CHAPTER VI.

Unity of the Empire.

(1) GROWTH OF FREEDOM.

1. It cannot be said that such is the unity of the British Empire

that go where you will in it, you will find the same amount of

liberty as at home, and exercise as large a share in the making of

the laws. That can only be said if you go to one of the

self-governing colonies, like Canada and Australia. But wherever you

go within the limits of the empire, you may be pretty sure of being

governed by law and not by caprice, and if wronged, of getting

justice in a court of law. The empire stands for law and justice.

These are two strands of the cord that unites the whole empire,

independently of race and colour.

2. But the colonies which are peopled mainly by our own kinsmen

enjoy with us the advantage of liberty in its fullest sense. It is

worth while considering what is included in that word _liberty_. It

means the right to form our own opinion on all subjects, and to

express the same freely, without injury to others, in speaking or

writing. It means the right for employers and workmen, like buyers

and sellers, to settle their own terms without interference. It

means the right to worship God according to conscience without having

to suffer penalties or disabilities on account of our religion. It

means the right to be governed according to law, and to be judged

without fear or favour; and above all, the right to take part in

levying taxes and making new laws by means of our representatives in

Parliament.

3. So far as a people enjoys the right last named, it may in a real

sense be said to govern itself. And it is this self-government which

constitutes the crown of liberty. Only it must be remembered that it

is not every nation, nor all in any nation, that are fit to govern

themselves. Some nations are like children, not wise enough to know

what is for their own good. Every nation, indeed, passes through the

stages of childhood and youth before it reaches an age when it

becomes capable of managing its own affairs with discretion.

4. In the colonies where men of our own race have chiefly settled,

the period of childhood and youth has soon passed away, because I

suppose their ancestors had spent a long period in these stages in

the old country. It is astonishing on looking back a hundred years

to see how much remained to be done in the cause of freedom even in

England, which is now able to boast of being free and the mother of

free nations. The mention of a few of the evils then existing will

show how far we have travelled on the path of freedom since the

centenarian of to-day was born.

5. The slave trade still went on, and slaves were still employed in

our colonies; Roman Catholics were still at a serious disadvantage on

account of their religion; children were permitted to work in mines

and factories, however young, and even to climb chimneys for the

purpose of sweeping them; crimes like stealing a sheep or a horse

were punishable by hanging; trade was in fetters--scarcely was a

thing imported duty free, even wheat from abroad was heavily taxed.

6. For a nation to be free the law must be supreme, and the people

must have a share in making it through their representatives. Yet, a

century ago, such large towns as Leeds, Manchester, and Birmingham,

sent no members to Parliament at all; whilst old decayed boroughs

sent two. And the franchise, or right to vote at Parliamentary

Elections, was limited to a privileged few. Thus one class of the

people made the laws which all were expected to obey. These blots

were removed by three Reform Bills, which were passed at intervals of

twenty or thirty years.

7. It is worth observing from this example how gradual have been the

changes made in our Constitution, or system of government. We seem

to have learnt the lesson that true freedom can only be obtained when

it is allowed to grow, when time is given for it to strike its roots

deep in the life of the people. For the enjoyment of real freedom

the law must be adapted to the wishes as well as the needs of the

governed; that is to say, it must be moulded by public opinion, and

the two must grow together so as to fit in with each other.

8. This is the secret of the ready obedience paid to the law by

English people in general. Nothing so strikes a foreigner, on

entering "the land of the free," as this willing submission to

authority, especially as exemplified in the crowded streets of

London, where all drivers instantly obey the policeman whose duty it

is to direct the traffic. The coachman may have a prince or a duke

in his carriage. It makes no difference. He must wait his turn.

All alike willingly obey the officer in authority because he acts

without fear or favour, with a single eye to the public convenience.

Here we have a typical instance of the close connection that exists

between _law_, _order_, and _liberty_, those three watchwords of

every true Briton throughout the empire. The British are a

law-abiding nation, because they join in making their laws, and as a

practical people realise the fact that without obedience to law there

can be no order, and without order no enjoyment of liberty.

9. It is interesting to read the impressions of an Eastern Potentate

in his recent visit to England. "I have been particularly struck in

this enormous metropolis with the loyal, willing recognition of

lawful authority which pervades all classes, enabling your civil and

municipal government to work smoothly, and your press to speak out

fearlessly, and like watchdogs to bark at the least sign of

encroachment upon the liberties of the subject. By a wave of his

hand the police officer directs traffic at crossings and junctions of

streets. By his writ or summons the magistrate orders you to appear

to bear witness in a court of law. No one thinks of disobeying the

policeman or the magistrate. Both are recognised as acting in the

execution of their respective spheres of duty. I cannot think of

Britain without realising how the source of all her strength is

founded upon obedience. You detest tyranny. You love liberty. You

bow to authority."

10. Much of what is here said about us resolves itself into one

great characteristic, which stamps us all as one people, in whatever

part of the empire we may chance to live, and that is the passionate

love of justice or _fair-play_. What men of our race ask for is a

fair field and no favour.

(2) IMPERIAL SPIRIT OF OUR RACE.

1. Not long ago a discovery was made which turned all eyes to South

Africa as the land paved with gold (1886). In a district known as

the Rand, in the west of the Transvaal, gold reefs were discovered of

extraordinary richness. Many important results have grown out of

this discovery, the most momentous being the great Boer War.

2. The gold-fields of the Transvaal drew a large stream of

adventurers and gold-miners from all parts of the world. These

"outlanders," as the Boers called them, included a large proportion

of men of British nationality. These men were treated by the Boer

government with gross injustice, and by Boer officials with open

contempt. And when our government demanded fair treatment for

British subjects, the Boers took offence at what they considered

undue interference. Here then was one cause of the quarrel which

ended in war.

3. But there was another cause not less potent. The gold mines of

the Transvaal were so productive that the Boer treasury soon

overflowed with gold. This wealth stirred the ambition of the Boer

leaders, and made them dream of South Africa as a great federal

Republic, with the Transvaal as the leading state, and the Boer flag

as the national standard. This, of course, meant the sweeping of

British authority out of South Africa.

4. The gold at their disposal seemed to the Boers to give them a

fair chance of accomplishing this result. At any rate, it enabled

them to build forts, to provide arms of the best modern type in

abundance, and to employ European officers as artillery instructors.

It is true, they may have reflected, our numbers are comparatively

small, but all our forces are close at hand, whilst the British will

have to draw theirs from a country 6,000 miles away.

5. And so at last the die was cast, and, on the 11th October, 1899,

a Boer force entered Natal in the hope of driving the small British

army into the sea before reinforcements could arrive from England.

In this they failed, as we know, by the splendid stand made by our

troops, under Sir George White, at Ladysmith. It is not our

intention to tell the story of the war, whose main incidents are

fresh in our minds, but to show what a marvellous effect that war has

had in drawing out the great qualities of our race, and in uniting

the whole empire.

6. In the beginning of the war our arms met with serious reverses.

In one dark week of December came the news of three disastrous

failures, in our attack on the enemy's position, in three different

quarters. But what was the effect of this threefold misfortune? It

braced the nation to put forth its strength, it stiffened their

resolve to conquer in the end, whatever the cost in blood or

treasure. A mighty wave of patriotism swept over the land, and

thousands of our best and bravest responded to the call to arms.

Regulars, militia, volunteers, yeomanry--all alike, men of all

classes from prince to peasant, eagerly proffered their services.

7. Still more remarkable was the effect which the need of the great

mother had upon her sons in all parts of the empire. From Canada,

from Australia, from New Zealand thousands of brave men hastened to

the rescue, all sent off from their distant homes with the

acclamations of enthusiastic crowds. Offers of help came from every

corner of the empire; nor were such offers limited to men of British

origin. Indian princes pressed their services on our acceptance, and

the Maoris of New Zealand were as eager as any in their land to fight

for the flag. But the British government wisely declined the

services of all who were not of British blood. The war was a contest

between the Boers and the British for supremacy in South Africa, and

it was resolved to make it a fair stand-up fight between the two

races.

8. The spirit in which our nation girded themselves for the fight,

when the blows of misfortune fell hard upon them in that dark

December week, is well exemplified in the prompt response of Lord

Roberts to the call made upon his services, as commander-in-chief of

our army in South Africa, at the very moment when he had received the

crushing news of the death of his son, in a gallant attempt to rescue

some guns after the battle of Colenso.

9. No need to tell of the splendid services Lord Roberts rendered at

the seat of war, how, within six months from his departure from

England, he led his army in triumph into the capitals of the two Boer

states, and made their conquest in the end almost a certainty. In

taking his farewell of the army, the general paid a well-deserved

tribute of praise to our soldiers, who "by their pluck, endurance,

discipline, and devotion to duty" had covered themselves with glory.

"For months together," said their commander, "in fierce heat, in

biting cold, in pouring rain, you have marched and fought without

halt, and bivouacked without shelter... You have forced your way

through dense jungles, over precipitous mountains, through and over

which, with infinite labour, you have had to drag heavy guns and

ox-waggons.... You have endured the suffering, inevitable in war, to

sick and wounded men, without murmur, and even with cheerfulness."

10. And if any other testimony is needed in favour of "Tommy

Atkins," as we fondly call our soldiers, we have it in the despatch

of a German officer: "We can only marvel," he says, "at the heroism

with which British troops in close order attempt to scale steep

heights under a fierce hail of bullets. We can only marvel at the

intrepidity with which they try to force a passage through narrow

mountain passes where the enemy lie concealed."

11. A thrill of pride, then, may well go through the heart of every

Briton when he thinks of the deeds of courage, the splendid

resolution, and the cheerful patience of our troops in South Africa.

The nation, too, has given full proof that the spirit of their

fathers, the same old spirit that has carried the old flag through so

many times of stress and strain, is still active as ever, that the

fibre of our race is as hard and well-knit as in days of yore.

12. War is at best a great calamity, but the war we have waged with

the Boers has brought us compensations. It has proved that our

soldiers and sailors are as truly hearts of oak now as formerly, and

that our brothers in the colonies are made of the same stuff as the

best of ourselves. It has done still more in revealing to the whole

world that the British Empire is not a mere name for a number of

territories scattered over the globe, but that it is a living whole

animated by one and the same spirit. All nations may now know that

the honour and interests of the empire are dear not to Britain alone,

but to the whole family of nations that have sprung from her; and

that in any future contest with Great Britain they will have to

reckon also with the Greater Britain beyond the seas. "Shoulder to

shoulder, _all for each_, and _each for all_, we stand united before

the world, and our children have shown that they are not unwilling to

share with us the obligations as well as the dignity of the empire."

13. The union of the empire has now been cemented by the blood so

freely shed by our kinsmen in South Africa. In confirmation of the

hope that the bonds of that union will only grow stronger with the

increasing years, we may mention the impressions that the Prince of

Wales has brought home with him from his tour round the empire. "If

asked," he says, "to specify any particular impressions derived from

our journey, I should unhesitatingly place before all others that of

loyalty to the Crown, and of attachment to the old country, which

they invariably referred to as _Home_. And with this loyalty was

unmistakable evidence of the consciousness of strength, of a true and

living membership in the empire, and of power and readiness to share

the burden and responsibility of that membership."

14. Everywhere the prince had evidence of that pride of race, that

unity of sentiment and purpose, that feeling of common loyalty and

obligation, that eager desire to claim their share in the glories of

a great empire with a great past and, perchance, a greater future--in

a word, that imperial patriotism, which keeps in view the welfare of

the whole empire,--

"One with Britain, heart and soul!

One life, one flag, one fleet, one throne!"

(3) THE SOVEREIGN IN RELATION TO THE EMPIRE.

1. Our sovereign serves the same purpose in the empire that a

keystone does in an arch, and that is to lock the whole fabric

together. The recognition of this fact has led King Edward in

assuming his title to call himself king, not only of the United

Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, but also of the British

Dominions beyond the seas. It has led him also to send his son the

Prince of Wales, round the empire to carry his message of sympathy

with his subjects on the loss of their beloved queen, and of thanks

for the splendid way in which they had rallied round the old flag in

South Africa.

2. It is by the interchange of such kind offices and services that

the various parts of the empire are knit together; and it is the

sovereign who has in his keeping the chief power of drawing them all

more closely together by a common attachment to his person and

loyalty to his throne. That the spirit of unity in the empire has

for many years been steadily growing in strength is largely due to

the character and example of our great Queen Victoria.

3. When Her Majesty celebrated her Diamond Jubilee, the

demonstrations of love and loyalty, on the part of her people, in all

parts of her empire, were so striking that it seemed impossible for

that love and loyalty to be surpassed; yet it is certain that the

noble part the queen played in the course of the Boer war intensified

those feelings of devotion, and placed her on a still higher pinnacle

of glory, not only in the eyes of her subjects, but of the civilised

world.

4. It would take too long to mention one tithe of the queen's kind

acts and words of comfort to the mourners and sufferers as the war

went on. Her many kind messages to the besieged as well as the sick

and wounded, her hearty congratulations to generals and soldiers on

their gaining some victory or important success, her farewells to

those going out to hazard their lives, her reception of troops

returning from the war, and her visits to the military hospitals with

her words of sympathy to those maimed or wounded in their country's

service--all these things are written indelibly on the hearts and

memories of the British people.

5. Nor will they ever forget the example of calm fortitude the queen

set the nation in the days darkened by sad news from the seat of war,

nor her self-sacrifice in visiting London and Dublin, after the turn

of the tide, to show her admiration and gratitude for the devotion

and bravery of her troops, and the patriotic spirit of her people.

The task was only achieved at the cost of great fatigue and

exhausting excitement, for Her Majesty's years numbered more than

fourscore. As in this Boer war, so throughout her long reign, Queen

Victoria was ever the centre of our national life, and the vital link

between all parts of her world-wide empire.

6. The great Queen is dead, but we have every reason to believe that

her son and successor, King Edward VII., will prove equally worthy of

his exalted position. As Prince of Wales we all know he did his

utmost to promote the well-being of the whole nation. His name is

associated with numberless institutions set on foot for benevolent

purposes. The affectionate relation existing between King Edward,

when Prince of Wales, and the British people have been especially

shown on two turning points in his life--his happy marriage and his

dangerous illness.

7. Nothing could have exceeded the warm welcome given to the

Princess Alexandra when she entered London to become his bride, or

the great rejoicing throughout the land when she became the Princess

of Wales (1863). But the joy of the nation on this happy event was

of small significance compared with the wondrous sympathy manifested

when the Prince seemed on the bed of death, and the Princess on the

point of becoming a widow. All the nation seemed to stand around

that bed, and to watch with increased hope or fear, every change in

the progress of the disease. It was then perceived that as a nation

we had a heart that could throb as with one pulse.

8. When the Prince was raised from the bed of sickness, a day of

National Thanksgiving was solemnly observed. The Queen, accompanied

by the Prince and Princess of Wales, appeared in St. Paul's

Cathedral, with ten thousand of her subjects, to, acknowledge the

hand of God in restoring health to the Prince, and the Prince to the

nation (1872). Since then both prince and people have felt that they

belong to each other.

9. We may, therefore, confidently hope that the link between the

King and the nation will only grow stronger with the advancing years.

And this hope is confirmed by the assurance that the King's solemn

resolution, as he withdrew from the death-bed of the good and wise

Queen, was to reign in the same spirit and after her example. This

is apparent from his address, on the following morning, to his Privy

Council:--

Your Royal Highnesses, my Lords and Gentlemen,

This is the most painful occasion on which I shall ever be called

upon to address you.

My first and melancholy duty is to announce to you the death of

my beloved mother, the Queen, and I know how deeply you, the

whole nation, and I think I may say the whole world, sympathise

with me in the irreparable loss we have all sustained.

I need hardly say that my constant endeavour will be always to

walk in her footsteps. In undertaking the heavy load which now

devolves upon me, I am fully determined to be a Constitutional

Sovereign in the strictest sense of the word, and as long as

there is breath in my body to work for the good and amelioration

of my people....

In conclusion, I trust to Parliament and the nation to support me

in the arduous duties which now devolve upon me by inheritance,

and to which I am determined to devote my whole strength during

the remainder of my life.

[Illustration: King's address]

10. In this address, we observe, the King solemnly declares that he

will act as "a Constitutional Sovereign in the strictest sense of the

word." This means that in his official acts the Sovereign will be

guided by the advice of his ministers, not merely by his own personal

will and wisdom. This principle is the corner-stone of the British

Constitution, as it makes the King's ministers responsible for his

action, in all state affairs, and enables the nation, through

Parliament, to call them to account for the same.

11. It is a maxim of our Constitution that "the king never dies,"

which implies that at the moment one reign ends the next begins.

Hence the accession of Edward VII. dates from the 22nd January, 1901,

but his solemn installation as king was deferred until June 26th,

1902, a day that will long be remembered as _Coronation-day_, when

King Edward received the crown, as the symbol of sovereignty, in the

presence of representatives from every corner of his wide dominions.

King Edward's realm: Story of the making of the Empire · 第 6 / 6 章