“I have stated, gentlemen, the reasons which lead me to believe that
ecclesiastical property is national property. If those reasons,
which nothing has for an instant shaken in my own mind, appear to
you of some weight in themselves, how much more weighty, how much
more decisive must they not appear under all the circumstances of the
present juncture? Let us only look around us; the public fortune is
tottering—its approaching fall threatens all other fortunes, and in
this universal disaster who would have greater cause to fear than the
clergy? Invidious comparisons have long been made between the public
indigence and the private opulence of many among us; let us silence in
one moment these unpleasant murmurs, so offensive to our patriotism.
Let us deliver up to the nation both our persons and our fortunes;—the
nation will never forget the act.
“Let us not say that the clergy, merely from being no longer landed
proprietors, will on that account become less worthy of public
consideration. No! the clergy will not be the less revered by the
people from their being paid by the nation; for the heads of offices,
ministers, and even kings themselves, receive salaries without being
the less honoured on that account. No! the clergy will not become
odious to the people, for it is not from the individual hands of
the citizens that the minister of religion will seek his tribute,
but from the public treasury, like all the other mandatories of the
government. Do we not constantly see the people consenting to forget
that the functionaries of the state are in their pay, and uniting
with their generous tributes the personal homage of respect for men
whose duties are often opposed to their passions, and sometimes even
to their interests? Who shall persuade us to believe that the French
people, whose sense of justice is greater than their calumniators would
lead us to suppose, would withdraw their grateful esteem from those
who ought not, who will not, who cannot inspire them with any but
virtuous sentiments; who would pour into their bosoms the consolations
of charity, and discharge towards them at all times the most paternal
duties?
“Say not that the cause of religion is bound up with this question;—say
rather, what we all know, say that the greatest act of religion which
would redound to our own honour, would be to hasten the arrival of
that period when a better order of things will sweep away the abuses
of corruption, and will prevent the occurrence of that multitude of
open crimes and secret offences which are the fruits of great public
calamities. Say that the noblest homage that can be paid to religion,
is to contribute to the formation of a state of social order which
should foster and protect the virtues religion ordains and rewards,
and which, in the perfection of society, should constantly remind men
of the benefactor of nature. The people, brought back to religion
by the feeling of their own happiness, will remember, not without
gratitude, the sacrifices which the ministers of religion will have
made for the general good. Everything unites in demanding it. Public
opinion everywhere proclaims the law of justice, united to that of
necessity. A few moments longer, and we shall lose, in an unequal and
degrading struggle, the honour of a generous resignation. Let us meet
necessity, and we shall seem not to fear it, or rather, to use a form
of expression more worthy of you, we shall in reality not fear it. We
should not then be dragged to the altar of the country; we should be
bearing to it a voluntary offering. Of what use is it to defer the
moment? What troubles, what misfortunes might not have been prevented,
if the sacrifices consummated here for three months past had been made
in proper time a gift of patriotism? Let us show that we wish to be
citizens, and citizens only, and that we really desire to join in the
national unity which France so ardently longs for. Finally, in ceasing
to form a body which is a constant object of envy, the clergy will
become an assemblage of citizens, and objects of national gratitude.
“In conclusion, then, I would recommend that the principle involving
the proprietorship of the ecclesiastical revenues should be at once
determined; and, to avoid all appearance of equivocation, I would
recommend it should be decreed by the National Assembly that the nation
is the real proprietor, and can dispose of them for the public good.
The nation must at the same time pledge itself to preserve for each
incumbent that which really belongs to him, and to provide for the due
settlement (in such manner as may be deemed most fitting) of the real
obligations with which those properties are burthened.”
EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH OF THE BISHOP OF AUTUN, ON THE OCCASION OF
HIS MOTION ON THE SUBJECT OF ECCLESIASTICAL REFORM, ON THE 10TH OF
OCTOBER, 1789.
“THE state has for a long time had to struggle with the greatest
difficulties: none of us are ignorant of this fact, and therefore
powerful means must be employed to meet them. Ordinary measures have
been exhausted; the people are hard-pressed on every side, and the
slightest additional burden would naturally be felt insupportable. In
fact, it is not to be thought of. Extraordinary resources have just
been tried, but they are principally destined for the extraordinary
necessities of the present year. We want provision for the future—we
want provision for the entire restoration of order. There exists
one immense and decided resource, and one which in my opinion (for
otherwise I should repel the idea) may be combined with a rigid respect
for property. This resource appears to me to lie entirely in the
ecclesiastical revenues.
* * * * *
“I do not mean a contribution towards maintaining the burthens of the
state proportional to that arising from other kinds of property; this
could never be viewed in the light of a sacrifice. The operation I
point at is one of far greater importance to the nation.
* * * * *
“It appears evident to me that the clergy are not in the position of
other landed proprietors, because the property they enjoy (and which
they cannot dispose of) has been given, not for personal interest, but
for the performance of certain duties.
“It would also appear that the nation, in virtue of the extensive
powers it possesses over all the bodies contained within it, has a
right to destroy, if not the whole, at all events, portions of the
ecclesiastical body, if they are considered hurtful, or even useless,
and that this right over their existence necessarily carries with it an
extensive right over the disposal of its property.
“It is moreover certain that the nation, precisely because it is
the protector of the wishes of the founders, can, and even ought to
suppress those livings which have become sinecures.
“Thus far there is no difficulty; but the question is, Can the nation
also reduce the revenue of the actual incumbents, and dispose of a
portion of that revenue? There appears to me one very simple answer to
the arguments of those who deny this right.
“However inviolable may be the possession of a property which is
guaranteed by law, it is clear that the law cannot change the
nature of the property by guaranteeing it; and that, in the case of
ecclesiastical property, it can only ensure to each actual incumbent
the enjoyment of what has really been granted to him by the act of
his foundation. Now, it is well known that all the foundation-titles
of ecclesiastical property, as well as the various laws of the church
explanatory of the sense and the spirit of those titles, show that
only that portion of the property which is necessary for the decent
maintenance of the incumbent really belongs to him—that he is merely
the administrator of the remainder, which remainder is really destined
for the relief of the poor, or the repair of the temples of God. If,
then, the nation carefully ensures to each incumbent (whatever may
be the nature of his living) that respectable maintenance, it will
not be encroaching upon his individual property. If, at the same
time, it takes upon itself, as it has the undoubted right to do, the
administration of the rest; if it undertakes the other obligations
attached to these properties, such as the maintenance of hospitals
and charitable institutions, the repairs of churches, the expenses of
public education, &c.; if, above all, these resources are drawn upon
only at the moment of a general calamity, it appears to me that all the
intentions of the founders will be fulfilled, and full justice will
have been rigidly accomplished.
“Thus, in brief recapitulation, I would state my belief, that the
nation may, without injustice, in a period of general distress, 1st,
dispose of the properties of the different religious communities which
it may be desirable to suppress, ensuring, at the same time, means of
subsistence to the incumbents; 2ndly, turn to immediate account (always
carrying out the general spirit of the founders) the revenues of all
the sinecure livings which may be vacant, and secure those of all
similar livings as they become vacant; and 3rdly, reduce, according to
a certain proportion, the present revenues of the incumbents, whenever
they shall exceed a certain given sum, the nation taking upon itself a
portion of the obligations with which those properties were originally
charged.”
* * * * *
EXTRACTS FROM THE ADDRESS OF THE BISHOP OF AUTUN ON THE SUBJECT OF
BANKS, AND ON THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF ORDER IN THE FRENCH FINANCES.
_Delivered in the National Assembly, on Friday, Dec. 4th, 1789._
“As a member of the committee whose report you have just heard, I
consider myself entitled to address you, both for the purpose of
submitting to you some ideas of my own on the subject of the _caisse
d’escompte_, and more especially with the view of bringing to bear
upon this subject some important questions, inseparable from it, and
essentially connected with the great interests which now so urgently
engage your attention.
“The idea of the establishment of a national bank in France, is one
which has excited great attention, and which has gained great favour in
public opinion.
“Many persons who entertain sound views on the subject of credit,
consider such an establishment as indispensable, whilst even those
who are least acquainted with the subject—those who scarcely know
what a bank is, and who are totally ignorant of the organization
suitable to a national bank, seem to derive confidence, amidst the
present want of credit, simply from understanding that the National
Assembly contemplates the establishment of a national bank. It would
indeed seem as if the mere name of a bank were alone sufficient to
settle everything; but we must be careful to observe that it is only a
well-constituted bank that ought to be established, and not a national
bank of any sort. Banks are by no means simple institutions; their
object is indeed everywhere the same—to facilitate the circulation
of exchanges, and to lower the interest of money; but the means they
employ must vary extremely. Banks may be likened to highly-tempered
instruments, which must be managed with caution and skill, because
either great good or great evil may result from their use. Here, above
all, you must be upon your guard against the various systems suggested
by cupidity, by superficial knowledge, or by that half-acquaintance
with the subject which is so common and so dangerous. It cannot,
therefore, be entirely useless to recall to your attention, for
the purpose of refuting them, the different ideas which have been
promulgated on the creation of a national bank in France, particularly
as some of these views have neither been opposed nor discussed, and
are, perhaps, of a nature to mislead the well-intentioned. Let us take
a cursory view of them.
“The creation of a national bank has been proposed. My opinion is, that
a well-constituted bank ought not to be a national bank, whether by
that title we understand simply the responsibility of the nation, or
that the nation should have established the bank on its own account.
“People are led to believe that, because the nation is about to render
itself responsible for the public debt, it might also be answerable for
the funds of a bank; but it is very important that these two things
should not be confounded.
“The nation ought undoubtedly to become responsible for the public
debt, inasmuch as the sums which compose that debt have been lent to
the nation, have been employed by the nation, and have been entrusted
to the only recognised representative of the nation. In fact, properly
speaking, the nation cannot be said to be security for the debt, for
the nation is the debtor itself.
“The guarantee which the nation would grant to the bank should be of a
totally different nature.
“So far from this national guarantee imparting credit to a bank, such
an arrangement would have the effect of depriving of all credit the
nation capable of adopting it. Who would place confidence in a nation
which should be imprudent enough to entrust to a small number of
individuals the management of a bank whose operations would necessarily
be unlimited, and whereby all the national property would become
mortgaged?
“It may readily be imagined that every possible precaution would be
taken to prevent the managers of the bank from being unfaithful to
their trust; but still the possibility will always remain, that, should
a misfortune befal the bank, it would be necessary either to levy
enormous contributions on the property of the country, or to declare
the nation itself bankrupt. Would any prudent nation incur the risk
of reducing itself to such an alternative? Would any honest nation,
valuing a character for integrity, offer a responsibility which might
prove illusory?
“The nation, then, cannot, ought not, to become guarantee for the bank.
“Still less ought the nation to establish the bank on its own account;
for, to all the inconveniences resulting from responsibility, there
would be added many others. The nation would have only two methods to
choose between, either to entrust the administration of the bank to
salaried officials, or to personally interested managers. In the first
case, there would be too much reason to fear that the management of the
bank would not receive due attention; while, in the second case, there
would be an equal risk of the directors seeking immoderate profits,
under the pretence of serving the interests of the nation with which
they would be associated. In either case, should any misfortune befal
the bank, the representatives of the country would, with much less
freedom, deliver their opinion on events in which the interest of the
whole nation would be compromised, than if they had merely to judge the
conduct of private directors. And, finally, in both cases the annual
expenses of management would be increased, and the portion of profits
which the nation might directly claim from the operations of the bank,
would certainly not indemnify it for the incalculable loss resulting
from the diminished interest of money in the kingdom.
“The nation, therefore, cannot become guarantee for the bank, nor can
the bank be established on account of the nation.”
“It has been proposed to establish banks of discount (_caisses
d’escompte_) in different towns of the kingdom, and this plan certainly
looks somewhat plausible; for it would seem at first sight that if
banks of discount are useful, they cannot be too much multiplied, and
that if they are favourable to commerce, they ought, above all, to be
established in commercial towns.
“But it is easy to perceive that a single bank of discount, or bank
of aid (_banque de secours_), placed in the capital, in the centre
of circulation, would not only animate the commerce of the place in
which it is established, but would necessarily extend its influence
throughout the whole of the kingdom.
“Now, a number of banks of discount, or banks of aid, would not produce
the same advantages; for by mutually increasing their credit, they
would infallibly injure each other.
“In the first place, the multiplicity of these banks would oblige every
individual to examine all the different bank-notes presented to him,
whilst at present a great portion of the confidence with which these
notes are received, proceeds from the circumstance of their requiring
no examination, being recognisable at first sight, almost as readily as
pieces of coin.
“This observation is, perhaps, more important than it may appear. There
can be no doubt that a degree of credit would be attached to the notes
of a single bank applicable to the whole kingdom, which would never
be accorded to the notes of a number of banks, dispersed among the
provinces; for, as each of these several banks would enjoy a different
degree of credit, the notes of each would require previous examination,
before being taken in payment.
“But, independently of this consideration, another very grave
inconvenience would arise. The embarrassments of any one of these banks
would inevitably operate prejudicially on the credit of the rest, from
the correspondence which would exist among them. To multiply the places
where these embarrassments might ensue, would be to multiply their
probability, and it is, doubtless, important not to augment the chances
which may compromise the trade and the monetary circulation of the
kingdom.
“A plan has been proposed for supplying the place of this multiplicity
of banks, by admitting the existence of one general bank alone, having
in most of the provincial towns branch establishments, where the notes
of the bank would be paid on presentation. This idea is the most
impracticable of all. With the inconveniences of the preceding plan, it
combines a still greater inconvenience of its own; for it is evident
that the bank, instead of merely holding in its principal treasury
such portion of its capital as prudence might show to be necessary,
would at the same time require to hold a similar portion in each of
its branch establishments. But for this precaution, it would be in
the power of evil-disposed persons to convey a considerable number of
notes into any particular town in which there was a branch bank; even
chance, or some circumstance impossible to foresee, might draw a great
quantity of notes at one time into some particular branch bank, which
might not be in a condition to honour them. If there were but fifty of
these branch offices dispersed in different towns of the kingdom, the
probability is, that there would be a failure of the bank in different
places almost every day of the year, though the sums it held in cash,
distributed among its different treasuries, might, in the aggregate, be
very much beyond the whole demands made upon it.”
* * * * *
“As to the banking plan which has been proposed to you by the Minister
of Finance, and which, on that account, merits your deepest attention,
I shall add little to the observations which have already been made
in opposition to it. I shall confine myself to a single remark,
which, however, I must confess, appears to me decisive. This plan is
founded on the creation of a paper circulation _not convertible into
money at will_, consequently, on the creation of a paper-money. Now,
there do not exist, at least in my opinion, two ideas more opposed to
each other than the existence of paper-money and of a bank: the one
bears the character of constraint and authority, whilst the other, on
the contrary, can be maintained only by the most free and unlimited
confidence.
“Although I have thus shown, or at least mentioned, the inconveniences
of most of the banking systems which have been proposed, it is not my
intention to submit to you any plan of my own. I will, however, add
a few observations bearing on the questions now under consideration.
They may perhaps throw some light on principles which seem to me not
sufficiently understood.
“The fundamental law of any bank whatever, is to fulfil its engagements
when they fall due: I know of no other. If the particular position of
the bank is such as to enable it to undertake engagements at sight,
and payable at any moment, then this bank should be so regulated as to
be at all times fully prepared to pay its engagements on presentation.
Such is the rule which common sense would dictate.
“It is a common idea that the direct object of a bank is to throw
notes into circulation. Undoubtedly the power of issuing notes is an
immediate consequence of the credit of a bank; but we must beware of
confounding this result with the real object of the institution of a
_banque de secours_. When we seek a principle, we must of necessity
disengage it from its consequences, however clear and direct they may
be.
“The object of a bank composed of partners _en commandite_, like the
caisse d’escompte, is to furnish assistance to commerce by bringing
together funds to be applied to discounting good bills at a moderate
rate of interest. When bills are presented for discount at this bank,
the directors, provided they agree to give the accommodation, grant a
_bon_, or order, to receive the cash at their treasury. The bearer of
this order proceeds to the treasury, procures the cash, and carries it
away. This is the natural course of proceeding, which was pursued at
the commencement; but after going through the process of discounting
paper repeatedly, and finding that the order on the treasury was always
paid on presentation, it was soon perceived that it would be paid with
equal punctuality on the following day, and that it was sometimes
more convenient to carry home the order, and send for the cash when
required. This order was next given in payment to some third party,
who, being also aware of the exactness with which it would be paid,
was in no hurry to present it; and thus, the knowledge of the punctual
payment of the orders furnished by the directors of the bank upon their
treasury produced in the end the effect, that everybody felt it to be a
matter of indifference whether he held the note, or the cash which it
represented.
“The consequence of this has been that those holding an interest in
the establishment, finding that many parties abstained from sending for
payment of the notes made payable at sight at the treasury, thought
they were justified, when good bills were brought to them with dates
not too distant, in discounting them with a part of the cash destined
to meet their own notes. It is clear, however, that they could not
properly employ for this purpose any portion of the cash beyond that
which, in the nature of things, would not be demanded of them before
the period fixed for the return of the money which had been advanced
upon the bills they had discounted.
“So long as bank directors conform, in this respect, to the rules of
prudence, their notes obtain such a degree of confidence, on account of
the readiness with which they are handled and circulated, that cash is
often brought for the purpose of buying notes on their treasury. If,
on the contrary, abusing this confidence, and desirous of extending
their transactions and their profits, they allow themselves at any
time to alienate a portion of their funds, to such an amount as might
subject them to the risk of being applied to for more cash than
they possess, in that case there is at once an end of confidence.
Thenceforward, their notes are looked upon only as paper, of which the
payment is uncertain; and, as the business relations of the _Banque de
Secours_ connect its directors with all the bankers of the capital,
and with almost all the branches of circulation in the kingdom, there
arises a feeling of great distrust at home, and still greater abroad,
which rapidly turns the exchange to our disadvantage, and leads to a
restriction of the currency and all the evils resulting therefrom.
“What, then, should be the conduct of the directors of such an
establishment at periods when confidence is shaken? Their course is
very simple. They ought to know that at those times they may be applied
to for payment of a portion of their notes, perhaps of all. They ought,
therefore, to use only an unimportant portion, or even none, of the
funds in their treasury destined to redeem their notes.
“It would be absurd, therefore, for the directors of a _Banque de
Secours_ to pretend there was nothing wrong in its management so long
as they should maintain in their treasury an amount of cash equivalent
to the _third_ or _fourth_ part of the amount of their notes in
circulation. In this respect, it is impossible to fix any absolute
proportion. It is necessary that the directors of a bank should
possess a sufficient degree of foresight to provide themselves, not
with a fourth or a third, but with a half, or three fourths, or even
the whole amount of the funds representing the notes, whenever any
corresponding number of notes are likely to be presented for payment.
“But, it may be said, the bank would in that case make no profit.
To this I reply, that the chief object of the protection which the
government or the nation may grant to a _Banque de Secours_, is not
to enable those holding an interest in the bank to make, under all
possible circumstances, considerable and uninterrupted profits.
Undoubtedly the nation should desire to see the bank prosper, because
it is by profit alone that the interested parties can be induced to
maintain an establishment of the sort, and because the existence of
such an establishment is useful in a state; but the nation has no
interest in desiring more than that the shareholders should make such
profits as are sufficient to induce them to carry on the bank.”
* * * * *
“At periods when confidence is shaken, it is necessary for a
public bank to restrict its operations. The directors of such an
establishment would be very imprudent, or even culpable, if, instead of
resigning themselves to bear their portion of the misfortunes of the
times, they were to persist, contrary to the natural course of things,
in giving always an equal extension to their operations, at the risk of
being at length compelled to come to a stop.
“The _Caisse d’Escompte_ seems to have fallen into some of these
difficulties, and to have failed to recognise the fundamental principle
of all banks, which consists in never failing to meet engagements.”
* * * * *
“The _Caisse d’Escompte_ has undoubtedly transgressed the rules
prescribed to it; and yet it is, perhaps, allowable not to weigh
its conduct in an ordinary balance. It had furnished money which,
doubtless, it had not the right to furnish, because it did not belong
to it; but it has given that assistance in a crisis which has baffled
all human foresight, and out of deference to a minister in whom the
nation has so justly placed confidence. It is not necessary that the
Assembly should convert the _Caisse d’Escompte_ into a national bank,
but it is unquestionably necessary that it should keep account of its
advances with the _Caisse_.”
“M. Necker’s suggestion on this point does not, I must confess, appear
to me to attain the object desired. I can recognise no real payment in
paper-money, or, if there is a real payment, I see in it a preference
accorded to the _Caisse d’Escompte_, which may have the appearance
of an injustice to the other creditors of the state. Why create a
paper-money specially in favour of the _Caisse d’Escompte_, and leave
other parties to suffer whose claims upon the nation are at least as
sacred?”
* * * * *
“The claims of the _Caisse d’Escompte_ are not less sacred than
those of others, I grant, but neither are they more so. I will
not, therefore, recommend you to create paper-money for the other
creditors, as well as for the _Caisse_, but I would conjure you not
to create it at all. The inevitable effect of all paper-money is, as
you know, the rapid disappearance of cash. The fictitious currency
drives away the real; and as the former can never be a perfectly exact
representation of the latter, it happens that it drives away far more
than it replaces. From that moment the paper no longer maintains an
equality with cash; it falls below par, and hence the most fatal
consequences. All the creditors who receive payment in notes lose the
difference, while, on the other hand, all the debtors to whom cash had
been advanced, gain the difference, and hence arise a destruction of
property and a general want of faith in payments—a want of faith the
more odious as it has the sanction of legality. Moreover, as soon as
one set of engagements between individuals is settled, fresh ones will
be formed, or there would be an end of all business transactions; and
here recommences, in an opposite direction, an operation no less fatal,
no less convulsive, by which the creditors, in their turn, will ruin
the debtors. Fearing a repayment in notes, and adding by anticipation
the present loss upon those notes to the still greater loss which
they expect may afterwards be incurred, they swell out their claims
to an unreasonable extent. Thus they entail the ruin of their debtors
when the time arrives at which there shall be no more notes, or when
confidence shall have brought them to an equality with cash. It is
evident that this is not a reparation of the injustice first alluded
to, but an entirely new species of injustice, inasmuch as there is
neither the same proportion, nor the same contracting parties, nor the
same engagements.”
* * * * *
“The more we reflect on the true principles of credit, the more are
we convinced that there exists in this respect no difference between
a nation and a private individual. A nation, like a private person,
possesses credit only so long as it is known to have the will and the
power to pay. A nation, like an individual, can do nothing better
towards its creditors than to pay in ready money its engagements when
due. If, through some unfortunate circumstances, the means of payment
in cash are wanting, the best—the only course which a nation, like an
individual, can then adopt, is to propose to its creditors only such
arrangements as are secure of being carried into effect, for nothing
destroys confidence like exaggerated promises.”
* * * * *
“Rest assured that every mechanical means of bringing about the
re-appearance of specie, such as the melting down of plate, the
purchase of materials at a great expense, or other such temporary
expedients, though they may afford the appearance of relief, have
really nothing substantial or durable in their nature. When once the
public feeling leads to the hoarding or the exportation of specie,
that which you produce in this way will speedily be withdrawn from
the circulation like the rest. It is only by securing public opinion,
and by furnishing irresistible motives of confidence, that credit can
be ensured; and those who fear that, even after the restoration of
order, the specie which seems to have vanished from among us will not
re-appear, are mistaken. Gold and silver are necessarily transported,
like other articles of merchandize, wherever there exist the will and
the power to pay for them; they are even transported more readily by
reason of the ease with which they are removed. So long as the nation
has a surplus to dispose of, the gold and silver required will always
be procured; for it must not be forgotten that, if gold and silver
are the purchasing medium for all other things, all other things are
equally the purchasing medium for those metals. For a nation which has
nothing to give, there can be nothing to obtain; but those nations
which have an immense surplus, cannot long want anything which may be
purchased, and, least of all, gold and silver.
“Since the position of your finances compels you to be the debtors of
other nations, prove yourselves to be the best possible debtors; you
have the means to do so. Only show that you know how to set about
it, and you will soon see flowing into the country the capital of the
foreigner, who only awaits that moment to come and exchange it for
your effects. You will see immense sums brought to light which are
at present yielding nothing, and which would be gladly exchanged for
productive securities bearing annual interest, when once it is felt
that the payment of that interest is certain, and that the capital will
not be endangered.”
* * * * *
In conclusion, the Bishop of Autun submitted to the National Assembly
a series of articles having for their object the establishment of a
sinking fund for the gradual extinction of the public debt, the means
of raising the necessary portions of which for each succeeding year
were to be determined at the commencement of each session of the
legislature.
INDEX.
Acquaintance, delights of meeting an old one, i. 12.
Adelaide, Madame, the King’s sister, secret message to, i. 67;
precaution of, 68;
visits Talleyrand, ii. 241.
Alexander, Emperor, goes to the _soirée_ of Madame de Krudener,
ii. 209, 210, 215, 218, 219.
Antonio, Don, brother of the Spanish king, i. 81, 83;
yields to the wishes of the king, 115;
arrives at Bayonne, _ib._
Archbishop, the uninvited, ii. 195;
the omission rectified by Prince Talleyrand, 196;
his personal appearance, _ib._;
at length consents to accept the invitation, 198;
honours paid to, 199;
his inquiries answered, 200;
his love of French cookery, 201;
testifies his high satisfaction, 202;
alarm occasioned by, 203;
sudden death of, 205.
Asturias, Prince of, friendship of Napoleon for, i. 96;
his dilatory character, 98;
letter of, to Napoleon, 99;
arrested in the palace of the Escurial, _ib._;
accusations against, 100;
received into favour, 103;
his father abdicates in his favour, _ib._;
sends his brother to meet Napoleon, 104;
quits Madrid for Burgos, 105;
proceeds to Vittoria, 107;
arrives at Irun, 108;
surprising intelligence received by, 109, 115;
his interview with Napoleon, 110–113;
resigns the crown out of respect to his father, 114.
Avenue de Gâtines, at Valençay, its splendid appearance, i. 9.
Bank of England, intended pillage of, ii. 166.
Barras, soirée given by, ii. 136;
his inquiry of Napoleon, 171.
Bar-sur-Aube, Convent at, i. 344.
Beau, an antiquated Parisian one, i. 20.
Beauharnais, M. de, the French ambassador, i. 94;
interviews of M. d’Escoïquiz with, 94, 96, 97.
Beaumetz, a friend of Prince Talleyrand, remarkable story of, i. 36;
his melancholy fate, 41.
Beggarwoman’s prophecy fulfilled, i. 245.
Belgium, private letters of Prince Talleyrand, on the affairs of,
ii. 276, 280, 284.
Benedict XIV., Pope, answer of Talleyrand to, ii. 49.
Berg, Grand-Duke of, appointed lieutenant-general of the kingdom,
i. 115.
Bergasse, a friend of Talleyrand’s, ii. 209;
present at the _soirée_ of Madame de Krudener, 216;
his admiration of that lady, 222;
strange conviction of, 223;
finds the prophecy fulfilled, 225.
Bernardière, M. de la, agitation of, ii. 194;
singular letter received by, 195;
commissioned to wait on the Archbishop of M——, 196;
his interview with that prelate, 197.
Berrichon character, trait of, i. 24.
Boehmer, the Parisian jeweller, and the diamond necklace, i. 354, 356.
Bois de Boulogne, fête in the, i. 158.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, letter of the Prince of Asturias to, i. 99;
arrives at Bordeaux, 104;
his visits to Ferdinand, 110;
proposition to him, 112;
characteristic trait of, 113;
his alarm relative to the prisoners at Valençay, 119;
bold speech of Talleyrand to, 120;
his occasional want of tact, 300;
proposes to marry Madame de la Bouchardie, ii. 39;
his intended invasion of England, 166;
his reproof of Talleyrand, 171;
his reply to Barras, _ib._
Bon-mot, attributed to Talleyrand, i. 64.
Bouchardie, Madame de la, her person and fascinations described,
ii. 37;
General Bonaparte one of her admirers, 39;
her abilities as a musician, 40;
gratitude of Talleyrand to, 45;
her sad fate, 47.
Boudoir of Talleyrand, described, ii. 119;
some account of the portraits in it, 120.
Boufflers, M., his visit to Cagliostro, in company with Prince
Talleyrand, i. 126, 130, 131, 132, 134;
amazement of, 135;
circumstances attending his acquaintance with Talleyrand, ii. 97;
insulting behaviour of, 100;
witty retort to, 101;
introduces Talleyrand to Madame du Deffand, 102;
compliment paid by, 109.
Boulainvilliers, M. de, strange scene at his château, at Passy,
i. 335;
illicit still discovered in his garden, 343;
taken to prison, _ib._
Boulainvilliers, Marquise de, her benevolence, i. 335, 336;
malady of, _ib._
Bride, speculations with regard to one, i. 158;
intrigue of, discovered, 164;
sent back to the convent, 165.
Brignolé, Madame, her peculiar position in society, ii. 96.
Brionne, Countess de, mother of the Princess de Lamballe, ii. 122;
some account of her history, 123;
letter of Talleyrand to, 124;
flies from her château, 126, 127;
returns the Prince’s letter, _ib._;
Talleyrand’s second appeal to, 128;
her last moments, 130;
influence of, 131.
Buffon, his inspiration at Moulin-Joli, ii. 110.
Cabanis, the physician, attends on Mirabeau, i. 234, 239.
Cagliostro, the famous magician, i. 43;
visit of Talleyrand to, 122;
his proceedings, 126;
personal appearance of, described, 127;
his graceful attitude, 128;
mysterious veiled figure consulted by, 129, 130;
secret of, 133;
suspected of imposture, _ib._;
his statements verified, 135;
the phial given by him, 137;
marvellous effect of its contents, 139;
visited by the police, 140; _nonchalance_ of, 141.
Carascola, attached to the Neapolitan embassy, ii. 225;
sudden death of, 226.
Carlos, Don, brother of Don Ferdinand, i. 81;
fond of the chase, 85.
Carriage that conveyed the Spanish princes to Valençay, described,
i. 75.
Casimir, King, his present to Louis XIV., ii. 34.
Castries, Duc de, minister of marine, ii. 48.
Cerutti, Abbé, his acquaintance with Talleyrand, ii. 50;
great popularity of, 52;
his character and motives, 53;
his history, as related by Talleyrand, 54;
particulars relative to his family, 55;
remarkable change in the conduct of his brother, Cesareo, 57;
death of his father, 66;
strange power obtained over him, _ib._;
discovers the secret, 69;
determines to leave his estate, 71;
takes leave of the wily Abbé, 72;
who follows him, 74;
and delivers a letter, 75;
becomes a member of the Order of Jesuits, 76;
receives a letter from his brother, 77;
repairs to the trysting-place, 78;
his disappointment, 79;
discovers his brother’s dead body, 82, 83;
despair of, 85;
takes priest’s orders, 86;
his exertions in the cause of the Jesuits, 87;
confessions of his agent, _ib._;
his interview with his faithless love, 90;
shock given to his constitution, _ib._;
his death, 91.
Cevallos, M. de, opinion of, i. 113;
entreaty of, _ib._
Champfort, his language compared with that of Voltaire, i. 148,
149, 150, 153;
story of his fellow-prisoner, related by Talleyrand, 155.
Champion, Madame, her conversation with Talleyrand, ii. 134.
Charles IV. abdicates the Spanish throne, in favour of his son,
i. 103;
declares his decree to be null and void, 106;
arrives with his queen at Bayonne, 114.
Charles X., government of, i. 51;
inconsistencies of, _ib._;
his good qualities in private life, _ib._;
public indignation against, 54;
fall of, 58;
his flight, 66–70.
Chénier, Joseph, an admirer of Madame de la Bouchardie, ii. 39;
inspiration of, 43;
his eloquent appeal on behalf of Talleyrand, _ib._;
visit of the Prince to, 44.
Choiseul, M. de, his dismissal from the ministry, ii. 29;
ill-timed joke of, 31.
Colbert, his sage reply to Louis XIV., ii. 115.
Collard, Royer, a specimen of the ancient French gentleman, i. 22.
Compiègne, a dinner at, with Louis XVIII., described, ii. 187,
192, 193.
Contat, Mademoiselle, enthusiasm in favour of, i. 194, 197.
Conversation, the art of, regret for the loss of, ii. 108;
Maxims for Seasoning, ii. 261.
Conversations of the 18th century, and their issue, ii. 116.
Cossé, Marquis de, the friend of Fénélon, ii. 159.
Count, French, career of a, i. 18.
Courtiade, his attachment to Prince Talleyrand, ii. 235;
anecdote of, 236;
his duties, 238.
Creutz, M. de, the Swedish ambassador, remark of, ii. 112.
Cure, a miraculous one, i. 138.
D’Aiguillon, Duc de, his meeting with Talleyrand, i. 151;
a pleasant story-teller, ii. 13;
his frolic with Talleyrand, 15;
hilarity of, 28;
plays at _bilboquet_ with Madame Dubarri, 32;
his frequent visits to that lady, 34;
his sad fate, 35.
D’Argenton, Duc, i. 139.
Death, under different aspects, ii. 82.
Death, sudden, melancholy instances of, ii. 205, 226.
De Dino, Duchess, niece of Talleyrand, i. 54.
De la Motte, Countess, i. 312;
introduced to the Princess de Gueménée, 318;
personal appearance of, described, 321;
her conversation and manners, 322;
belief in her representations, 324;
recital of her adventures, 325, 348;
particulars relative to her family, 326;
solicits charity, 327;
death of her father, 330;
long and tedious journey of, 332;
fairy-land discovered by, 333;
novel appeal of, 334;
meets with a kind friend in the person of the Marquise de
Boulainvilliers, 335;
altered fortunes of, 339;
her dismissal from Passy, 341;
strange discovery of, _ib._;
placed with Madame Leclerc, at Paris, 342;
her disappointment, 343;
retires to a convent at Bar-sur-Aube, 344;
her marriage, 345;
endeavours to obtain the restoration of her estates, _ib._;
character acquired by, _ib._;
aversion of the king to, 346;
her attentions to M. de Talleyrand, 350;
her participation in the affair of the diamond necklace, 351;
diversity of opinion as to her guilt, 352.
Del’ Infantado, Duke, fidelity of, i. 91;
decree obtained by, 92;
arrested, 100.
D’Enghien, Duke, allusion to the murder of, ii. 3.
Denis, Madame, niece of Voltaire, i. 145;
hint given by, 149.
D’Escoïquiz, Don Juan, Archdeacon of Toledo, i. 87;
his letters relative to the Prince of the Peace, 88, 89;
scheme of, 90;
his secret communications with Count Orquez, _ib._;
obtains a letter from the Prince of Asturias, 91;
acts in concert with the Duke del Infantado, 91, 92;
decree drawn up by, 93;
his interview with the French ambassador, 95, 96;
astonishment of, 97;
advised to write to Napoleon, _ib._;
arrested, 100;
appointed to negotiate with the French ambassador, 103;
his audience with Napoleon, 111;
spirited reply of, 112.
Diamond necklace, affair of the stolen one, i. 351;
mystery relative to it, 354.
Dubarri, Madame, ii. 9–18;
visit of Talleyrand to, 20;
unjustly calumniated, 21;
her great comic powers, 23;
altered life of, 24;
her personal appearance described, 25;
shows Talleyrand over her grounds, 26;
splendid collation of, 27;
her influence over the king, 28;
her beautiful boudoir, 29;
relates anecdotes of her past life, _ib._;
her splendid jewels, 32;
plays at _bilboquet_, _ib._;
her melancholy fate, 35.
Duchess, a prosy old one, i. 17.
Du Deffand, Madame, introduction of Talleyrand to, ii. 102;
her benignity of countenance, 104.
Duras, Duke de, sudden alarm excited by, ii. 189.
England and France, desire of Talleyrand for amity between, ii. 181.
Etruria, Queen of, intrigue carried on by, i. 106.
Fénélon, Chevalier de, persuades M. de Talleyrand to join him at the
faro-table, ii. 142;
his wonderful success at play, 143;
dissatisfaction of the losers, _ib._;
mysterious hint given to, 144;
singular proposition of, _ib._;
his uproarious hilarity, 145;
takes Talleyrand home with him, and presses him to play at
cards, 147;
his continued success, 148;
his good fortune at length forsakes him, 150;
requests another trial of skill, 151;
refuses to stake an urn, 152;
resolves to try its magic influence, 153;
his desperation on losing it, 155;
the mystery regarding him solved, 158;
his death, 159.
Ferdinand, Don, Prince of the Asturias, i. 81;
ignorance of, 85;
his correspondence with Don Juan D’Escoïquiz, 87.
Feuille Villageoise, a popular journal, established by Talleyrand and
his friends, ii. 51.
Flahaut, Count de, marriage of, ii. 132;
his death, _ib._;
appearance of his widow, 136;
her faith and devotion, 139.
Fontenelle, death of, ii. 109.
Fouché, intimation given by, to Napoleon, ii. 170.
Fox, Prince Talleyrand’s opinion of, ii. 270.
Fragment, from Prince Talleyrand’s Memoirs, ii. 296.
Geoffrin, Madame, her select circle of friends, i. 106, 109;
_mot piquant_ of, 112.
Georgel, Abbé, his abuse of Cerutti, ii. 53.
Giordoni, Abbé, ii. 58, 59;
his furious looks, 61, 63;
mystery regarding, 65;
strange influence obtained by, 66, 87;
his penetration of character, 67;
solution of the secret, 69;
describes the subtlety of the Jesuits, 70;
bids Cerutti farewell, 72;
delivers a letter to him, 75;
his specious arguments, 86;
assists in the murder of Cesario, 87;
his falsehood and cunning, 88.
Gluck’s Opera of “Alceste,” i. 134.
Godoï, Prince of the Peace, growing power of, i. 87;
proposes to marry Donna Maria-Theresa, 89;
secret agents of, 91;
_surveillance_ exercised by, 97, 98;
public indignation against, 101; arrested, 102;
committed to prison, 103.
Gouffier, Count Choiseul, the friend of Talleyrand, ii. 48.
Grandt, Madame, account of her visit to Talleyrand, ii. 162;
alarm of, 163;
her great personal attractions, 164;
secret divulged by, 166;
delighted at the success of her petition, 167;
attachment of Talleyrand to, 168;
her inexperience of the world, 169;
her politeness and tact, _ib._;
Talleyrand holds his receptions at her house, 170;
married to the Prince, 171;
(_see_ TALLEYRAND, PRINCESS.)
Greuzacher Horn, retirement of Madame de Krudener to, ii. 228.
Guard, National, origin of their existence, i. 242;
murder of a, 245.
Guéménée, Princess de, ex-governess to the royal children, i. 313;
extravagance of, 315;
her dress described, 316;
her conversation with Talleyrand, 317.
Guizot, epithet applied to, i. 23.
Guilleminot and Bordesoulle, Lieutenants-General, reasons on which
Talleyrand grounded his vote in the affair of, ii. 289.
Helvetius, Madame, _fête champêtre_ given by, i. 301;
fascinations of, _ib._
Henri, Commandant, commissioned to watch the Spanish Princes, i. 81.
Henri de Chalais, reply of, ii. 6.
Holbach, Baron, his return to Paris, ii. 97.
Holy Alliance, absurd project of the, ii. 229, 230.
Hôtel de Ville, conflict at the, i. 63.
Hôtel Talleyrand, in the Rue St. Florentin, Paris, i. 1;
silence reigning in the, on the occasion of the last illness of
Prince Talleyrand, ii. 233.
Intellect, glorious reign of, in France, ii. 106.
Isabella, Queen of Spain, i. 87.
Jacobins, declamations of the, i. 70.
Jauregui, Don Joaquin, Colonel of Dragoons, i. 90.
Jesuits, subtlety of the, ii. 70;
their wonderful activity, 89.
John, King of France, ransom of, ii. 6.
Jüng Stilling, one of the new _illuminé_, ii. 217, 218, 224.
Kel, Abbé de, Almoner of the Bastille, opinion of, i. 352.
Krudener, Madame de, _soirée_ given by, ii. 208;
altered appearance of, 212;
her tasteful arrangements, 213;
her gracious reception of M. de Talleyrand, 214;
her costume and manners, 215;
her distinguished guests, 216;
prophecies and denunciations uttered by, 217;
her impressive prayer, and its effect upon her visitors, 219;
under the influence of a _pressentiment_, 222;
fulfilment of her prophecy, 226;
retires from Paris, 228;
her death, and honours paid to, 229.
Langlois, Père, the preceptor of Talleyrand, i. 182;
his costume described, _ib._
Law, power of the, defied, ii. 117.
Leclerc, Madame, the _couturière_ at Paris, i. 340, 342.
Lemercier, play written by, ii. 177, 178.
Linz, château of the Princess de Lorraine, near, ii. 124, 127.
Louis-le-Grand, College of, Talleyrand placed at, i. 182;
some account of his pursuits there, 187.
Louis XIV., policy of, ii. 114;
sage reply of Colbert to, 115;
subjects of debate during his reign, 116.
Louis XV., and Madame de Pompadour, ii. 22;
Manuscript Journal of, 29.
Louis XV., libels published against, ii. 116.
Louis XVI., his aversion to Madame de la Motte, i. 346;
error of, 347.
Louis XVIII., character of, i. 51;
retort of, 357.
Louis XVIII., on the policy and conduct of, ii. 183;
reply of Talleyrand to, 184;
opinion as to his character, 186;
his return to France, in 1814, _ib._;
his silence during dinner, 188;
sudden surprise of, 189, 190.
Louis-Philippe, visits Prince Talleyrand in his last illness, ii. 241;
his appearance described, 242;
his condescension, 245.
Luçay, M. de, towers built by, i. 10.
Magnetism, wonderful effects attributed to, i. 42.
Maison de plaisance, choice of a site for one, i. 247.
Mankind, best mode of obtaining a knowledge of, ii. 113.
Maria-Theresa, Donna, her personal attractions, i. 89.
Marie-Antoïnette, defence of, i. 273;
her execution, 274;
lives in splendour, 353.
Marivaux, delightful novels of, i. 10.
Marquis, a fashionable one, i. 159;
remarkable adventure of, 160;
his devotion to Madame de B——, 165;
marries her, 166.
Marquise, the, and the magic phial, i. 139;
disfigurement of, 142;
present to her maid, _ib._
Martignac ministry, its dissolution, i. 51, 53.
Marville, Dowager de, fête suggested by, i. 157.
Masserano, Prince de, Spanish Ambassador at Paris, i. 99.
Maury, Abbé, and his audience, i. 295.
Maxims for Seasoning Conversation, ii. 261.
Mayor, provincial, invited to Valençay, i. 26;
his curiosity punished, 31.
Memory, a mysterious thing, i. 154.
Meylau, Chevalier de, remark of, i. 338.
Mirabeau, his high opinion of Talleyrand, i. 222;
persons admitted into his intimacy, 224;
circumstances attending his death, _ib._;
his visit to Talleyrand, 225;
complains of indisposition, 226;
his sad forebodings, 227;
speaks of his affairs, 228;
admonitions of, 231;
adjourns to dine at a restaurateur’s, 232;
his strange mirth, 233;
takes a hot bath, 234;
his death, 237;
precious scrap of writing left by him, _ib._;
his remark to the physician, 239;
public grief at the decease of, _ib._;
secret of his success, ii. 5;
his early history, 54;
funeral oration over, 91.
Molé, Count, and the Prince de Talleyrand, i. 28, 32, 55.
Monti, Abbé, celebrity of his Poems, i. 303;
his conversation with Madame de Stäel, _ib._
Montrond, M. de, his letter to Talleyrand, ii. 162, 167;
fond of practical jokes, _ib._; 176.
Morellet, Abbé, recommendation of, to his guests, ii. 111.
Necker, Madame, opinion of, i. 299.
New York, beauty of the scenery at, i. 39.
Nun, young and beautiful, i. 201;
relates her history to Talleyrand, 202;
her desire to see the world, 204;
sympathy for, 208.
Officer, young, of _Mousquetaires_, story of, i. 155.
Orleans, Duchess of, her château at Issy, i. 191;
her private theatricals, 193.
Orleans, Duke of, facts respecting, i. 60;
secret message to, _ib._;
proclaimed Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, 69;
crisis in his life, 71;
persuaded by Talleyrand to accept the crown, 72.
Orquez, Count, attached to the Prince of Asturias, i. 90.
Paris, its occupation by the allied sovereigns, ii. 208.
Peers, Reflections on their Trial, by the Chamber of Peers, ii. 289.
Perigord, Cardinal de, the friend of Petrarch, ii. 6.
Perigord, Cardinal de, uncle to Talleyrand, i. 152.
Perigord, the _ci-devant_ Abbé de, i. 281;
sobriquet of, _ib._;
his adventure with a poor woman, 283;
astonishment of, 285;
his humility and gratitude, 286;
his munificent charity, 289;
confidence reposed in, 291;
meeting with, at Versailles, 296;
his good fortune, 297.
Perigords and the Talleyrands, particulars relative to, i. 147.
Pétion, Talleyrand’s opinion of, i. 223.
_Petit billet_, custom of the, i. 256.
Philidor, the renowned chess-player, ii. 98;
insulted by two officers, 99;
remark of Madame du Deffaud on, 105.
Pin, story of the charmed one, ii. 149.
Pius VII., Pope, absolution granted by, i. 52.
Princes, Spanish, their seizure and confinement at Valençay, i. 74;
carriage which conveyed them thither, 75;
strict watch over, 81;
revenge taken by, 83;
their tutor, Don Antonio, _ib._;
secret history of the intrigues, which ended in their seizure and
imprisonment, 86;
impressions created by their arrival at Valençay, 115;
attentions paid to them, 116;
their pursuits and amusements, 117;
attend chapel, 118;
alarm of Napoleon relative to, 119.
Provence, Countess de, mistake of, i. 295.
Prussia, King of, attends the _soirée_ of Madame den Krudener,
ii. 216, 218, 222;
review of his troops, 227;
obeys the behests of Madame de Krudener, 229.
Racine’s “Phèdre,” performance of, i. 193.
Repartee, readiness at, i. 17.
Revolution in Paris, of July, 1830, i. 48, _et seq._
Rheims, Archbishop of, uncle of Talleyrand, i. 221, ii. 26.
Rigaut, Mère, nurse of Talleyrand, i. 175, 176, 179.
Rochecotte, retirement of Prince Talleyrand to, i. 54.
Rohan, Louis de, the Prince Cardinal, credulity of, i. 311, 324;
introduces the Countess de la Motte, to the Princess de
Guéménée, 318;
contrast between his two guests, 320.
Rousseau, declaration of, relative to “Orphée,” ii. 111;
surly reply of, 112.
St. Sulpice, Talleyrand placed in the Séminaire of, i. 189, 190, 268;
history of one of the students there, 270.
Sartines, M. de, head of the police, i. 140.
Scheffer, his portrait of Talleyrand, i. 217.
Scotch, customs and usages of the, i. 35.
Sebastiani Marshal, private letters from Prince Talleyrand to, on the
affairs of Belgium, ii. 276, 280, 284.
Second Sight, gift of, i. 35;
extraordinary instance of, 39.
Sevigné, Madame de, Memoirs of, ii. 115.
Seze, M. de, miracle explained by, i. 287.
Sièyes, curious story related by Talleyrand respecting, i. 241;
conceives the idea of a national guard, 242;
goes to Versailles, 292.
Staël, Madame de, feeling of Talleyrand towards, i. 299;
adventure that befel her at a party given by Madame Helvetius, 301;
gratitude of Talleyrand towards, ii. 36, 38;
her keen wit, 42;
her interest with Barras, 48.
Stata, Abbé de, librarian of St. Isidore, i. 91.
Suard, Madame, compliment paid to, ii. 109;
apology of, 112.
Talleyrand, Bailli de, his strange meeting with his nephew, i. 175;
takes a last farewell of him, 180.
Talleyrand, Prince de, visit to, i. 3;
interesting scene with his niece, _ib._;
his drawing-room described, 4;
interview with, 5;
his mode of life at Valençay, 7;
his conversations on the past, _ib._;
favourite residence of, _ib._;
etiquette observed towards, _ib._;
his noble guests, 15;
plays at cards, _ib._;
contrast to him, 16;
witticism of, 21;
his friend, Royer Collard, 23;
his invitation to the Mayor of C——, 25;
plays at billiards, 28;
punishes his guest’s curiosity, 32;
the first story-teller of his day, 34;
remarkable particulars related by, relative to his friend,
Beaumetz, 36;
decision of character saves his life, 39;
resolves to quit America and return to France, 40;
his sad remembrances of his friend, 41;
attributes the warning of his danger to magnetism, 42;
his opinion of Cagliostro, 43;
unjust ideas formed of, in England, 48;
his conduct during the Revolution of July, 1830, _ib._;
opinions entertained relative to, 49;
unfavourable to the government of Charles X., 51;
his sympathy for the new ministers, 53;
retires to Rochecotte, 54;
his intimates there, 55;
his opinion of M. Thiers, 57;
calumnies heaped upon him, 59;
his secret message to the Duke of Orleans, 60, 67;
his thoughts relative to the Revolution, 62;
his presence of mind, 63;
bon-mot attributed to, 64;
watches the progress of the Revolution, _ib._;
efforts of, 65;
his great sagacity, 67;
directs the movements of the new dynasty, 69;
advises the Duke of Orleans to accept the crown, 72;
part played by him, _ib._;
his bold speech to Napoleon, 120;
describes his visit to Cagliostro, 122;
goes to the Opera, 134;
and finds the statements of Cagliostro verified, 135;
his astonishment on witnessing the effect of the contents of the
magic phial, 139;
his interview with Voltaire, 143;
wins at the faro-table, 151;
writes to his uncle, the Cardinal de Perigord, 152;
relates the history of a young officer of _Mousquetaires_, 155;
his faithful dog, 169;
childhood and juvenile years of, 170;
abandoned by his mother, _ib._;
placed under the care of a nurse, 171;
as is also his infant brother, 172;
carried off from his solitude by his uncle, the Bailli de
Talleyrand, 178;
has an excellent preceptor, 181;
allows him afterwards a handsome pension, 182;
his studies at College, 183;
his mother’s visits to him there, 184;
becomes, on the death of his father, the Comte de Talleyrand, 184;
astounding intimation given to, 185;
submits to his fate, 186;
his exercises and amusements at Louis-le-Grand, _ib._;
his fellow-students there, 187;
exhibits a high order of intellect, 189;
removed to the Séminaire of St. Sulpice, _ib._;
his dull routine of life there, 190;
longs to be present at the private theatricals of the Duchess of
Orleans, 192;
scales the walls of the Séminaire, and gets up behind a
carriage, 193;
witnesses the performance of Racine’s “Phèdre,” _ib._;
his admiration of Mademoiselle Contat, 196, 197;
gets back by dawn of day to the Séminaire, _ib._;
romantic adventure of, 198;
is overtaken by a storm, _ib._;
his extraordinary interview in the Rue de Vaugirard, 201;
the young nun relates her history to him, 202;
his sympathy towards her, 208;
his sorrow at her sad fate, 212;
fascinating manners of, 215;
portraits of him, 216;
his skill in argument, 219;
his popularity, 220;
an adept in the human heart, 221;
his opinion of Pétion, 223;
receives a visit from Mirabeau, 225;
endeavours to cheer his friend, 227;
his remarkable conversation with him, 229;
Mirabeau dies in his arms, 237;
his story relative to Sièyes, 241;
his choice of a spot to erect a _maison de plaisance_, 247;
_petit billet_ of the Princess to, 258;
compiles his diplomatic memoirs, 261;
decides not to publish them till forty years after his death,
_ib._, 310;
calumnies against him, 264;
relates various adventures which befel him, 265, 268;
his fellow-students at St. Sulpice, 269;
recounts the story of Eugène de B——, 270;
bequest made to, 276;
amusing anecdotes told by, 281;
his trust in Providence, 288;
his opinion of Madame Necker, 299;
his feelings towards Madame de Staël, 300;
relates an adventure connected with that lady, 301;
his despatches and correspondence, 308;
active part taken by him in public affairs, 310;
his tact and circumspection, 311;
visits the Princess de Guéménée, _ib._;
his conversation with her, 317;
narrates the history of the Countess de la Motte, 325;
his opinion relative to the affair of the diamond necklace, 351;
motives which had actuated his conduct, ii. 2;
_dictum_ respecting, 3;
unjustly accused of participating in the murder of the Duc
D’Enghien, _ib._;
political career of, 7;
his remarks on society, 9;
advice given him by his uncle, 10;
his remarkable carriage-drive with the Duke D’Aiguillon, 13;
astonishment of, 15;
conveyed, to Luciennes, 18;
apologies made by, 19;
relates his visit to Madame Dubarri, 20;
kindness of his female friends, 36, 121;
his description of Madame de la Bouchardie, 37;
justifies his conduct, 41;
eloquent appeal of Chénier in his behalf, 43;
visits Chénier, on his return from exile, 44;
his cordial welcome from Madame de la Bouchardie and Madame de
Staël, 45;
privateer equipped by, 48;
his reply to the letter of Pope Benedict XIV., 49;
establishes a journal in conjunction with the Abbé Cerutti, 50;
his addresses to the people, 51;
relates the history of his friend Cerutti, 54;
enters upon a new era in his life, 92;
murmurs not at his change of station, 93;
his recollections of the past, 94;
his début in the world of fashion, at the house of Madame de
Brignolé, on leaving the _Séminaire_, 95;
his appearance described, _ib._;
makes the acquaintance of the Chevalier de Boufflers, 97;
converses with Philidor, 98;
his coolness under insult, 100;
witty retort of, 101;
introduced to Madame du Deffand, 102;
his cordial reception by that lady, 104;
judgment pronounced on, by a blind woman, 105;
describes the period preceding the Revolution, 107;
regrets the loss of the art of conversation, 108;
his anecdotes of various literary _réunions_ at Paris, 109;
beautiful and original thoughts of, 113;
a peep into the interior of his boudoir, 119;
his friendship for the Countess de Brionne, 123;
his letter to her, 124;
repairs to her château, near Linz, 125;
his epistle returned, 127;
assists at the Congress of Vienna, 128;
his second appeal to Madame de Brionne, _ib._;
his melancholy visit to her, 129;
touching episode in his life, 130;
anonymous epistle received by, 133;
his confidante, Madame Champion, _ib._;
proceeds to Paris at the advice of his unknown friend, 134;
endeavours to discover his benefactor, 135;
obtains a clue to the mystery, 137;
visits the lady in question, 138;
particulars regarding his marriage, 140;
beauty of his wife, 141;
joins the Chevalier de Fénélon at the faro-table, 142;
and finds him a troublesome companion, 145;
goes home with him, 146;
and loses at cards, 147;
stakes his watch and other valuables, 148;
the tide turns in his favour, and he wins every game, 150;
is pressed to play again, 151;
chooses a tea-urn, 152;
wins it, 154;
his extraordinary discovery with regard to it, 158;
his indignation at the conduct of Fénélon, 159;
is visited by Madame Grandt, 162;
his embarrassment on the occasion, 163, 165;
becomes passionately attached to her, 168, 169;
receives a severe reproof from Napoleon, 170;
his reply, 171;
marries Madame Grandt, _ib._;
irreproachable conduct of his wife, 172;
allows her a separate establishment, 173;
his lively temperament, 180;
desirous of amity between England and France, 181;
his remarks on the conduct and policy of Louis XVIII., 183;
his reply to that monarch, 184;
his opinion of his character, 186;
dines with him at Compiègne, 187;
_diner diplomatique_ given by, 194;
rectifies an important omission, 196;
manners and bearing of his distinguished visitor, 199;
his alarm and horror, 203;
deliverance of, 204;
death of his guest, 205;
goes to a soirée at Madame de Krudener’s, 210;
describes his flattering reception, 213;
meets with an old friend, 216;
listens to the prayer and prophecies of the seeress, 219, 223;
his feelings on leaving the _soirée_, 224;
remarkable revelation made to him by his friend, Bergasse, 225;
illness of, 232;
his domestic establishment, 234;
his servant, Courtiade, warmly attached to him, 235;
preparations for his farewell-audience of Louis-Philippe, 237;
the last act of his existence, his retractation, 239;
report relative to this step, 240;
disinterested conduct of, _ib._;
falls into a lethargic slumber, 241;
Louis-Philippe and Madame Adelaide visit him, _ib._;
contrast in his appearance to that of the king, 242;
his conversation with him, _ib._, 243;
symptoms of his approaching dissolution, 246;
his friends assembled on the occasion, 247;
account of his last moments, 249;
his death, 251;
prayers of his domestics for him, 252;
vault prepared for his remains at Valençay, 253;
his body conveyed from Paris at midnight, 254;
curious incident that occurred on the occasion, 255;
arrival of the hearse at Valençay, _ib._;
his coffin deposited in the family vault, 257;
last homage to, 258;
his maxims for seasoning conversation, 261;
his passion for Madame de Talleyrand, 263;
his opinion of Fox, 270;
his private letters to Marshal Sebastiani on the affairs of Belgium,
276, 280, 284;
reasons on which he grounded his vote, in the affair of
Lieutenants-General Guilleminot and Bordesoulle, 289;
fragments from his Memoirs, 296;
his letter to William IV., on being appointed ambassador from
France, 306;
his opinion on the plan of law relative to journals and periodical
publications, 307;
on ecclesiastical property, 317;
extracts from his speech on ecclesiastical reform, 322;
his opinion on banks, and finance, 326.
Talleyrand, Princess de, fascinations of, i. 80;
inquiry of, 3;
dismay of, 84;
particulars relative to, 248;
an eccentric person, 250;
haughty behaviour of, 253;
her adventure with the postmaster, 255;
_petit billet_ of, 258;
her irreproachable conduct, ii. 172;
anecdote of, 173;
separate establishment of, _ib._;
her devotion to the interests of the prince, 174;
annoyances caused by, 175;
ridicule of, 176;
_naïveté_ uttered by, 177;
passion of the Prince for, 263.
Tea-urn, story of the mysterious one, ii. 152.
Thiers, M., his stay at Rochecotte, i. 56;
conspires against the government of Charles X., _ib._;
light in which Talleyrand viewed him, 57.
Valençay, château of, invitation given by Prince Talleyrand to, i. 5;
his mode of life there, 7;
the favourite residence of the Prince, _ib._;
one of the favoured spots upon earth, 8;
a noble and stately residence, 9;
grand approaches to, _ib._;
the towers described, 10;
arrival at, 11;
beautiful view from, _ib._;
etiquette observed at, 13;
society at, 15;
the visitors at, 24;
story of the Mr. of C——, 25;
enlivening conversation at, 34;
beauties of the place, 45;
seizure and confinement of the Spanish Princes at, 74;
carriage which conveyed them thither, 75;
impressions created by their arrival, 115;
attentions paid to them, 116;
their amusements and pursuits, 117;
attentions of the Princess at, 249;
grand dinner-party at, 252;
picture-gallery at, 309;
feelings on beholding the spot, ii. 233;
vault prepared at, to receive the remains of Prince Talleyrand, 253;
arrival there of the hearse, 255;
cheerful aspect of the little town of, 256;
funeral of the Prince at, 257.
Valois, Count de St. Remy de, particulars relative to, i. 326;
his death, 330;
refusal to inter his remains, 331.
Versailles, festival at, i. 293;
members of the _Tiers Etat_ at, _ib._;
court beauties at, 294.
Voltaire, interview of the Prince de Talleyrand with, i. 143;
his personal appearance, 144;
room in which he received his visitors, 145;
eloquent discourse of, 146, 148;
his expressive features, 149.
Wars between nations, remarks on, ii. 181.
William IV., letter from Prince Talleyrand to, on his being appointed
ambassador from France, ii. 306.
Witticism of Talleyrand, i. 21.
Yolande, an infant, her tomb disturbed, ii. 254;
placed in the same vault with Prince Talleyrand, 257.
THE END.
T. C. Savill, Printer, 4, Chandos-street, Covent-garden.
* * * * * *
Transcriber’s note:
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant
preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unpaired
quotation marks retained.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained; occurrences of
inconsistent hyphenation have not been changed.
Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references.