CHAPTER VI.

NIHILISM AND MYSTICISM.―TOLSTOÏ.

In Turgenef’s artistic work, illustrative of the national

characteristics, we have witnessed the birth of the Russian romance,

and how it has naturally tended toward the psychological classification

of a few general types; or, perhaps, more justly, toward the

contemplation of them, when we consider with what serenity this

artist’s moral investigations were conducted. Dostoyevski has shown a

spirit quite contrary to this, uncultured and yet subtile, sympathetic,

tortured by tragic visions, morbidly preoccupied by exceptional

and perverted types. The first of these two writers was constantly

coquetting, so to speak, with liberal doctrines: the second was a

_Slavophile_ of the most extreme type.

In Tolstoï, other surprises are reserved for us. Younger by ten years

than his predecessors, he hardly felt the influences of 1848. Attached

to no particular school, totally indifferent to all political parties,

despising them in fact, this solitary, meditative nobleman acknowledges

no master and no sect; he is himself a spontaneous phenomenon. His

first great novel was contemporary with “Fathers and Sons”, but between

the two great novelists there is a deep abyss. The one still made use

of the traditions of the past, while he acknowledged the supremacy

of Western Europe, and appropriated to himself and his work what he

learned of us; the other broke off wholly with the past and with

foreign bondage; he is a personification of the New Russia, feeling

its way out of the darkness, impatient of any tendency toward the

adoption of our tastes and ideas, and often incomprehensible to us.

Let us not expect Russia to do what she is incapable of, to restrict

herself within certain limits, to concentrate her attention upon one

point, or bring her conception of life down to one doctrine. Her

literary productions must reflect the moral chaos which she is passing

through. Tolstoï comes to her aid. More truly than any other man, and

more completely than any other, he is the translator and propagator

of that condition of the Russian mind which is called Nihilism. To

seek to know how far he has accomplished this, would be to turn around

constantly in the same circle. This writer fills the double function of

the mirror which reflects the light and sends it back increased tenfold

in intensity, producing fire. In the religious confessions which he has

lately written, the novelist, changed into a theologian, gives us, in a

few lines, the whole history of his soul’s experience:―

“I have lived in this world fifty-five years; with the exception of

the fourteen or fifteen years of childhood, I have lived thirty-five

years a Nihilist in the true sense of the word,―not a socialist or a

revolutionist according to the perverted sense acquired by usage, but a

true Nihilist―that is, subject to no faith or creed whatever.”

This long delayed confession was quite unnecessary; the man’s entire

work published it, although the dreadful word is not once expressed

by him. Critics have called Turgenef the father of Nihilism because

he had given a name to the malady, and described a few cases of it.

One might as well affirm the cholera to have been introduced by the

first physician who gave the diagnosis of it, instead of by the first

person attacked by the scourge. Turgenef discovered the evil, and

studied it objectively; Tolstoï suffered from it from the first day of

its appearance, without having, at first, a very clear consciousness

of his condition; his tortured soul cries out on every page he has

written, to express the agony which weighs down so many other souls of

his own race. If the most interesting books are those which faithfully

picture the existence of a fraction of humanity at a given moment of

history, this age has produced nothing more remarkable, in regard to

its literary quality, than his work. I do not hesitate in giving my

opinion that this writer, when considered merely as a novelist, is

one of the greatest masters in literature our century has produced.

It may be asked how we can venture to express ourselves so strongly

of a still living contemporary, whose overcoat and beard are familiar

objects in every-day life, who dines, reads the papers, receives money

from his publishers and invests it, who does, in short, just what other

men do. How can we thus elevate a man before his body has turned to

ashes, and his name become transfigured by the accumulated respect of

several generations? As for me, I cannot help seeing this man as great

as he will appear after death, or subscribing voluntarily to Flaubert’s

exclamation, as he read Turgenef’s translation of Tolstoï, and cried in

a voice of thunder, while he stamped heavily upon the ground:―

“He is a second Shakespeare!”

Tolstoï’s troubled, vacillating mind, obscured by the mists of

Nihilism, is by a singular and not infrequent contradiction endowed

with an unparalleled lucidity and penetration for the scientific study

of the phenomena of life. He has a clear, analytical comprehension of

everything upon the earth’s surface, of man’s internal life as well

as of his exterior nature: first of tangible realities, then the play

of his passions, his most volatile motives to action, the slightest

disturbances of his conscience. This author might be said to possess

the skill of an English chemist with the soul of a Hindu Buddhist.

Whoever will undertake to account for that strange combination will be

capable of explaining Russia herself.

Tolstoï maintains a certain simplicity of nature in the society of

his fellow-beings which seems to be impossible to the writers of our

country; he observes, listens, takes in whatever he sees and hears, and

for all time, with an exactness which we cannot but admire. Not content

with describing the distinctive features of the general physiognomy

of society, he resolves them into their original elements with the

most assiduous care; always eager to know how and wherefore an act is

produced; pursuing the original thought behind the visible act, he

does not rest until he has laid it bare, tearing it from the heart

with all its secret roots and fibres. Unfortunately, his curiosity

will not let him stop here. Of those phenomena which offer him such

a free field when he studies them by themselves, he wishes to know

the origin, and to go back to the most remote and inaccessible causes

which produced them. Then his clear vision grows dim, the intrepid

explorer loses his foothold and falls into the abyss of philosophical

contradictions. Within himself, and all around him he feels nothing but

chaos and darkness; to fill this void and illuminate the darkness, the

characters through which he speaks have recourse to the unsatisfactory

explanations of metaphysics, and, finally, irritated by these pedantic

sophistries, they suddenly steal away, and escape from their own

explanations.

Gradually, as Tolstoï advances in life and in his work, he is more

and more engulfed in doubt; he lavishes his coldest irony upon those

children of his fancy who try to believe and to discover and apply a

consistent system of morality. But under this apparent coldness you

feel that his heart sobs out a longing for what he cannot find, and

thirsts for things eternal. Finally, weary of doubt and of search,

convinced that all the calculations of reason end only in mortifying

failure, fascinated by the mysticism which had long lain in wait for

his unsatisfied soul, the Nihilist suddenly throws himself at the feet

of a Deity,―and of what a Deity we shall see hereafter.

In finishing this chapter, I must speak of the singular phase into

which the writer’s mind has fallen of late. I hope to do this with all

the reserve due to a living man, and all due respect for a sincere

conviction. There is nothing to me more curious than his statement of

the actual condition of his own soul. It is a picture of the crisis

which the Russian conscience is now passing through, seen in full

sunlight, foreshortened, and upon a lofty height. This thinker is the

perfect type of a multitude of minds, as well as their guide; he tries

to say what these minds confusedly feel.

I.

Leo Nikolaievitch (Tolstoï) was born in the year 1828. The course of

his external life has offered nothing of interest to the lovers of

romance, being quite the same as that of Russian gentlemen in general.

In his father’s house in the country, and afterwards at the University

of Kazan, he received the usual education from foreign masters which

gives to the cultivated classes in Russia their cosmopolitan turn of

mind. He then entered the army and spent several years in the Caucasus

in a regiment of artillery, and was afterwards transferred at his

request to Sebastopol. He went through the famous siege in the Crimean

War, which he has illustrated by three striking sketches: “Sebastopol

in December, in May, and in August.” Resigning his position when peace

was declared, Count Tolstoï first travelled extensively, then settled

at St. Petersburg and Moscow, living in the society of his own class.

He studied society and the court as he had studied the war―with that

serious attention which tears away the masks from all faces and reads

the inmost heart. After a few winters of fashionable life, he left the

capital, partly, it is said, to escape from the different literary

circles which were anxious to claim him among their votaries. In 1860,

he married and retired to his ancestral estate, near Tula, where he

has remained almost constantly for twenty-five years. The whole history

of his own life is hardly disguised in the autobiography he wrote,

entitled, “Childhood, Boyhood, and Youth.” The evolution of his inward

experience is further carried out in the two great novels, “War and

Peace” and “Anna Karenina,” and ends, as might have been foreseen,

with the theological and moral essays which have for some years quite

absorbed his intellectual activity.

I believe the author’s first composition, while he was an officer in

the army of the Caucasus, must have been the novelette published later

under the title, “The Cossacks.” This is the least systematic of all

his works, and is perhaps the one which best betrays the precocious

originality of his mind, and his remarkable power of seeing and

representing truth. This book marks a date in literature: the definite

rupture of Russian poetry with Byronism and romanticism in the very

heart of their former reign. The influence of Byron was so strong that

the prejudiced eyes of the poets saw the Orient in which they lived

through their poetical fancy, which transfigured both scenery and men.

Attracted like so many other writers toward this region, Tolstoï, or,

rather, Olenin, the hero of the Cossacks (I believe them to be one

and the same), leaves Moscow one beautiful evening, after a farewell

supper with his young friends. Weary of civilization, he throws off

his habitual thoughts as he would a worn-out garment; his _troïka_

bears him away to a strange country; he longs for a primitive life, new

sensations, new interests.

Our traveller installs himself in one of the little Cossack settlements

on the river Terek; he adopts the life of his new friends, takes

part in their expeditions and hunts; an old mountaineer, who

somewhat recalls Fenimore Cooper’s “Leatherstocking,” undertakes to

be his guide. Olenin quite naturally falls in love with the lovely

Marianna, daughter of his host. Tolstoï will now show us the Orient

in a new light, in the mirror of truth. For the lyric visions of his

predecessors he substitutes a philosophical view of men and things.

From the very first this acute observer understood how puerile it is

to lend to these creatures of instinct our refinement of thought and

feeling, our theatrical way of representing passion. The dramatic

interest of his tale consists in the fatal want of mutual understanding

that must, perforce, exist between the heart of a civilized being and

that of a wild, savage creature, and the total impossibility of two

souls of such different calibre blending in a mutual passion. Olenin

tries in vain to cultivate simplicity of feeling. Because he dons a

Circassian cap, he cannot at the same time change his nature and become

primitive. His love cannot separate itself from all the intellectual

complications which our literary education lends to this passion. He

says:―

“What there is terrible and at the same time interesting in my

condition is that I feel that I understand Marianna and that she never

will be able to understand me. Not that she is inferior to me,―quite

the contrary; but it is impossible for her to understand me. She is

happy; she is natural; she is like Nature itself, equable, tranquil,

happy in herself.”

The character of this little Asiatic, strange and wild as a young doe,

is beautifully drawn. I appeal to those who are familiar with the

East and have proved the falsity of those Oriental types invented by

European literature. They will find in the “The Cossacks,” a surprising

exposure of the falsity of that other moral world. Tolstoï has brought

this country before us by his vivid and picturesque descriptions of its

natural features. The little idyl serves as a pretext for magnificent

descriptions of the Caucasus; steppe, forest, and mountain stand before

us as vividly as the characters which inhabit them. The grand voices of

Nature join in with and support the human voices, as an orchestra leads

and sustains a chorus. The author, absorbed as he was afterwards in the

study of the human soul, never again expressed such a profound sympathy

with nature as in this work. At this time Tolstoï was inclined to

be both pantheist and pessimist, vacillating between the two. “Trois

Morts,” a fragment of his, contains the substance of this philosophy:―

“The happiest man, and the best, is he who thinks the least and who

lives the simplest life and dies the simplest death. Accordingly, the

peasant is better than the lord, the tree is better than the peasant,

and the death of an oak-tree is a greater calamity to the world than

the death of an old princess.”

This is Rousseau’s doctrine exaggerated: the man who thinks is not

only a depraved animal but an inferior plant. But Pantheism is another

attempt at a rational explanation of the universe: Nihilism will

soon replace it. This monster has already devoured the inmost soul

of the man, without his even being conscious of it. It is easy to be

convinced of this when we read his “Childhood, Boyhood, and Youth.” It

is the journal of the gradual awakening of an intelligence to life; it

lays before us the whole secret of the formation of Tolstoï’s moral

character. The author subjects his own conscience to that penetrating,

inexorable analysis, which later he will use upon society; he tries

his hand upon himself first of all. It is a singular book, lengthy,

and sometimes trivial; Dickens is rapid and sketchy in comparison

with him. In relating the course of a most ordinary journey from the

country into Moscow, he counts every turn of the wheels, notes every

passing peasant, every guide-post. But this fastidious observance of

details, applied to trivial facts, becomes a wonderful instrument when

applied to human nature and to psychological researches. It throws

light upon the man’s own inner conscience, without regard to his

self-love; he sees himself as he is, and lays bare his soul with all

its petty vanities, and the ingratitude and mistrust of an ill-humored

child. We shall recognize this same child in the principal characters

of his great novels, with its nature quite unchanged. I will quote two

passages which show us the very foundation of Nihilism in the brain of

a lad of sixteen:―

“Of all philosophical doctrines, the one which attracted me most

strongly was skepticism; for a time it brought me to a condition

verging upon madness. I would imagine that nothing whatever existed

in the world except myself; that all objects were only illusions,

evoked by myself just at the moment I gave attention to them, and which

vanished the moment I ceased to think of them…. There were times when,

possessed by this idea, I was brought into such a bewildered state that

I would turn quickly around and look behind me, hoping to be able to

pierce through the chaos which lay beyond me. My enfeebled mind could

not penetrate through the impenetrable, and would lose by degrees in

this wearisome struggle the certainties which for the sake of my own

happiness, I ought never to have sought. I reaped nothing from all

this intellectual effort but an activity of mind which weakened my

will-power, and a habit of incessant moral analysis which robbed every

sensation of its freshness and warped my judgment on every subject….”

Such a cry might have been uttered by a disciple of Schelling. But

listen to what follows from the heart of a Russian, who speaks for his

countrymen as well as himself:―

“When I remember how young I was, and the state of mind I was in, I

realize perfectly how the most atrocious crimes might be committed

without reason or a desire to injure any one, but, so to speak, from

a sort of curiosity or an unconscious necessity of action. There are

times when the future appears to a man so dark that he fears to look

into it; and he totally suspends the exercise of his own reason within

himself, and tries to persuade himself that there is no future and

that there has been no past. At such moments, when the mind no longer

controls the will, when the material instincts are the only springs

of life left to us,―I can understand how an inexperienced child can,

without hesitation or fear, and with a smile of curiosity, set fire

to his own house, in which all those he loves best―father, mother,

and brothers―are sleeping. Under the influence of this temporary

eclipse of the mind, which I might call a moment of aberration or

distraction,―a young peasant lad of sixteen stands looking at the

shining blade of an axe just sharpened, which lies under the bench

upon which his old father has fallen asleep: suddenly he brandishes

the axe, and finds himself looking with stupid curiosity, upon the

stream of blood under the bench which is flowing from the aged head he

has just cleft. In this condition of mind, a man likes to lean over a

precipice and think: ‘What if I should throw myself over head first!’

or to put a loaded pistol to his forehead and think: ‘Suppose I should

pull the trigger!’ or when he sees a person of dignity and consequence

surrounded by the universal respect of all, and suddenly feels impelled

to go up to him and take him by the nose, saying: ‘Come along, old

fellow!’”

This is pure childishness, you will say! So it would be in our steadier

brains and more active lives, rarely disturbed by these attacks of

nightmare. Turgenef has touched upon this national malady of his

fellow-countrymen in his last tale, “Despair,” as well as Dostoyevski

in many of his. There are several cases in “Recollections of a Dead

House,” identical with those described by Tolstoï, although the two

authors’ treatment of this theme are so unlike. The word in their

language which expresses this condition is quite untranslatable.

_Despair_ approaches it nearest; but the condition is a mixture also

of fatalism, barbarism, asceticism, and other qualities, or want of

them. It may describe, perhaps, Hamlet’s mental malady or attack of

madness, at the moment he ran his sword through Polonius, father of his

Ophelia. It seems to be a sort of horrible fascination which belongs to

cold countries, to a climate of extremes, where they learn to endure

everything better than an ordinary fate, and prefer annihilation to

moderation.

Poor Russia! a tempest-tossed sea-gull, hovering over an abyss!

Nihilist and pessimist,―are not these synonymous words, and must

they not both exist in the same person? From this time, all Tolstoï’s

productions would argue this to be the fact. A few short tales are a

prelude to his two great novels, which we must now make a study of, as

to them he devoted his highest powers and concentrated upon them his

profoundest thought. His talent heretofore had produced but fragmentary

compositions and sketches.

II.

“War and Peace” is a picture of Russian society during the great

Napoleonic wars, from 1805 to 1815. We question whether this

complicated work can be properly called a novel. “War and Peace” is

a summary of the author’s observations of human life in general.

The interminable series of episodes, portraits, and reflections

which Tolstoï presents to us are introduced through a few fictitious

characters; but the real hero of this epic is Russia herself, passing

through her desperate struggle against the foreign invader. The real

characters, Alexander, Napoleon, Kutuzof, Speranski, occupy nearly as

much space as the imaginary ones; the simple and rather slack thread

of romance serves to bind together the various chapters on history,

politics, philosophy, heaped pell-mell into this polygraph of the

Russian world. Imagine Victor Hugo’s “Les Misérables” being re-written

by Dickens in his untiring, exhaustless manner, then re-constructed

by the cold, searching pen of Stendhal, and you may possibly form an

idea of the general arrangement and execution of the work, and of that

curious union of epic grandeur and infinitesimal analytical detail. I

try to fancy M. Meissonier painting a panorama; I doubt if he could

do it, but if he could his twofold talent would illustrate the double

character of Tolstoï’s work.

The pleasure to be derived from it resembles that from mountain-climbing;

the way is often rough and wild, the path, as you ascend, difficult

to find, effort and fatigue are indispensable; but when you reach the

summit and look around you the reward is great. Magnificent vistas

stretch beneath you; he who has never accomplished the ascent will

never know the true face of the country, the course of its rivers

or the relative situation of its towns. A stranger, therefore, who

would understand Russia of the nineteenth century, must read Tolstoï;

and whoever would undertake to write a history of that country would

utterly fail in his task if he neglected to consult this exhaustless

repository of the national life. Those who have a passion for the

study of history will not, perhaps, grow impatient over this mass of

characters and succession of trivial incidents with which the work is

loaded down. Will it be the same with those who seek only amusement

in a work of fiction? For these, Tolstoï will break up all previous

habits. This incorrigible analyst is either ignorant of or disdains the

very first method of procedure employed by all our writers; we expect

our novelist to select out his character or event, and separate it from

the surrounding chaos of beings and objects, making a special study

of the object of his choice. The Russian, ruled by the sentiment of

universal dependence, is never willing to cut the thousand ties which

bind men, actions, thoughts, to the rest of the universe; he never

forgets the natural mutual dependence of all things. Imagine the Latin

and the Slav before a telescope. The first arranges it to suit himself;

that is, he voluntarily foreshortens his range of vision, to make

more distinct what he sees, and diminish the extent of it; the second

requires the full power of the instrument, enlarges his horizon, and

sees a confused picture, for the sake of seeing farther.

In a passage in “Anna Karenina,” Tolstoï well defines the contrast

between two such natures, and the mutual attraction they exert upon

each other. Levin, the dreamer, meets one of his friends, who is of a

methodical turn of mind.

“Levin imagined that Katavasof’s clearness of conception came from the

poverty and narrowness of his nature; Katavasof thought that Levin’s

incoherency of ideas arose from the want of a well disciplined mind;

but the clearness of Katavasof pleased Levin, and the natural richness

of an undisciplined mind in the latter was agreeable to the other.”

These lines sum up all the grounds of complaint that the Russians

have to reproach us with in our literature, and those we have against

theirs; which differences explain the pleasure the two races find in an

interchange of their literary productions.

It is easy to predict what impressions all readers of “War and

Peace” and “Anna Karenina” will receive. I have seen the same effect

invariably produced upon all who have read those books. At first,

for some time, the reader will hardly find his bearings; not knowing

whither he is being led, he will soon grow weary of the task that lies

before him. But little by little he will be drawn on, captivated by

the complex action of all these characters, among whom he will find

himself, as well as some of his friends, and will become most anxious

to unravel the secret of their destinies. On closing the book, he feels

a sense of regret, as if parting with a family with which he has been

for years on terms of familiar intercourse. He has passed through the

experience of the traveller thrown into the novelty of new society and

surroundings; he feels annoyance and fatigue at first, then curiosity,

and finally has formed deeply rooted attachments.

What seems to me the distinction between the classic author and a

conscientious painter of life as it is, like Tolstoï, is this: a book

is like a drawing-room filled with strangers; the first type of author

voluntarily presents you to this company at once, and unveils to you

the thousand intertwining combinations, incidents, and intrigues going

on there; with the second you must go forward and present yourself,

find out for yourself the persons of mark, the various relations and

sentiments of the entire circle, live, in fact, in the midst of this

fictitious company, just as you have lived in society, among real

people. To be able to judge of the respective merit of the two methods,

we must interrogate one of the fundamental laws of our being. Is there

any pleasure worth having which does not cost some little trouble? Do

we not prefer what we have acquired by an effort all our own? Let us

reflect upon this. Whatever may be our individual preferences in regard

to intellectual pleasure, I think we can agree on one point: in the

old, well worn paths of literature, mediocrity may be tolerated; but

when an author strikes out in a new path we cannot tolerate a partial

success; he must write dramas equal to Shakespeare, and romances as

good as Tolstoï’s, to give us a true picture of life as it is. This

we have in “War and Peace,” and the question of its success has been

decided in the author’s favor. When I visit with him the soldiers

in camp, the court, and court society, which has hardly changed in

the last half-century, and see how he lays bare the hearts of men, I

cry out at every page I read: “How true that is!” As we go on, our

curiosity changes into astonishment, astonishment into admiration,

before this inexorable judge, who brings every human action before his

tribunal, and forces from every heart its secrets. We feel as if drawn

on with the current of a tranquil, never-ending stream, the stream of

human life, carrying with it the hearts of men, with all their agitated

and complicated movements and emotions.

War is one of the social phenomena which has strongly attracted our

author and philosopher. He is present at the Council of Generals and

at the soldiers’ bivouac; he studies the moral condition of each; he

understands the orders, and why they should be obeyed. He presents

to us the whole physiognomy of the Russian army. A minute description

which he gives of a disorderly retreat is second only to Schiller’s

“Camp of Wallenstein.” He describes the first engagement, the first

cannon-shot, the fall of the first soldier, the agony of that

long-dreaded moment.

In the course of these volumes the imperial battles are portrayed;

Austerlitz, Friedland, Borodino. Tolstoï talks of war like a man who

has taken part in it; he knows that a battle is never witnessed by

the participants. The soldier, officer, or general which the writer

introduces never sees but a single point of the combat; but by the

way in which a few men fight, think, talk, and die on that spot, we

understand the entire action, and know on what side the victory will be.

When Tolstoï wishes to give us a general description of anything,

he ingeniously makes use of some artifice; as, for example, in the

engagement at Schöngraben he introduces an aide-de-camp who carries an

order the whole length of the line of battle. Then the corps commanders

bring in their reports, not of what has taken place, but of what

naturally ought to have taken place. How is this? “The colonel had so

strongly desired to execute this movement, he so regretted not having

been able to carry it out, that it seemed to him that all must have

taken place as he wished. Perhaps it really had! Is it ever possible in

such confusion to find out what has or has not occurred?”―How perfect

is this ironical explanation! I appeal to any soldier who has ever

taken part in any action in war, and heard an account given of it by

the other participants.

We do not demand of this realistic writer the conventional ideas of

the classic authors;―an entire army heroic as its leaders, living

only for the great causes it accomplishes, wholly absorbed in its

lofty aim. Tolstoï reveals human nature: the soldier’s life, careless,

occupied with trifling duties; the officers, with their pleasures or

schemes of promotion; the generals, with their ambitions and intrigues;

all these seeming quite accustomed and indifferent to what to us

appears extraordinary and imposing. However, the author, by dint of

sheer simplicity, sometimes draws tears of sympathy from us for those

unconscious heroes, such as, for example, the pathetic character of

Captain Touchino, which recalls Renault, in “Servitude et Grandeur

Militaires.”[L] Tolstoï is severe upon the leaders of the Russian

army; he reminds us of the councils of war after the late trials; he

satirizes the French and German strategists by whom Alexander was

surrounded; and, with his Nihilistic ideas, he thoroughly enjoys

describing this Babel of tongues and opinions. With one man alone

he secretly sympathizes―with the commander-in-chief, Kutuzof. And

why?―Because he gave no orders, and went to sleep during the council,

giving up everything to fate. All these descriptions of military life

converge toward this idea, which is developed in the philosophical

appendix to the novel; all action on the part of the commanders is

vain and useless; everything depends upon the fortuitous action of

small divisions, the only decisive factor being one of those unforeseen

impulses or inspirations which at certain times impels an army. As

regards battle array, who thinks of it on the spot when thousands of

possible combinations arise? The military genius in command sees only

the smoke; he invariably receives his information and issues his orders

too late. Can the commander carry out any general plan who is leading

on his troops, which number ten, fifty, or one hundred men out of one

hundred thousand, within a small radius? The rest of the account you

may find in the next day’s bulletins! Over the three hundred thousand

combatants fighting in the plains of Borodino blows the wind of chance,

bringing victory or defeat.

Here is the same mystic spirit of Nihilism which springs up before

every problem of life.

After war, the study which Tolstoï loves best, come the intrigues of

the higher classes of society and its centre of gravitation, the court.

As differences of race grow less distinct as we approach the higher

classes of society, the novelist creates no longer merely Russian

types, but general, human, universal ones. Since St. Simon, no one has

so curiously unveiled the secret mechanism of court life. We are very

apt to distrust writers of fiction when they attempt to depict these

hidden spheres; we suspect them of listening behind doors and peeping

through key-holes. But this Russian author is in his native element;

he has frequented and studied the court as he has the army; he talks

of his peers in their own language, and has had the same education and

culture; therefore his information is copious and correct, like what

you obtain from the comedian who divulges the secrets of the boards.

Go with the author into the salons of certain ladies of the court;

listen to the tirades of refugees, the opinions expressed upon

Buonaparte, the intrigues of the courtiers, and that peculiar accent

when they mention any member of the imperial family. Visit with him a

statesman’s home; sit down at Speranski’s table (the man who “laughs a

stage laugh”); mark the sovereign’s passage through a ball-room by the

light which is visible upon every face from the moment he enters the

apartment; above all, visit the death-bed of old Count Bezushof, and

witness the tragedy which is being acted under the mask of etiquette;

the struggle of base instincts around that speechless, expiring old

man, and the general agitation. Here a sinister element, as elsewhere

a lofty one, lends marvellous force to the simple sincerity of the

picture and to the restraint which propriety imposes upon faces and

tongues.

Every passage in which the Emperors Napoleon and Alexander appear

in action or speech should be read in order to understand the place

that Nihilism occupies in the Russian mind so far as regards the

denial of the grandeur and respect accorded by general consent to

such potentates. The writer speaks in a deferential tone, as if he

would in no wise curtail the majesty of power; but by bringing it

down to the most trivial exigencies of life he utterly destroys it.

Scattered through the tale we find ten or twelve little sketches of

Napoleon drawn with great care, without hostility or an approach to

caricature; but merely by withdrawing him from the legendary halo

surrounding him, the man’s greatness crumbles away. It is generally

some physical peculiarity or trivial act, skilfully introduced, which

seems quite incompatible with the sceptre and the imperial robes. With

Napoleon, Tolstoï evidently takes great liberties; but it is curious

to note these descriptive touches when applied to his own sovereign.

With infinite precautions and perfect propriety, the spell of majesty

is broken through the incongruity of the man’s actual habits and the

formidable rôle he plays. I will quote one of the many examples of this

kind (Alexander is at Moscow, in 1812; he receives the ovations of

his people at the Kremlin, at the solemn hour when war is proclaimed):

“When the Tzar had dined, the master of ceremonies said, looking out of

the window, ‘The people are hoping to see your Majesty.’ The emperor,

who was eating a biscuit, rose and went out on the balcony. The people

rushed towards the terrace. ‘Our emperor! Our father! Hurrah! Hurrah!’

cried the people. Many women and a few men actually wept for joy. Quite

a large piece of the biscuit the emperor held in his hand broke off and

fell upon the balustrade, and from that to the ground. The man nearest

to it was a cab-driver, in a blouse, who made a rush for the piece and

seized it. Others rushed upon the coachman; whereupon the emperor had a

plateful of biscuit brought, and began to throw them from the balcony

to the crowd. Pierre’s eyes became blood-shot; the danger of being

crushed only excited him the more, and he pressed forward through the

crowd. He could not have told why he felt that he positively must have

one of those biscuit thrown by the hand of the Tzar….”

Again, there is nothing more true to nature than the account of the

audience granted by the Emperor of Austria to Bolkonski, who had been

despatched as a courier to Brünn with the news of a victory of the

allies. The writer describes so well the gradual disenchantment of

the young officer, who sees his great battle vanish before his eyes

in the opinion of men. He quitted the scene of the exploit expecting

to astonish the world with the announcement he now brings; but on his

arrival at Brünn a bucket of cold water has been thrown over his dreams

by the “polite” aide-de-camp, the minister of war, the emperor himself,

who addresses a few words to him in an absent way―the ordinary

questions as to the time of day, the particular spot where the affair

took place, and the usual indispensable compliments. When he takes

his leave, after reflecting upon the subject from the point of view

of other men, according to their respective interests, poor Bolkonski

finds his battle much diminished in grandeur, and also a thing of the

past.

“Andé felt that his whole interest and joy over the victory was sinking

away from him into the indifferent hands of the minister of war and the

‘polite’ aide-de-camp. His whole train of thought had become modified;

there seemed to be nothing left to him but a dim, distant recollection

of the battle.”

This is one of the phenomena most closely analyzed by Tolstoï―this

variable influence exerted upon man by his surroundings. He likes to

plunge his characters successively into different atmospheres,―that

of the soldier’s life, the country, the fashionable world,―and then

to show us the corresponding moral changes in them. When a man, after

having for some time been under the empire of thoughts and passions

previously foreign to him, returns into his former sphere, his views on

all subjects change at once. Let us follow young Nikolai Rostof when

he returns from the army to his home, and back again to his cavalry

regiment. He is not the same person, but seems to be possessed of two

souls. On the journey back and forth to Moscow, he gradually lays aside

or resumes the one which his profession requires.

It is useless to multiply examples of Tolstoï’s psychological

curiosity, which is ever awake. It forms the principal feature of

his genius. He loves to analyze the human puppet in every part. A

stranger enters the room; the author studies his expression, voice, and

step; he shows us the depths of the man’s soul. He explains a glance

interchanged between two persons, in which he discovers friendship,

fear, a feeling of superiority in one of them; in fact, a perfect

knowledge of the mutual relations of these two men. This relentless

physician constantly feels the pulse of every one who crosses his path,

and coolly notes down the condition of his health, morally speaking.

He proceeds in an objective manner, never directly describing a person

except by making him act out his characteristics.

This fundamental precept of classic art has been adopted by this

realistic writer in his desire to imitate real life, in which we

learn to comprehend people by trivial indications and by points of

resemblance, without any information as to their position or qualities.

A good deal of art is required to discern clearly in this apparent

chaos, and you have a large choice in the formidable accumulation of

details. Observe how, in the course of a conversation or the narration

of some episode, Tolstoï makes the actors visibly present before us by

calling our attention to one of their gestures, or some little absurd,

peculiar habit, or by interrupting their conversation to show us the

direction of their glances. This occurs constantly.

There is also a good deal of wit in this serious style; not the

flashes and sallies of wit that we are familiar with, but of a fine,

penetrating quality, with subtle and singularly apt comparisons.

III.

Among the numerous characters in “War and Peace,” the action is

concentrated upon two only―Prince André Bolkonski and Pierre Bezushof.

These remarkable types of character are well worthy of attention. In

them the double aspect of the Russian soul, as well as of the author’s

own, is reflected with all its harassing thoughts and contradictions.

Prince André is a nobleman of high rank, looking down from his lofty

position upon the life he despises; proud, cold, sceptical, atheistic,

although at times his mind is tortured with anxiety concerning great

problems. Through him the author pronounces his verdicts upon the

historical characters of the time, and discourses of the various

statesmen and their intrigues.

André is received at Speranski’s. We know the wonderful influence

acquired by this man, who almost established a new constitution in

Russia. Speranski’s most striking trait, in Prince André’s opinion, was

his absolute, unshaken faith in the force and legitimacy of reason.

This trait was what particularly attracted André to him, and explains

the ascendency that Speranski acquired over his sovereign and his

country. André, having been seriously wounded at Austerlitz, lies on

the battle-field, his eyes raised to heaven. The dying man exclaims:―

“Oh, could I now but say, ‘Lord, have pity upon me!’ But who will hear

me? Shall I address an indefinite, unapproachable Power, which cannot

itself be expressed in words, the great All or Nothing, or that image

of God which is within the amulet that Marie gave me?… There is nothing

certain except the nothingness of everything that I have any conception

of, and the majesty of something beyond my conception!”

Pierre Bezushof is more human in character, but his intelligence is

of quite as mysterious a quality. He is a stout man, of lymphatic

temperament, absent-minded; a man who blushes and weeps easily,

susceptible to love, sympathetic with all suffering. He is a type

of the kind-hearted Russian noblemen, nervous, deficient in will, a

constant prey to the ideas and influence of others; but under his gross

exterior lives a soul so subtle, so mystic, that it might well be that

of a Hindu monk. One day, after Pierre had given his word of honor to

his friend André that he would not go to a midnight revel of some of

his young friends, he hesitated when the hour of meeting came.

“‘After all,’ he thought, ‘all pledges of words are purely

conventional, without definite meaning, when you reflect about it.

I may die to-morrow, or some extraordinary event take place, in

consequence of which the question of honor or dishonor will not even

arise.’

“Reflections of this sort―destructive of all resolve or method―often

occupied Pierre’s mind….” Tolstoï has skilfully made use of this weak

nature, which is as receptive of all impressions as a photographer’s

plate, to give us a clear conception of the chief currents of ideas in

Russia in the reign of Alexander I.; these successively influence this

docile adept with all their changes. We see the liberal movement of

the earlier years of that reign developed in the mind of Bezushof, as

afterwards the mystic and theosophic maze of its later years. Pierre

personifies the sentiments of the people in 1812, the national revolt

against foreign intervention, the gloomy madness of conquered Moscow,

the burning of which has never been explained, nor is it known by whose

hands it was kindled. This destruction of Moscow is the culminating

point of the book. The scenes of tragic grandeur, simple in outline,

sombre in color, are superior, I must acknowledge, to anything of the

kind in literature. He pictures the entrance of the French into the

Kremlin, the prisoners and lunatics roaming by night in freedom about

the burning city, the roads filled with long columns of fugitives

escaping from the flames, beside many other very striking episodes.

Count Pierre remains in the burning city. He leaves his palace in

plebeian guise, in a peasant’s costume, and wanders off like a

person in a trance; he walks on straight before him, with a vague

determination to kill Napoleon and be an expiatory victim and martyr

for the people. “He was actuated by two equally strong impulses.

The first was the desire to take his part of the self-sacrifice and

universal suffering―a feeling which, at Borodino, had impelled him to

throw himself into the thick of the battle, and which now drove him

out of the house, away from the luxury and habitual refinements of

his daily life, to sleep on the ground and eat the coarsest of food.

The second came from that indefinable, exclusively Russian sentiment

of contempt for everything conventional and artificial, for all that

the majority of mankind esteem most desirable in the world. Pierre

experienced this strange and intoxicating feeling on the day of his

flight, when it had suddenly been impressed upon him that wealth,

power, life itself, all that men seek to gain and preserve with such

great effort, were absolutely worthless, or, at least, only worth the

luxury of the voluntary sacrifice of these so-called blessings.” And

through page after page the author unfolds that condition of mind that

we discovered in his first writings, that hymn of the _Nirvâna_, just

as it must be sung in Ceylon or Thibet.

Pierre Bezushof is certainly the elder brother of those rich men

and scholars who will some day “go among the people,” and willingly

share their trials, carrying a dynamite bomb under their cloaks, as

Pierre carries a poniard under his, moved by a double impulse: to

share the common suffering, and enjoy the anticipated annihilation of

themselves and others. Taken prisoner by the French, Bezushof meets,

among his companions in misfortune, a poor soldier, a peasant, with

an uncultivated mind, one, indeed, rather beneath the average. This

man endures the hardships on the march, through these terrible days,

with the humble resignation of a beast of burden. He addresses Count

Pierre with a cheerful smile, a few ingenuous words, popular proverbs

with but a vague meaning, but expressing resignation, fraternity, and,

above all, fatalism. One evening, when he can keep up with the others

no longer, the soldiers shoot him under a pine-tree, on the snow, and

the man receives death with the same indifferent tranquillity that he

does everything else, like a wounded dog―in fact, like the brute. At

this time a moral revolution takes place in Pierre’s soul. Here I do

not expect to be intelligible to my fellow-countrymen; I only record

the truth. The noble, cultured, learned Bezushof takes this primitive

creature for his model; he has found at last his ideal of life in this

man, who is “poor in spirit,” as well as a rational explanation of the

moral world. The memory and name of Karatayef are a talisman to him;

thenceforward he has but to think of the humble _muzhik_, to feel at

peace, happy, ready to comprehend and to love the entire universe. The

intellectual development of our philosopher is accomplished; he has

reached the supreme avatar, mystic indifference.

When Tolstoï related this episode, he was twenty-five years of age. Had

he then a presentiment that he should ever find his Karatayef, that he

would pass through the same crisis, experience the same discipline, and

come out of it regenerated? We shall see later on how he had actually

prophesied his own experience, and that from this time he, together

with Dostoyevski, was destined to establish the ideal of nearly all

contemporaneous literature in Russia. Karatayef’s name is legion; under

different names and forms, this vegetative form of existence will be

presented for our admiration. The perfection of human wisdom is the

sanctification, deification of the brute element, which is kind and

fraternal in a certain vague way. The root of the idea is this:―

The cultured man finds his reasoning faculties a hindrance to him,

because useless, since they do not aid him to explain the object of his

life; therefore it is his duty to make an effort to reject them, and

descend from complications to simplicity, in life and thought. This is

the aim and aspiration, under various forms, of Tolstoï’s whole work.

He has written a series of articles on popular education. The leading

idea is this:―

“I would teach the children of the common people to think and to write;

but I ought rather to learn of them to write and to think. We seek our

ideal beyond us, when it is in reality behind us. The development of

man is not the means of realizing that idea of harmony which we bear

within us, but, on the contrary, it is an obstacle in the way of its

realization. A healthy child born into the world fully satisfies that

ideal of truth, beauty, and goodness, which, day by day, he will

constantly continue to lose; he is, at birth, nearer to the unthinking

beings, to the animal, plant, nature itself, which is the eternal type

of truth, beauty, and goodness.”

You can catch the thread of the idea, which is much like the

contemplative mistiness of the ancient oriental asceticism. The

Occident has not always been free from this evil; in its ascetic

errors and deviations, it has ennobled the brute, and falsified the

divine allegory of the “poor in spirit.” But the true source of this

contagious spirit of renunciation is in Asia, in the doctrines of

India, which spring up again, scarcely modified, in that frenzy which

is precipitating a part of Russia toward an intellectual and moral

abnegation, sometimes developing into a stupid quietism, and again to

sublime self-devotion, like the doctrine of Buddha. All extremes meet.

I will dwell no longer upon these scarcely intelligible abstractions,

but would say a word concerning the female characters created by

Tolstoï. They are very similar to Turgenef’s heroines, treated,

perhaps, with more depth but less of tender grace. Two characters call

for special attention. First, that of Marie Bolkonski, sister of André,

the faithful daughter, devoted to the work of cheering the latter years

of a morose old father; a pathetic figure, as pure in outline, under

the firm touch of this artist, are the works of the old painters. Of

quite another type is Natasha Rostof, the passionate, fascinating

young girl, beloved by all, enslaving many hearts, bearing with her an

exhalation of love through the whole thread of this severe work. She

is sweet-tempered, straightforward, sincere, but the victim of her own

extreme sensibility.

Racine might have created a Marie Bolkonski; the Abbé Prévost would

have preferred Natasha Rostof. Betrothed to Prince André, the only

man she truly loves, Natasha yields to a fatal fancy for a miserable

fellow. Disenchanted finally, she learns that André is wounded and

dying, and goes to nurse him in a mute agony of despair. This part

of the book presents the inexorableness of real life in its sudden

calamities. After André’s death, Natasha marries Pierre, who has

secretly loved her. French readers will be horror-stricken at these

convulsions in the realms of passion; but it is like life, and Tolstoï

sacrifices conventionality to the desire to paint it as it is. Do not

imagine he sought a romantic conclusion. The young girl’s fickleness

ends in conjugal felicity and the solid joys of home life. To these

the writer devotes many pages, too many, perhaps, for our taste. He

loves to dwell upon domestic life and joys; all other affections are

in his eyes unwholesome exceptions―exciting his curiosity but not

his sympathy. Thus he analyzes with a skilful pen, but with visible

disgust, the flirtations and coquetry carried on in the _salons_ of St.

Petersburg. Like Turgenef, Tolstoï does not hold the ladies of court

circles in high estimation.

He has added a long philosophical appendix to his romance, in which

he brings up again, in a doctrinal form, the metaphysical questions

which have tormented him the most, and once more repeats that he is a

fatalist. This appendix has not been translated in the French edition,

and this is well, for no reader would voluntarily undergo the useless

fatigue of wading through it. Tolstoï is unwise in pressing ideas by

abstract reasoning which he is so skilful in illustrating through his

characters; he does not realize how much more clearly his ideas are

expressed in their language and action than in any of his own arguments.

IV.

“Anna Karenina,” which appeared periodically in a Moscow review, was

the result of many years’ study. The work was not published in full

until 1877, and its appearance was a literary event in Russia. I

happened to be a witness of the curiosity and interest it excited there.

The author intended this book to be a picture of the society of the

present day, as “War and Peace” illustrated that of its time. The

task offered the author more difficulties, for many reasons. In the

first place, the present does not belong to us, as does the past; it

deceives us, not having become firmly established, so that we cannot

get in all the necessary lines and figures to emphasize it, as we

could a half-century later. Besides, the liberties that Tolstoï could

take with deceased potentates and statesmen, as well as with ideas of

the past, he could not allow himself with contemporary ideas and with

living men. This second book on Russian life is not as much in the

style of an epic, neither is it as strong or as complex, as the first;

on the other hand, it is more agreeable to us, as having more unity of

subject and more continuity of action; the principal character, too, is

more perfectly developed. Although there are two suicides and a case

of adultery, Tolstoï has in this work undertaken to write the most

strictly moral book in existence, and he has succeeded. The main idea

is duty accomplished uninfluenced by the passions. The author portrays

an existence wholly outside of conventional lines of conduct; and, as

a contrast, the history of a pure, legitimate affection, a happy home,

and wholesome labor. He is too much of a realist, however, to picture

an earthly paradise under any human conditions.

Karenina, a statesman in the highest circles of St. Petersburg society,

is a husband so greatly absorbed in the study of political economy

as to be easily blinded and deceived in other matters. Vronski, the

seducer of his wife’s affections, is a sincere character, devoted and

self-sacrificing. Anna is a very charming woman, tender and faithful

where her affections are enlisted. Tolstoï has recourse neither to

hysteria nor any nervous ailment whatever, to excuse her fall. He

is sagacious enough to know that every one’s feelings are regulated

by his or her peculiar organism; that conscience exerts contrary

influences, and that it really exists, because it speaks and commands.

Take, for example, the description of Anna’s first anxieties, during

the night-journey between Moscow and St. Petersburg, when she first

comprehends the state of her heart. These pages you can never forget.

She discovers Vronski in the train, knows that he is following her,

then listens to his avowal of love. The intoxicating poison steals into

every vein, her will is no longer her own, the dream has begun.

The writer takes advantage of every outward circumstance to illustrate

and color this dream in his inimitable manner, according to his usual

method. He describes the poor woman making an effort to fix her

thoughts upon an English novel, the snow and hail rattling against

the window-panes; then the sketches of fellow-travellers, the various

sounds and rushing of the train through the night,―all assume a new

and fantastic meaning, as accompaniments of the agony of love and

terror which are struggling within that woman’s soul. When, the next

morning, Anna leaves the train and steps upon the platform where her

husband is awaiting her, she says to herself: “Good heavens! how much

longer his ears have grown!” This exclamation reveals to us the change

that has taken place within her. How well the author knows how to

explain a whole situation with a single phrase!

From the first flutter of fear to the last contortions of despair,

which lead the unhappy woman to suicide, the novelist exposes her

inmost heart, and notes each palpitation. There is no necessity for

any tragic complication to bring about the catastrophe. Anna has given

up everything to follow her lover; she has placed herself in such a

fatal predicament that life becomes impossible, which is sufficient to

explain her resolve.

In contrast with this wrecked life, the innocent affection of Kitty and

Levin continues its smooth course. First, it is a sweet idyl, drawn

with infinite grace; then the home, the birth of children, bringing

additional joys and cares. This is the highly moral and dull theme of

the English novel, one may say. It is similar, and yet not the same.

The British tale-writer is almost always something of a preacher; you

feel that he judges human actions according to some preconceived rule,

from the point of view of the Established Church or of puritanic ideas.

But Tolstoï is entirely free from all prejudices. I might almost say

he has little anxiety as to questions of morality; he constructs his

edifices according to his own idea of the best method; the moral lesson

springs only from facts and results, both bitter and wholesome. This

is no book for the youth of twenty, nor for a lady’s boudoir,―a book

containing no charming illusions; but a man in full maturity relates

what experience has taught him, for the benefit of mankind.

These volumes present an exception in regard to what is thought to

guarantee the permanent success of a literary work. They will be read,

and then reflected upon; we shall apply the observations to our own

souls and to others’ (the most unimportant as well as the most general

ones); then we shall go back to his model, which will invariably verify

them. Years may pass after the first reading, notes accumulate on the

margins of the leaves, as in many masterpieces of the classics you find

at the bottom of the pages the explanatory remarks of generations of

commentators. In this case, they need merely to say: “_Confer vitam_.”

Tolstoï’s style is in this work the same as in “War and Peace.” He

is like a scientific engineer who visits some great establishment

where machines are manufactured. He studies the mechanism of every

engine, examines the most trifling parts, measures the degree of

steam-pressure, tries the balance-valves, studies the action of the

pistons and gearing; he seeks eagerly to discover the central motive

power, the invisible reservoir of force. While he is experimenting

with the machinery, we, outside spectators, see only the results of all

this labor, the manufactures of delicate fabrics with infinite variety

of designs―life itself.

Tolstoï shows the same qualities and defects as in “War and Peace,” and

gives the same tediously long descriptions. The parts devoted to the

pictures of country life and rural occupations will seem, in France,

a little dull. Unfortunately, in one sort of realistic description,

we must know the locality to appreciate the artist’s effort and the

resemblance of the picture. The description, for instance, of the

races at Tsarskoe-Selo, so appreciated by Russian readers, could not

have any more interest for us than the brilliant account of _le grand

prix de Paris_ in “Nana” would have for the Muscovites; on the other

hand, the portraits of Oblonski and Karenina will always retain their

power, because they express human sentiments common to all countries

and all times. I will carry the analysis of these novels no farther,

for they will hardly admit of it; we could scarcely choose a path in

this labyrinth for the reader; we must leave him the pleasure of losing

himself in it.

Tolstoï belongs to the “school of nature,” if extreme realism of

description entitles him to that honor. He carries this tendency

sometimes to great excess, even to coarseness. I might quote many

examples of this kind, but they would hardly bear translation,

and might, occasionally, be almost revolting to us. He is also an

_impressionist_, for his phrases often bring to us every material

sensation produced by a sight, object, or sound.

Finally, his being both pessimist and Nihilist gives him, as a

narrator, almost the impassibility of a stoic. Persuaded of the

vanity of all human action, he can maintain his own coolness in all

his delineations, his condition resembling that of a man awaking

from sleep at dawn, in the middle of a ball-room, who looks upon the

whirling dancers around him as lunatics; or the man who, having eaten

to repletion, enters a hall where people are dining, and upon whom

the mechanical movements of the mouths and forks make a grotesque

impression. In short, a writer who is a pessimist must assume the

superiority of an inexorable judge over the characters he has created.

Tolstoï employs all these methods, which he carries as far as any of

our novelists do. Why is it, then, that he produces such a different

impression upon the reader? The question as to how far he is both

realist and impressionist in comparison with our authors is the

important one. The whole secret is a question of degree. The truth

is that what others have sought he has found and adopted. He leaves

a large space for trifling details, because life is made up of them,

and life is his study; but as he never attacks subjects trifling in

themselves, he after all gives to trifles only the secondary place

which they hold in everything that demands our attention.

As an _impressionist_ he well knows how to produce certain rapid and

subtle sensations, while he is never obscene or unhealthy in tone.

“War and Peace” is put into the hands of all young girls in Russia.

“Anna Karenina,” which touches upon a perilous subject, is considered a

manual of morals.

As to Tolstoï’s impassibility, though his coldness almost approaches

irony, we feel, behind and within the man, the shadow of the Infinite,

and bow before his right to criticise his fellow-man. Moreover, unlike

our own authors, he is never preoccupied with himself or the effect

he wishes to produce. He is more logical; he sacrifices style that he

himself may be eclipsed, put aside entirely in his work. In his earlier

years he was more solicitous in regard to his style; but of late he has

quite renounced this seductive temptation. We need not expect of him

the beautiful, flowing language of Turgenef. An appropriate and clear

form of expression of his ideas is all we shall have. His phraseology

is diffuse, sometimes fatiguing from too much repetition; he makes

use of a great many adjectives, of all he needs to add the smallest

touches of color to a portrait; while incidents rapidly accumulate,

from the inexhaustible fund of thought in the farthest recesses of his

mind. From our point of view, this absence of style is an unpardonable

defect; but to me it appears a necessary consequence of realism which

does away with all conventionality. If style is a conventionality,

might it not warp our judgment of facts presented to us? We must

acknowledge that this contempt of style, if not to our taste,

contributes to the impression of sincerity that we receive. Tolstoï, in

Pascal’s way, “has not tried to show to us himself, but our own selves;

we find in ourselves the truths presented, which before were utterly

unknown to us, as in ourselves; this attracts us strongly to him who

has enlightened us.”

There is still another difference between Tolstoï’s realism and ours:

he applies his, by preference, to the study of characters difficult

to deal with, those made more inaccessible to the observer by the

refinements of education and the mask of social conventionalities. This

struggle between the painter and his model is deeply interesting to me

and to many others.

Count Tolstoï would no doubt commiserate us if he found us occupied

in discussing his works; for the future he wishes to be only a

philosopher and reformer. Let us, then, return to his philosophy. I

have said already that the composition of “Anna Karenina,” written at

long intervals, occupied many years of the author’s life, the moral

fluctuations of which are reflected in the character of Constantin

Levin, the child and confidant of his soul. This new incarnation of

Bezushof, in “War and Peace,” is the usual hero of modern romance in

Russia, the favorite type with Turgenef and with all the young girls.

He is a country gentleman, intelligent, educated, though not brilliant,

a speculative dreamer, fond of rural life, and interested in all the

social questions and difficulties arising from it. Levin studies these

questions, and takes his part in all the liberal emotions his country

has indulged in for the last twenty years. Of course, his illusions and

chimeras vanish, one after another, and his Nihilism triumphs bitterly

over their ruins. His Nihilism is not of so severe a kind as that of

Pierre Bezushof and Prince André. He drops the most cruel problems and

takes up questions of political economy. A calm and laborious country

life, with family joys and cares, has strangled the serpent. Years

pass, and the tale goes on toward its close.

But suddenly, through several moral shocks in his experience, Levin

awakes from his religious indifference, and is tormented by doubts. He

becomes overwhelmed with despair, when the _muzhik_ appears who proves

his saviour and instructor. His mind becomes clear through some of

the aphorisms uttered by this wise peasant. He declares that “every

evil comes from the folly, the wickedness of reason. We have only to

love and believe, and there is no further difficulty.” Thus ends the

long intellectual drama, in a ray of mystic happiness, a hymn of joy,

proclaiming the bankruptcy and the downfall of reason.

Reason has but a narrow sphere of its own, is only useful in a limited

horizon, as the rag-picker’s lantern is merely of use to light up the

few feet of space immediately around him, the heap of rubbish upon

which he depends for subsistence. What folly it would be for the poor

man to turn those feeble rays toward the starry heavens, seeking to

penetrate the inscrutable mysteries of those fathomless spaces!

V.

The consolation of the doctrines of Quietism, the final apotheosis of

Tolstoï’s entire literary work, was yet in reserve for him, revealed

through an humble apostle of these doctrines. He too was destined to

find his Karatayef.

After the appearance of “Anna Karenina,” a new production from this

author was impatiently anticipated. He undertook a sequel to “War

and Peace,” and published the first three chapters of the work,

which promised to be quite equal to his preceding novels; but he

soon abandoned the undertaking. Only a few stories for children now

appeared, some of which were exquisitely written. In them, however,

you could but feel that the soul of the author had already soared

above terrestrial aims. At last, the report spread that the novelist

had renounced his art, even wishing no allusion made to his former

works, as belonging to the vanities of the age, and had given himself

up to the care of his soul and the contemplation of religious themes.

Count Tolstoï had met with Sutayef, the sectary of Tver. I will not

here dwell upon this original character―a gentle idealist, one among

the many peasants who preached among the Russian people the gospel of

the Communists. The teachings and example of this man exerted a strong

influence upon Tolstoï, according to his own statement, and caused him

to decide what his true vocation was.

We could have no excuse for intruding upon the domain of conscience,

had not the author, now a theologian, invited us so to do, by

publishing his late works, “My Confession,” “My Religion,” and “A

Commentary on the Gospel.” Although, in reality, the press-censorship

has never authorized the publication of these books, there are several

hundred autographic copies of them in circulation, spread among

university students, women, and even among the common people, and

eagerly devoured by them. This shows how the Russian soul hungers for

spiritual food. As Tolstoï has expressed the desire that his work

should be translated into French, we have every right to criticise it.

But I will not abuse the privilege. The only books which can interest

us as an explanation of his mental state are the first two.

Even “My Confession” is nothing new to me. In his “Childhood, Boyhood,

and Youth” we have the same revelation in advance, as well as from

the lips of Bezushof and Levin. This is, however, a new and eloquent

variation in the same theme, the same wail of anguish from the depths

of a human soul. I will give a quotation:―

“I became sceptical quite early in life. For a time I was absorbed,

like every one else, in the vanities of life. I wrote books, teaching,

as others did, what I knew nothing of myself. Then I became thirsty

for more knowledge. The study of humanity furnished no response to

the constant, sole question of any importance to me―‘What is the

object of my existence?’ Science responded by teaching me other things

which I was not anxious to learn. I could but join in the cry of the

preacher, ‘All is vanity!’ I would gladly have taken my life. Finally

I determined to study the lives of the great majority of men who have

none of our anxieties―those classes which you might say are superior

to abstract speculations of the mind, but that labor and endure, and

yet live tranquil lives and seem to have no doubts as to the end and

aim of life. Then I understood that, to live as they did, we must go

back to our primitive faith. But the corrupt teachings which the church

distributed among the lowly could not satisfy my reason; then I made a

closer study of those teachings, in order to distinguish superstition

from truth.”

The result of this study is the doctrine brought forth under the title

of “My Religion.” This religion is precisely the same as that of

Sutayef, but explained with the aid of the theological and scientific

knowledge of a cultivated scholar. It is, however, none the clearer

for that. The gospel is subjected to the broadest rationalistic

interpretation. In fact, Tolstoï’s interpretation of Christ’s doctrine

of life is the same as the Sadducees’―that is, of life considered

in a collective sense. He denies that the gospel makes any allusion

to a resurrection of the body, or to an individual existence of the

soul. In this unconscious Pantheism, an attempt at a conciliation

between Christianity and Buddhism, life is considered as an indivisible

entirety, as one individual soul of the universe, of which we are

but ephemeral particles. One thing only is of consequence―morality;

which is all contained in the precepts of the gospel, “Be ye perfect….

Judge not…. Thou shalt not kill, …” etc. Therefore there must be no

tribunals, no armies, no prisons, no right of retaliation, either

public or private, no wars, no trials. The universal law of the world

is the struggle for existence; the law of Christ is the sacrifice of

one’s life for others. Neither Turkey nor Germany will attack us,

if we are true Christians, if we study their advantage. Happiness,

the supreme end of a life of morality, is possible only in the union

of all men in believing the doctrine of Jesus Christ―that is, in

Tolstoï’s version of it, not in that of the church; in the return to a

natural mode of life, to communism, giving up cities and all business,

as incompatible with these doctrines, and because of the difficulty

of their application in such a life. To support his statements, the

writer presents to us, with rare eloquence and prophetic vividness, a

picture of a life of worldliness from birth to death. This life is more

terrible in his eyes than that of the Christian martyrs.

The apostle of the new faith spares not the established church; but,

after relating his vain search for comfort in the so-called true

orthodoxy, violently attacks this church from Sutayef’s point of view.

He declares that she substitutes rites and formalities for the true

spirit of the gospel; that she issues catechisms filled with false

doctrines; that since the time of Constantine she has ruined herself

by deviating from the law of God to follow that of the age; that she

has now, in fact, become pagan. Finally, and this is the key-note and

the most delicate point of all, no attention should be paid to the

commands and prohibitions of any temporal power as long as it ignores

the truth. Here I will quote an incident illustrative of this idea:―

“Passing recently through the Borovitzki gate at Moscow, I saw an

aged beggar seated in the archway, who was a cripple and had his

head bound with a bandage. I drew out my purse to give him alms.

Just then a fine-looking young grenadier came running down towards

us from the Kremlin. At sight of him, the beggar rose terrified,

and ran limping away until he reached the foot of the hill into the

Alexander garden. The grenadier pursued him a short distance, calling

after him with abusive epithets, because he had been forbidden to

sit in the archway. I waited for the soldier, and then asked him if

he could read.―‘Yes,’ he replied: ‘why do you ask?’―‘Have you read

the Gospel?’―‘Yes.’―‘Have you read the passage in regard to giving

bread to the hungry?’―I quoted the whole passage. He knew it, and

listened attentively, seeming somewhat confused. Two persons, passing

by, stopped to listen. Evidently, the grenadier was ill at ease, as

he could not reconcile the having done a wrong act, while strictly

fulfilling his duty. He hesitated for a reply. Suddenly his eyes

lighted up intelligently, and, turning toward me, he said: ‘May I ask

you if you have read the military regulations?’ I acknowledged that

I had not.―‘Then you have nothing to say,’ replied the grenadier,

nodding his head triumphantly, as he walked slowly away.”

I have, perhaps, said enough respecting “My Religion”; but must

give a literal translation of a few lines which show the superb

self-confidence always latent in the heart of every reformer:―

“Everything confirmed the truth of the sense in which the doctrine of

Christ now appeared to me. But for a long time I could not take in

the strange thought that, after the Christian faith had been accepted

by so many thousands of men for eighteen centuries, and so many had

consecrated their lives to the study of that faith, it should be given

to me to discover the law of Christ, as an entirely new thing. But,

strange as it was, it was indeed a fact.”

We can now judge what his “Commentary on the Gospel” would be.

God forbid that I should disturb the new convert’s tranquillity!

Fortunately, that would be impossible, however. Tolstoï joyously

affirms, and with perfect sincerity, that his soul has at last found

repose, as well as the true object of his life and the rock of his

faith. He invites us to follow him, but I fear the hardened sceptics

of Western Europe will refuse to enter into any discussion with him

upon the new religion, which seems, moreover, almost daily to undergo

modifications, according to its founder’s new flights of thought.

It eliminates gradually, more and more, the doctrine of a Divine

Providence overruling all, and concentrates all duty, hope, and moral

activity upon a single object, the reform of all social evils through

Communism.

This idea exclusively inspires the last treatise of Tolstoï which

I read; it is entitled: “What, then, must be done?” This title is

significant enough, and has been used many times in Russia since the

famous novel by Tchernishevski was written. It expresses the anxious

longing of all these men, and there is something touchingly pathetic

in its ingenuousness. What, then, must be done? First of all, quit

the populous cities and towns, and disband the work-people in the

factories; return to country life and till the ground, each man

providing for his own personal necessities. The author first draws a

picture of wretchedness in a large capital, as he himself studied it

in Moscow. Here his admirable powers of description reappear, together

with the habit, peculiar to himself, of looking within his own soul,

to discover and expose the little weaknesses and base qualities common

to all of us; and he takes the same pleasure in the observation and

denunciation of his own as men generally do in criticising those of

others. He gives us all a side thrust when he says of himself:―

“I gave three roubles to that poor creature; and, beside the pleasure

of feeling that I had done a kind deed, I had the additional one of

knowing that other people saw me do it….”

The second part of the treatise is devoted to theory. We cannot

relieve the poor and unfortunate for many reasons; First, in cities

poverty must exist, because an overplus of workmen are attracted to

them; secondly, our class gives them the example of idleness and

of superfluous expenditure; thirdly, we do not live according to

the doctrine of Christ: charity is not what is wanted, but an equal

division of property in brotherly love. Let him who has two cloaks give

to him who has none. Sutayef carries out this theory.

Those who draw salaries are in a state of slavery, and an aggravated

form of it; and the effect of the modern system of credit continues

this slavery into their future. The alms we give are only an obligation

we owe to the peasants whom we have induced to come and work in our

cities to supply us with our luxuries. The author concludes by giving

as the only remedy, a return to rural life, which will guarantee to

every laborer all that is necessary to support life.

He does not see that this principle involves, necessarily and

logically, a return to an animal state of existence, a general struggle

for shelter and food, instead of a methodical system of labor; and that

in such a company there must be both wolves and lambs. He sees but

one side of the question, the side of justice; he loses sight of the

intellectual side, the necessity for mental development, which involves

a division of labor.

All this has no great attraction for us. We can obtain no original

ideas from this apostle’s revelation; only the first lispings of

rationalism in the religious portion, and in the social the doctrine

of Communism; only the old dream of the millennium, the old theme,

ever renewed since the Middle Ages, by the Vaudois, the Lollards and

Anabaptists. Happy Russia! to her these beautiful chimeras are still

new! Western Europe is astonished only, to meet them again in the

writings of such a great author and such an unusually keen observer of

human nature.

But would not the condition of this man’s soul be the result of

the natural evolution of his successive experiences? First, a

pantheist, then nihilist, pessimist, and mystic. I have heard that Leo

Nikolaievitch has defended himself energetically against being thought

to have assumed the title of a mystic; he feels its danger, and does

not think it applicable to one who believes that the heavenly kingdom

is transferred to earth. Our language furnishes us no other word to

express his condition; may he pardon us what seems to us the truth. I

know that he would prefer to have me praise his doctrines and decry his

novels. This I cannot do. I am so enraptured with the novels that I can

only feel that the doctrines but deprive me of masterpieces which might

have given me additional enjoyment in the future. I have been lavish

of praise, but only because of my thorough and sincere appreciation of

the books. Now, however, that the author has reached a state of perfect

happiness, he needs no more praise, and must be quite indifferent to

criticism.

We must, at least, recognize in Tolstoï one of those rare reformers

whose actions conform to their precepts. I am assured that he exerts

around him a most salutary influence, and has actually returned to

the life of the primitive Christians. He daily receives letters from

strangers, revenue officers, dishonest clerks, publicans of every

type, who put into his hands the sums they have dishonestly acquired;

young men asking his advice as well as fallen women who need counsel.

He is settled in the country, gives away his wealth, lives and labors

with his peasant neighbors. He draws water, works in the fields, and

sometimes makes his own boots. He does not wish his novels alluded to.

I have seen a picture of him in a peasant’s costume working with a

shoemaker’s awl in his hand. Should not this creator of masterpieces

feel that the pen is the only tool he should wield? If the inspiration

of great thoughts is a gift we have received from Heaven as a

consolation for our fellow-beings, it seems to me an act of impiety to

throw away this talent. The human soul is the author’s field of action,

which he is bound to cultivate and fertilize.

From Paris, where Tolstoï is so highly appreciated, comes back to him

again the touching, last request of his dying friend which to me was

inspired by a higher religious sentiment than that of Sutayef:―

“This gift comes to you from whence come all our gifts. Return to your

literary labors, great author of our beloved Russia!”

I shall not pretend to draw any definite or elaborate conclusions from

these initiatory explorations into Russian literature. To make them

complete, we should study the less prominent writers, who have a right

to bear their testimony as to the actual condition of the nation. If,

moreover, the writer of this book has succeeded in presenting his own

ideas clearly, the reader should draw his own conclusions from the

perusal of it; if the author has failed, any added defence of his ideas

would be superfluous, and have little interest or value for the reader.

We have witnessed the at first artificial growth of this literature,

for a long time subjected to foreign influence; a weak and servile type

of literature, giving us no enlightenment whatever as to the actual

interior condition of its own country, which it voluntarily ignored.

Again, when turning to its natal soil to seek its objects of study it

has become vigorous. Realism is the proper and perfect instrument which

it has employed, applied with equal success to material and spiritual

life. Although this realism may occasionally lack method and taste,

and is at the same time both diffuse and subtile, it is invariably

natural and sincere, ennobled by moral sentiments, aspirations toward

the Divine, and sympathy for humanity. Not one of these novelists aims

merely at literary fame, but all are governed by a love of truth as

well as of justice,―a combination of great importance, and well worth

our serious reflection, betraying and explaining to us, moreover, the

philosophical conceptions of this race.

The Russians seek religious truth because they find the formulas of

their doctrines insufficient for them, and the negative arguments which

satisfy us would be entirely opposed to all their instincts. Their

religious doubts govern, cause, and characterize all their social and

political questions and difficulties. The Slav race, under the guise

of its apparent orthodoxy, has not yet found its true path, but seeks

it still in every grade of society. The formula they are looking

forward to must comprise and answer to their double ideal of truth and

justice. Moreover, the people still feel the influence of the old Aryan

spirit; the cultivated classes also feel that of the teachings of the

contemporaneous sciences; hence the resurrection of Buddhism which we

now witness in Russia; for I cannot otherwise qualify these tendencies.

We see in them the condition of the ancient Hindus vacillating between

an extremely high morality and Nihilism, or a metaphysical Pantheism.

The spirit of Buddhism in its great efforts toward the extension

of evangelical charity has penetrated the Russian character, which

naturally has such intense sympathy for human nature, for the humblest

creatures, for the forsaken and unfortunate. This spirit decries

reason and elevates the brute, and inspires the deepest compassion in

the heart. Moreover, this simple love of the neighbor and infinite

tenderness for the suffering gives a peculiarly pathetic quality to

their literary works. The initiators of this movement, after having

written for the benefit of their peers and the cultivated classes, are

strongly drawn toward the people. Gogol with his bitter irony devoted

himself to the study of suffering humanity. Turgenef pictured it from

his own artistic standpoint rather than from that of an apostle.

Tolstoï, his sceptical investigations being over, has become the most

determined of the apostles of the unfortunate.

But beyond these mental tortures, beneath the extreme Nihilism of a

Tolstoï and the intellectual morbidness of a Dostoyevski, we feel that

there is a rich fund of vitality, a fountain of truth and justice,

which will surely triumph in the future.

FOOTNOTES:

[L] By Alfred de Vigny, author of “Cinque-Mars.”

INDEX.

Alexander I., 27, 42

_Anna Karenina_, 246

_Annals of a Sportsman_, 101

_Ascension of Christ, The_, 34

_Assia_, 119

Bielinski, 148

_Bohemians, The_, 49

_Book of the Dove_, 34

_Boris Godunof_, 49

_Buried Alive_, 162

Catherine II., 27, 38

_Childhood, Boyhood, and Youth_, 216

_Commentary on the Gospel, A_, 257

_Cossacks, The_, 216

_Crime and Punishment_, 176

_Dead Souls_, 74

_Degraded and Insulted, The_, 147

_Demon, The_, 52

Derzhavin, 38

_Despair_, 139

_Dimitri Roudine_, 109

_Domostroi_, 32

Dostoyevski, 141

_Evenings at a Farm Near Dikanka_, 63

_Fathers and Sons_, 115

Freemasonry, 41

French Revolution, The, 42

Gogol, 56

Gortchakof, 46

Gregory of Tours, 31

Griboyedof, 51

Grigorovitch, 147

_Idiot, The_, 163

Ivan the Terrible, 32

Ivan Federof, 32

Ivanof, 73

Ivan Sergievitch, 96

_Karamazof Brothers, The_, 185

Karamzin, 39

Kheraskof, 38

Kiev, 31

Krylof, 39

Kutuzof, 231

_Lear of the Steppe, A_, 131

Lermontof, 52

_Letters to My Friends_, 83

_Living Relics, The_, 102

Lomonosof, 37

Loris Melikof, 206

_Manteau, Le_, 62, 69

Maximus, 31

_Memoirs of a Nihilist_, 130

Muscovitism, 41

_My Confession_, 257

_My Religion_, 259

Nekrasof, 147

_Nest of Nobles_, 109

Nestor, 31

_Note-book of an Author_, 195

Novikof, 42

_On the Eve_, 113

_Onyegin_, 49

_Pauvre Lise, La_, 40

Peter the Great, 37

Petrachevski, 155

_Pétriade, La_, 38

Poltava, 49

_Poor People_, 149

_Possédés, Les_, 191

_Prisoner of the Caucasus, The_, 48

Pushkin, 44

_Revizor, The_, 70

Russian Drama, The, 70

Savonarola, 31

_Sebastopol in December, in May, and in August_, 215

Skobelef, 138

Slavophile, 90

Slavophilism, 41

_Smoke_, 122

Song of Igor, 35

“Souls,” 75

Speranski, 41

_Spring Floods_, 125

Sutayef, 257

_Taras Bulba_, 66

Tchadayef, 53

Tchinovnism, 32

_Tchitchikof_, 76

Tolstoï, 215

_Trois Morts_, 219

Tsarskoe-Selo, Lyceum of, 45

Turgenef, 96

Tutschef, 34

Ukraine, 57

_Virgin Soil_, 126

Von Vizin, 38

_War and Peace_, 223, 228

Zaporovian League, 59

Zhukovski, 44

A LIST OF ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

FROM THE RUSSIAN.

DOSTOYEVSKI:―

Buried Alive; Ten Years Penal Servitude in Siberia. Trans. from the

Russian by Marie von Thilo; 8vo, London, 1881.

_Same_, 12mo, New York, 1881.

Crime and Punishment; a Russian Realistic Novel; 8vo, London, 1886.

_Same_, 12mo, New York, 1886.

Injury and Insult; trans. by F. Whishaw; 8vo, London, 1886.

GOGOL:―

Cossack Tales, trans. by Geo. Tolstoy; 8vo, London, 1860.

St. John’s Eve, and Other Stories; from the Russian, by Isabel F.

Hapgood; 12mo, New York, 1886. Selected from “Evenings at the

Farm” and “St. Petersburg Stories.”

_Contents_:―St. John’s Eve, related by the sacristan of

the Dikanka Church.―Old-Fashioned Farmers.―The Tale of How

Ivan Ivanovitch Quarrelled with Ivan Nikiforovitch.―The

Portrait.―The Cloak.

Taras Bulbá; a Tale of the Cossacks; from the Russian, by Isabel F.

Hapgood; 12mo, New York, 1886.

Tchitchikoff’s Journeys, or Dead Souls; from the Russian, by Isabel

F. Hapgood; 2 vols., 12mo, New York, 1886.

PUSHKIN:―

Captain’s Daughter; from the Russian; 4to, New York, 1884.

Eugene Onéguine, a romance of Russian life, in verse; trans, by

Lt.-Col. Spalding; 8vo, London and New York, 1881.

Marie, a Story of Russian Love; from the Russian, by Marie H. de

Zielinska; sq. 16mo, Chicago, 1876 (also 1880). (Same as the

“Captain’s Daughter.”)

Russian Romance; trans. by Mrs. J. B. Telfer; 8vo, London, 1875.

_Same_, 8vo, London, 1880.

_Contents_:―The Captain’s Daughter.―The Lady-Rustic.―The

Pistol-Shot.―The Snow-Storm.―The Undertaker.―The

Station-Master.―The Moor of Peter the Great.

TOLSTOÏ:―

Anna Karenina; from the Russian, by N. H. Dole; 12mo, New York,

1886.

_Same_, London, 1886.

Childhood, Boyhood, Youth: Reminiscences; from the Russian, by

Isabel F. Hapgood; 12mo, New York, 1886. (An earlier translation

seems to have been published in London, in 1862, under the title

“Childhood and Youth.”)

Christ’s Christianity; trans. from the Russian; 8vo, London, 1885.

_Contents_:―How I Came to Believe.―What I Believe.―The

Spirit of Christ’s Teaching.

The Cossacks; from the Russian, by Eugene Schuyler; 2 vols., 8vo,

London, 1878.

_Same_, 16mo, New York, 1878.

My Religion; trans. from the French by W. Huntington Smith; 12mo,

New York, 1885. (The same as his “What I Believe.”)

War and Peace; from the French, by Clara Bell; 3 vols., 8vo,

London, 1886.

_Same_, 6 vols., 16mo, New York, 1886.

What I Believe; from the Russian, by Constantine Popoff; 8vo,

London, 1885.

_Same_, 12mo, New York, 1886. (A translation from the French was

published under the title “My Religion.”)

What People Live By; trans. by Aline Delano; 8vo, Boston, 1887. (A

story of peasant life.)

TURGENEF:―

Annals of a Sportsman; from the authorized French translation, by

Franklin P. Abbott; 16mo, New York, 1885.

Annouchka: a Tale; from the French of the author’s own translation,

by Franklin P. Abbott; 16mo, Boston, 1884.

Daughter of Russia; trans. by G. W. Scott; 4to, New York, 1882.

Dimitri Roudine; trans. from the French and German versions for

“Every Saturday”; 16mo, New York, 1873.

_Same_, 12mo, London, 1883.

Fathers and Sons; from the Russian, by Eugene Schuyler; 16mo, New

York, 1867 and 1883.

_Same_, London, 1883.

First Love, and Punin and Baburin; trans. from the Russian, by W.

Ralston; 12mo, London, 1884.

Liza; trans. by W. R. S. Ralston; 2 vols., 8vo, London, 1869.

_Same_, New York, 1872.

_Same_, London, 1884.

(The title of the original and of the French translation is

“A Nest of Nobles.”)

Mumu, and The Diary of a Superfluous Man; from the Russian, by

Henry Gersoni; 12mo, New York, 1884.

On the Eve; from the Russian, by C. E. Turner; 12mo, London, 1871.

_Same_, American ed., with amendments; 16mo, New York, 1873.

Poems in Prose; trans. by Lilla C. Perry; 16mo, Boston, 1883.

Punin and Baburin; trans. by G. W. Scott; 4to, New York, 1882.

Russian Life in the Interior; 12mo, London, 1855.

Smoke, or Life at Baden; 2 vols., 8vo, London, 1868.

Smoke, or Life at Baden; from the author’s French version, by W. F.

West; 16mo, New York, 1872.

_Same_, 12mo, London, 1883.

Song of Triumphant Love; 4to, New York, 1883.

Spring Floods, trans. by Sophie Mitchell; also A Lear of the

Steppe, trans. by W. H. Browne; 16mo, New York, 1874.

An Unfortunate Woman; also Ass’ya; from the Russian, by H. Gersoni;

12mo, New York, 1886. (“Ass’ya” is the same as “Annouchka.”)

Virgin Soil; from the French, by T. S. Perry; 16mo, New York, 1877.

_Same_, 12mo, London, 1883.

Virgin Soil; trans. by A. W. Dilke; 8vo, London, 1878.

THE SCHOOL OF HOME.

Let the school of home be a good one. Let reading be such as to

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progressive.

* * * * *

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* * * * *

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No more nonsense. There is fun enough in sense. The world is full

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* * * * *

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The reading habit is now pretty well established; not only the reading

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Now comes WIDE AWAKE, vigorous, hearty, not to say heavy. No, it isn’t

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as well as of work; and WIDE AWAKE has its mixture of work and rest and

play. The work is all toward self-improvement; so is the rest; and so

is the play. $2.40 a year.

* * * * *

Specimen copies of all the Lothrop magazines for fifteen cents; any one

for five―in postage stamps.

Address D. Lothrop Company, Boston.

You little know what help there is in books for the average housewife.

Take _Domestic Problems_, for instance, beginning with this hard

question: “How may a woman enjoy the delights of culture and at the

same time fulfil her duties to family and household?” The second

chapter quotes from somebody else: “It can’t be done. I’ve tried it;

but, as things now are, it can’t be done.”

Mrs. Diaz looks below the surface. Want of preparation and culture, she

says, is at the bottom of a woman’s failure, just as it is of a man’s.

The proper training of children, for instance, can’t be done without

some comprehension of children themselves, of what they ought to grow

to, their stages, the means of their guidance, the laws of their

health, and manners. But mothers get no hint of most of these things

until they have to blunder through them. Why not? Isn’t the training of

children woman’s mission? Yes, in print, but not in practice. What is

her mission in practice? Cooking and sewing!

Woman’s worst failure then is due to the stupid blunder of putting

comparatively trivial things before the most important of all. The

result is bad children and waste of a generation or two―all for

putting cooking and sewing before the training of children.

Now will any one venture to say that any particular mother, you for

instance, has got to put cooking and sewing before the training of

children?

Any mother who really makes up her mind to put her children first can

find out how to grow tolerable children at least.

And that is what Mrs. Diaz means by preparation―a little knowledge

beforehand―the little that leads to more.

It _can_ be done; and _you_ can do it! Will you? It’s a matter of

choice; and you are the chooser.

Domestic Problems. By Mrs. A. M. Diaz. $1. D. Lothrop Company, Boston.

We have touched on only one subject. The author treats of many.

* * * * *

Dr. Buckley the brilliant and versatile editor of the _Christian

Advocate_ says in the preface of his book on northern Europe “I hope

to impart to such as have never seen those countries as clear a view

as can be obtained from reading” and “My chief reason for traveling in

Russia was to study Nihilism and kindred subjects.”

This affords the best clue to his book to those who know the writer’s

quickness, freshness, independence, force, and penetration.

The Midnight Sun, the Tsar and the Nihilist. Adventures and

Observations in Norway, Sweden and Russia. By J. M. Buckley, LL. D.

72 illustrations, 376 pages. $3. D. Lothrop Company, Boston.

Just short of the luxurious in paper, pictures and print.

* * * * *

The writer best equipped for such a task has put into one illustrated

book a brief account of every American voyage for polar exploration,

including one to the south almost forgotten.

American Explorations in the Ice Zones. By Professor J. E. Nourse,

U. S. N. 10 maps, 120 illustrations, 624 pages. Cloth, $3, gilt edges

$3.50, half-calf $6. D. Lothrop Company, Boston.

Not written especially for boys; but they claim it.

The wife of a U. S. lighthouse inspector, Mary Bradford Crowninshield,

writes the story of a tour of inspection along the coast of Maine with

two boys on board―for other boys of course. A most instructive as well

as delightful excursion.

The boys go up the towers and study the lamps and lanterns and all the

devices by which a light in the night is made to tell the wary sailor

the coast he is on; and so does the reader. Stories of wrecks and

rescues beguile the waiting times. There are no waiting times in the

story.

All Among the Lighthouses, or Cruise of the Goldenrod. By Mary

Bradford Crowninshield. 32 illustrations, 392 pages. $2.50. D.

Lothrop Company, Boston.

There’s a vast amount of coast-lore besides.

* * * * *

Mr. Grant Allen, who knows almost as much as anybody, has been making

a book of twenty-eight separate parts, and says of it: “These little

essays are mostly endeavors to put some of the latest results of

science in simple, clear and intelligible language.”

Now that is exactly what nine hundred and ninety-nine in a thousand of

us want, if it isn’t dry. And it isn’t dry. Few of those who have the

wonderful knowledge of what is going on in the learned world have the

gift of popular explanation―the gift of telling of it. Mr. Allen has

that gift; the knowledge, the teaching grace, the popular faculty.

Common Sense Science. By Grant Allen. 318 pages. $1.50. D. Lothrop

Company, Boston.

By no means a list of new-found facts; but the bearings of them on

common subjects.

We don’t go on talking as if the earth were the centre of things, as if

Galileo never lived. Huxley and Spencer have got to be heard. Shall we

wait two hundred and fifty years?

The book is simply an easy means of intelligence.

* * * * *

There is nothing more dreary than chemistry taught as it used to be

taught to beginners. There is nothing brighter and fuller of keen

delight than chemistry taught as it can be taught to little children

even.

Real Fairy Folks. By Lucy Rider Meyer, A. M. 389 pages. $1.25. D.

Lothrop Company, Boston.

“I’ll be their teacher―give them private scientific lectures! Trust

me to manage the school part!” The book is alive with the secrets of

things.

* * * * *

It takes a learned man to write an easy book on almost any subject.

Arthur Gilman, of the College for Women, at Cambridge, known as the

“Harvard Annex,” has made a little book to help young people along in

the use of the dictionary. One can devour it in an hour or two; but the

reading multiplies knowledge and means of knowledge.

Short Stories from the Dictionary. By Arthur Gilman, M. A. 129 pages.

60 cents. D. Lothrop Company, Boston.

An unconscious beginning of what may grow to be philology, if one’s

faculty lies that way. Such bits of education are of vastly more

importance than most of us know. They are the seeds of learning.

Elizabeth P. Peabody at the age of eighty-four years has made a book

of a number of essays, written during fifty years of a most productive

life, on subjects of lasting interest, published forgotten years ago in

_Emerson’s Magazine_, _The Dial_, Lowell’s _Pioneer_, etc.

Last Evening with Allston and Other Papers. 350 pages. $1.50. D.

Lothrop Company, Boston.

* * * * *

The wife of Frémont, the Pathfinder of forty years ago and almost

President thirty years ago, has written a bookful of reminiscences.

Souvenirs of My Time. By Jessie Benton Frémont. 393 pages. $1.50. D.

Lothrop Company, Boston.

Mrs. Frémont has long been known as a brilliant converser and

story-teller. Her later years have been given to making books; and the

books have the freshness and sparkle of youth.

* * * * *

The literary editor of the _Nation_ gathers together nearly a hundred

poems and parts of poems to read to children going to sleep.

Bedside Poetry, a Parents’ Assistant in Moral Discipline. 143 pages.

Two bindings, 75 cents and $1. D. Lothrop Company, Boston.

The poems have their various bearings on morals and graces; and there

is an index called a key to the moralities. The mother can turn, with

little search, to verses that put in a pleasant light the thoughts the

little one needs to harbor. Hence the sub-title.

Readers of poetry are almost as scarce as poetry―Have you noticed how

little there is in the world? how wide the desert, how few the little

oases?

Through the Year with the Poets. Edited by Oscar Fay Adams. 12 bijou

books of the months, of about 130 pages each. 75 cents each. D.

Lothrop Company, Boston.

Is it possible? Is there enough sweet singing ringing lustrous verse

between heaven and earth to make twelve such books? There is indeed;

and heaven and earth are in it!

* * * * *

Ginx’s Baby, a burlesque book of most serious purpose, made a stir

in England some years ago; and, what is of more account, went far to

accomplish the author’s object.

Evolution of Dodd. By William Hawley Smith. 153 pages. $1. D. Lothrop

Company, Boston.

Dodd is the terrible schoolboy. How he became so; who is responsible;

what is the remedy―such is the gist of the book.

As bright as Ginx’s Baby. A bookful of managing wisdom for parents as

well as teachers.

* * * * *

Questions such as practical boys and girls are asking their mothers all

the year round about things that come up. Not one in ten of the mothers

can answer one in ten of the questions.

Household Notes and Queries, A Family Reference-Book. By the Wise

Blackbird. 115 pages. 60 cents.

It is handy to have such a book on the shelf, and handier yet to have

the knowledge that’s in it in one’s head.

_Classified List.—Pansy._

THE PANSY BOOKS.

There are substantial reasons for the great popularity of the “Pansy

Books,” and foremost among these is their truth to nature and to life.

The genuineness of the types of character which they portray is indeed

remarkable.

“Her stories move alternately to laughter and tears.”…

“Brimful of the sweetness of evangelical religion.”…

“Girl life and character portrayed with rare power.”…

“Too much cannot be said of the insight given into the true way

of studying and using the word of God.”… These are a few

quotations from words of praise everywhere spoken. The “Pansy

Books” may be purchased by any Sunday-school without hesitation

as to their character or acceptability.

_Each volume 12mo, $1.50._

Chautauqua Girls at Home.

Christie’s Christmas.

Divers Women.

Echoing and Re-echoing.

Endless Chain (An).

Ester Ried.

Ester Ried Yet Speaking.

Four Girls at Chautauqua.

From different Standpoints.

Hall in the Grove (The).

Household Puzzles.

Interrupted.

Julia Ried.

King’s Daughter (The).

Links in Rebecca’s Life.

Mrs. Solomon Smith Looking On.

Modern Prophets.

Man of the House (The).

New Graft on the Family Tree (A).

One Commonplace Day.

Pocket Measure (The).

Ruth Erskine’s Crosses.

Randolphs (The).

Sidney Martin’s Christmas.

Those Boys.

Three People.

Tip Lewis and his Lamp.

Wise and Otherwise.

_Classified List.―Poetry._

=THROUGH THE YEAR WITH THE POETS.―December, January, February,

March, April, May.= Arranged and compiled by OSCAR FAY ADAMS.

Each 75 cents.

The cream of English literature, past and current, has been skimmed

with a judicious and appreciative hand.―_Boston Transcript._

=WAIFS AND THEIR AUTHORS.= By A. A. HOPKINS. A collection of poems

many of which are now for the first time published with the

names of the authors. Quarto, cloth, gilt, $2.00; quarto, full

gilt, gilt edges, $2.50.

=WHEN I WAS A CHILD.= By ERNEST W. SHURTLEFF. Illustrated, $1.00.

A simple, graceful poem, fresh with memories of school and vacation

days, of games and sports in the country.―_Chicago Advance._

=WHILE SHEPHERDS WATCHED THEIR FLOCKS BY NIGHT.= Illustrated, $2.50.

Nothing more exquisite in the way of a presentation book.―_B. B.

Bulletin._

=WOMAN IN SACRED SONG.= Compiled and edited by MRS. GEORGE CLINTON

SMITH. With an introduction by Frances E. Willard. Illustrated.

$3.50.

It gives a very full representation of the contributions of woman to

sacred song, though of course the main bulk of this has been in modern

times.―_Illustrated Weekly._

=YOUNG FOLKS’ POETRY.= By A. P. and M. T. FOLSOM. A choice

selection of poems. 16mo, $1.00.

=YOUNG FOLKS’ SPEAKER.= A collection of Prose and Poetry for

Declamations, Recitations and Elocutionary Exercises. Selected

and arranged by CARRIE ADELAIDE COOKE. 12mo, cloth, illustrated,

$1.00.

It deserves to become a standard in the schools of the country.―_B. B.

Bulletin._

_Classified List.―Standard Micellaneous._

=THE TRIPLE “E.”= By MRS. S. R. GRAHAM CLARK. 12mo, paper,

illustrated, 25 cts. Cloth, $1.50.

It cannot fail to make a strong impression on the minds of those who

read it.―_B. B. Bulletin._

=THUCYDIDES.= Translated into English with marginal analysis and

index. By B. JOWETT, M. A., Master of Balliol College, Professor

of Greek in the University of Oxford, Doctor of Theology in

the University of Leyden. Edited with introduction to American

edition by Andrew P. Peabody, D. D. LL. D. 8vo, $3.50. Half

calf, $6.00.

=WARLOCK O’ GLENWARLOCK.= By GEORGE MACDONALD. 12mo, fully

illustrated, $1.50.

At his best, there are few contemporary novelists so well worth reading

as MacDonald.―_Boston Journal._

=WEIGHED AND WANTING.= By GEORGE MACDONALD. 12mo, cloth, $1.50.

=WHAT’S MINE’S MINE.= By GEORGE MACDONALD. $1.50.

Let all who enjoy a book full of fire and life and purpose read this

capital story.―_Woman’s Journal._

=WILD FLOWERS, AND WHERE THEY GROW.= By AMANDA B. HARRIS. 8vo,

extra cloth, beautifully bound, gilt edges, $3.00.

It is a book in which all true lovers of nature will delight.―_B. B.

Bulletin,._

=WONDER STORIES OF SCIENCE.= Uniform with “Plucky Boys,” 12mo,

cloth, $1.50.

To improve as well as to amuse young people is the object of

these twenty-one sketches, and they fill this purpose wonderfully

well.―_Texas Siftings._

=WITHIN THE SHADOW.= By DOROTHY HOLROYD. 12mo, cloth, $1.25.

“The author has skill in invention with the purest sentiment and good

natural style.”―_Boston Globe._

=HOLD UP YOUR HEADS, GIRLS!= By ANNIE H. RYDER. $1.00.

It is a book for study, for companionship, and the girl who reads it

thoughtfully and with an intent to profit by it will get more real help

and good from it than from a term at the best boarding-school in the

country.―_Boston Transcript._

=HONOR BRIGHT= (the story of). By CHARLES R. TALBOT, author of

Royal Lowrie. 12mo, illustrated, $1.25.

A charming story full of intense life.

=HOW TO LEARN AND EARN.= Half Hours in some Helpful Schools. By

American authors. One hundred original illustrations, 12mo,

extra cloth, $1.50.

The book treats largely of public institutions, training schools,

etc., and shows what may be accomplished by patient concentrated

effort.―_Farm and Fireside._

=HOW WE ARE GOVERNED.= By ANNA LAURENS DAWES, 12mo, $1.50.

An explanation of the constitution and government of the United States,

national, State, and local.

A concise, systematic, and complete study of the great principles which

underlie the National existence.―_Chicago Inter-Ocean._

=IN LEISLER’S TIMES.= A story-study of Knickerbocker New York. By

E. S. Brooks. With twenty-four drawings by W. T. Smedley. $1.50.

Though designedly for young folks’ reading, this volume is a very

careful and minute study of a hitherto half-obscured and neglected

phase of American history, and will be given a permanent place in

historical literature.―_American Bookseller._

=JOSEPHUS FLAVIUS, (the Works of).= A new edition of William

Whiston’s Famous Translations. 8vo, cloth, gilt, 100

illustrations, $3.00. Household Edition. 12mo, cloth, gilt top,

illustrated, $2.00.

This edition is admirable and will make new friends for the easy and

conceited old chronicler.―_B. B. Bulletin._

Transcriber’s Note:

This book was written in a period when many words had not become

standardized in their spelling. Words may have multiple spelling

variations or inconsistent hyphenation in the text. These have been

left unchanged. Obsolete and alternative spellings were left unchanged.

Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like

this_. Those in bold are surrounded by equal signs, =like this=.

Footnotes were lettered sequentially and were moved to the end of

the chapter. Obvious printing errors, such as backwards, upside

down, reversed order, or partially printed letters and punctuation,

were corrected. Final stops missing at the end of sentences and

abbreviations were added. Missing or duplicate letters at line endings

were added or removed, as appropriate. Extraneous punctuation was

removed.

The following were changed:

added omitted word,‘on,’ to text (line 1436)

‘wook’ to ‘work’ (line 2397)

‘axamples’ to ‘examples’ (line 2790)

‘discourged’ to ‘discouraged’ (line 2877)

The Russian novelists · 第 6 / 6 章