at the head of the Russian
State, pending the expression of the popular will through the medium of
the Constituent Assembly." The oath was taken by the troops everywhere
without any disturbance, but the idyllic hopes of the Commanding
Officers were not fulfilled. There was no uplifting of the spirit and
the perturbed minds were not quieted. I may quote two characteristic
episodes. The Commander of one of the Corps on the Roumanian front
died of heart-failure during the ceremony. Count Keller declared that
he would not compel his corps to take the oath because he did not
understand the substance and the legal foundations of the Supreme Power
of the Provisional Government. (Replying to a question addressed from
the crowd as to who had elected the Provisional Government, Miliukov
had answered: "We have been elected by the Russian Revolution"). Count
Keller said he did not understand how one could swear allegiance to
Lvov, Kerensky and other individuals, because they could be removed
or relinquish their posts. Was the oath a sham? I think that not only
for the monarchists, but for many men who did not look upon the oath
as a mere formality, it was in any case a great, moral drama difficult
to live through. It was a heavy sacrifice made for the sake of the
country's salvation and for the preservation of the army....
In the middle of May I was ordered to attend a Council at the
Headquarters of the General-in-Command of the Fourth Army. A long
telegram was read from General Alexeiev full of the darkest possible
pessimism, recounting the beginning of the administrative machine and
of the army. He described the demagogic activities of the Soviet,
which dominated the will-power and the conscience of the Provisional
Government, the complete impotence of the latter and the interference
of both in army administration.
In order to counteract the dismemberment of the army, the despatch was
contemplated of members of the Duma and of the Soviet, possessing a
certain amount of statesmanlike experience, to the front for purposes
of propaganda....
This telegram impressed us all in the same way: _General Headquarters
had ceased to be the chief administrative authority in the army._
And yet a stern warning and remonstrance from the High Command,
supported by the army, which in the first fortnight had still retained
discipline and obedience might, perhaps, have relegated the Soviet,
which over-estimated its importance, to its proper place; might have
prevented the "democratisation" of the army and might have exercised
a corresponding pressure upon the entire course of political events,
albeit devoid of any character of counter-revolution or of military
dictatorship. The loyalty of the Commanding Officers and the complete
absence of active resistance on their part to the destructive policy of
Petrograd exceeded all the expectations of the Revolutionary Democracy.
Kornilov's movement came too late.
We drafted a reply suggesting stringent measures against intrusion into
the sphere of military administration. On March 18th I received orders
to proceed forthwith to Petrograd and to report to the War Minister.
I left on the same night and by means of a complex system of carts,
motor cars and railway carriages arrived in the Capital after five
days' journey. On my way I passed through the Headquarters of Generals
Letchitski, Kaledin, and Brussilov. I met many officers and many men
connected with the army. Everywhere I heard the same bitter complaint
and the same request:
"Tell _them_ that _they_ are ruining the army."
The summons I had received gave no indication as to the object of my
errand. I was completely in the dark and made all kinds of surmises.
In Kiev I was struck by the cry of a newsboy who ran past. He shouted:
"Latest news. General Denikin is appointed Chief of the Staff of the
Supreme Commander-in-Chief."