CHAPTER XII.

AT WORK.

I have often wondered why blasphemy is excusable when it is spoken

from a throne. It seems to me that many crimes have been

deliberately set forth upon paper under the exculpating heading of,

'In the name of God--Amen. We,' etc., etc. This thought cannot well

escape suggestion while perusing a declaration of war. It is a

subterfuge--a mean attempt to assign the responsibility to One who is

mightier than princes or potentates. God does not declare war--it is

man.

On the twenty-fourth day of April, eighteen hundred and

seventy-seven, the Czar of all the Russias gave forth to his people

that, bowing his head to the evident desire of the Almighty, he

reluctantly declared war against the Ottoman Empire. There was much

rhetoric about Christian nations suffering beneath the lash of

Mohammedan hatred; stories were told of shocking cruelties practised

upon an oppressed people, coldly worded statements were made of

misgovernment, misappropriation, theft. And the remedy to all these

was, if it may please you, war! From the formal declaration, with

its pharisaical self-laudation, its rolling periods and mock

reluctance, fourteen letters might have been selected, and set in

order so as to spell a single word in which lay the explanation of it

all. That word was--'Constantinople.'

Before the official opening of hostilities, Russia was prepared, and

Turkey (despite a long warning) but half ready, as usual. The

Russian troops entered Roumania and Turkish Armenia at once, the

inhabitants of both countries, with Oriental readiness, receiving

them as deliverers. The day following the declaration of war saw the

occupation of the town of Galatz.

Theodore Trist had, as he told Brenda he intended, taken up his

quarters in this small town upon the Danube, and actually passed

through its streets in the midst of the Northern troops unsuspected.

When the conquerors had shaken down into their new quarters, and

military discipline was beginning to make itself felt throughout the

city, he discreetly vanished, and, crossing the Danube in a small

boat, made his way South. At this time England began to receive the

benefit of a brilliantly conceived and steadily executed plan of

transmitting news. Trist and his two lieutenants appeared to haunt

the entirety of the Ottoman Empire. One of them appeared to find

himself invariably within reach of any spot where events of interest

might be occurring. And from this time until the end of the great

war this ceaseless flow of carefully-sifted information continued to

set eastward to Paris and London. The first official notice taken

was an imperial decree, forbidding the admittance into Russia of the

French and English journals to which Trist was attached as

war-correspondent. This heavy punishment in no way affected the

equanimity of these mistaken organs, of which the circulation in the

Northern empire had never attained a height worth consideration or

even mention. A sackful of copies under private addresses had been

the utmost limit, and out of these the majority were usually lost in

transmission with that patient, bland persistency by means of which

the Russian Government usually succeeds in quelling any private and

individual attempt to learn what the world is saying. It is

remarkable how little is known in England of the method of procedure

in a country so near at hand as Russia. I verily believe that Hong

Kong is better known than Moscow, Valparaiso than Tver. It is, for

instance, a matter of surprise to many intelligent English men and

women to learn that our newspapers are, with one or two exceptions,

forbidden entrance into the Czar's dominions. And in the case of

those exceptions there is no circulation--each copy comes under a

private cover, with the probability of being opened several times on

the way. Moreover, objectionable paragraphs, or, in the case of

illustrated journals, sketches in any way connected with the seamy

side of Slavonic life, are ruthlessly obliterated with a black pad.

The transmission of news is virtually in the hands of the Government,

with the natural result that all untoward events are hushed up, while

pleasant things are glorified to the infinite profit of those in

office. Respecting the progress of humanity, the events of the outer

world, and the march of civilization, the whole of the vast continent

of Russia is kept in the dark. Even with _our_ marvellous

facilities, the transmission of news over such vast tracts of land,

across such stupendous plains, would be a matter of some difficulty;

it is, therefore, easy to arrest the progress of thought, and force

back men's brains into the apathetic, voiceless endurance of brutes.

Under these circumstances it will be readily understood that the

views of the great English critic were looked upon with fear and

dislike; additionally so, perhaps, because no one could accuse him of

partiality or political bias. He studied war as an art, whereas the

Russian staff had in most cases taken it up as a profession.

During the months that followed many brave men came to the front; but

few reputations were made, whereas a number were lost. Gourko and

Skobeleff proved that their personal courage, their calm assumption

of a terrible responsibility, was something almost super-human; but

as strategists they came within measurable distance of failure. The

one has the stain of three thousand lives lost in one bold march upon

his military reputation--namely, the crossing of the Balkans; while

the other, the wild, half-mad Skobeleff, will have it remembered

against him that two thousand of his 'children' fell in the storming

of one redoubt, and three thousand more perished in attempting to

hold it.

But in fairness to these reckless soldiers, it must be kept in mind

that the Russians played, in a literal as well as metaphorical sense,

an uphill game. They had to storm heights, 'rush' redoubts, and

advance on trenches against the Berdan rifle in the hands of the

Turk. Just as each man knows his own business best, so have we all

our special way of fighting. The Russians are not brilliant at the

attack, because they are too reckless of life, and in the excitement

of the moment expose themselves with criminal prodigality; whereas

there is no finer defender of a fortified position than the Turk.

Again, Skobeleff and Gourko were hampered by being in too constant

and frequent communication with the royal amateur soldiers in their

comfortable quarters on the Danube.

At first the Russians seemed to carry all before them, and the

chronic unreadiness of the enemy was a matter for laughter. Having

successfully crossed the Danube towards the end of June, driving the

Turks before them step by step to Matchin, the campaign was looked

upon as a mere parade. But Theodore Trist, retreating slowly from

the Danube before the advance of the Northern army, held a different

opinion.

'At present,' he wrote in the second week in July, 'everything seems

to be against us. But the time is coming when some good men will

force their way to the fore; and the power of individual influence

over an ill-disciplined but well-armed horde like this is

incalculable. Sulieman Pasha is said to be coming with his hardened

troops, and from him great things may be expected. He is a good

soldier, with an energy which is rendered more striking by its rarity

in this country. When last I saw him he was spare in figure, much

browned by exposure, singularly active, and as hard as nails. In

appearance he is unlike a Turk, being fair, with ruddy hair and quick

eyes. His men are more like a band of hill-robbers than a trained

army, for they possess no distinct uniform; but they are full of

fight. His staff is ludicrously informal, possessing no fine titles,

and being entirely destitute of gold braid. The Turks are a strange

mixture of impassibility and stubbornness. At times their fatalism

gives way to an overwhelming strength of purpose, almost defying

fate, and it is quite within the bounds of possibility that a

trifling error on the part of the Russians may turn the tide suddenly

upon them, and a disastrous retreat to the Danube will follow.'

By the time that the letter from which the above is extracted arrived

in England, the far-seeing correspondent's prophecy had in part

fallen true. The tide of fortune had set in in favour of the Moslem,

and although a retreat was not as yet whispered of, it was held

certain by experts that more men were absolutely required by the

Russians in order to continue the campaign.

At this time the name of a hitherto unknown town in the north of

Bulgaria was constantly on men's tongues. Until now no one had ever

heard of Plevna, which, nevertheless, was destined to be the chief

topic of conversation throughout all the civilized world for many

months to come. The genius of one man raised this small city from

its obscurity to a proud place in the annals of warfare, and the

defence of Plevna will ever stand forth as a proof of the influence

of one strong individuality over a whole army; and, one might almost

say, upon the march of events.

Of course it is easy to state that much depended upon chance, but it

is not only in warfare that we all have to wait upon chance. Those

who step in quickly when fortune leaves the gate ajar are the winners

in the war we are engaged in here below. Had Krüdener occupied

Plevna when he received the order to do so, Osman Pasha might have

died without leaving his mark upon the sands of time. But the

Russian delayed, and the Turk stepped in. Osman saw at once the

great strategetic value of Plevna, and Krüdener, the man of many

mistakes, was outwitted.

'I see,' wrote Trist at this time in a private letter to his editor,

which was not published until later, 'a subtle change in the

atmosphere of events. It seems to me that the tide is turning. I

will now attach myself definitely to the fortunes of Plevna. The

time has come for me to give up my ubiquitous endeavours; to watch

one spot only. My colleagues are splendid fellows, full of dash and

energy; on them you must now depend for the other movements of the

campaign. Osman is here, and Skobeleff is in this part of the

country as far as I can learn--there is a feverish restlessness among

the Russians, which suggests his presence. With these two men face

to face Plevna will become historical, if it is not so already, for

it will mark, firstly, the greatest military bungle of the age

(Krüdener's neglect); secondly ... who knows? Osman is a wonderful

fellow--that is all I can tell you now. I remain here, and if we are

surrounded I will stick to Plevna _until the end_.'

The recipient of this letter, sitting in his quiet little room in

Fleet Street, looked at the last words again. They were underlined

with a firm dash, and immediately below followed the simple

signature. About the entire letter there was a straightforward sense

of purpose--a feeling, as it were, that this man knew what he was

doing, and was ready to face the consequence of every action. The

editor shook his vast head from side to side with a quiet and

tolerant smile.

'The fever is upon him,' he said. 'It is a thousand pities that he

is not a soldier.'

Then he leant forward and took an envelope from the stationery case

upon the table in front of him. Into this he slipped the folded

letter, addressing it subsequently to Mrs. Wylie, at Wyl's Hall,

Wyvenwich.

On the last day of July, Prince Schahofsky and Baron Krüdener

attacked Plevna. A combination had been intended, but Krüdener was

again in fault. He was not ready at the hour appointed, and

Schahofsky was led into the fatal error of attacking a superior force

of Turks in a fortified position. The result of this was the loss of

almost the whole of his fine army corps. The Russian soldiers

charged gallantly but foolishly upon a literal wall of fire, for

there is no man steadier in a trench than the fatalist. In some

years, when the quick-firing rifle is perfected, there will be no

such thing as carrying a breastwork at the point of the bayonet, for

no man will live to stand up within forty yards of the position held.

Even at Plevna, against an imperfect rifle in the hands of a

half-trained, badly fed, poorly-accoutred soldier, the slaughter was

terrible, and the result small. Only Skobeleff succeeded in really

and literally carrying an intrenchment by the bayonet; and had he not

been half mad with excitement and wholly carried away by the wild

lust of battle, he would never have attempted it, for the men

literally crawled over heaps of their slain comrades. The terrible

work of the quick-firing rifle was only too apparent.

After the first assault upon Plevna the Russians settled down to a

long siege, and heavy artillery was brought to bear upon the

ill-fated town from every point of vantage on the surrounding hills.

Step by step the northern foe crept up towards the town, until the

sombre-clad figures within the redoubts were almost recognisable from

the Russian lines.

Finally, it was one day announced that the last communication had

been cut off and Plevna was surrounded. Like some sullen prisoner in

the hands of a ruthless enemy, the fortress stood grimly silent, and

all the world wondered pitifully what terrible tragedy might be

working out its latest chapters within that small circle of

blood-stained steel.

Vague reports reached England that there could not now be any food in

Plevna. The garrison must be starving. Women and children

were--thank God!--but few; for Osman had sent them away. Day by day

the fall of this unforeseen, unsuspected stronghold was predicted,

but day after day the dingy Crescent hung in the morning breeze, and

every point was guarded.

The editor of the great English newspaper sat in his little room in

Fleet Street and watched events from afar. No word reached him, for

Plevna was silent, but he displayed no anxiety.

'Wait!' he said to all inquirers. 'Wait a bit. Trist is in there,

and when the time comes he will astonish us all. One can always rely

implicitly on Trist!'

Suspense, Volume 3 (of 3) · 第 12 / 15 章