CHAPTER X.

MONGOLS--HISTORICAL NOTES.

A peculiar interest surrounds these wandering tribes of the desert.

In them we see the living representatives of the ancient Huns, and

of the yet more ancient Scythians. Of them came Attila, "the Scourge

of God," who with his barbarian hordes shook the foundations of

Europe in the fifth century, and accelerated the downfall of the

old Roman empire; of them came also the redoubtable warriors who

desolated Asia and Europe six hundred years ago.

The Mongol tribes are exceedingly conservative in their habits;

their fashions never change. A description of their manners in the

time of Genghis, or even of Attila, is equally applicable now.

Everything goes to show that in the form of their tents, in their

dress, their social customs, and their mode of life, the Mongols

of to-day have changed but little since they first became known to

history.

The early history of the Huns is involved in obscurity. They appear

to have existed as a pastoral people, inhabiting the east of the

desert of Gobi from about 1200 B.C., during which time they were

frequently at war with the Chinese. The first authentic accounts of

them date from about the year 200 B.C., when they greatly extended

their empire, and became very formidable neighbours to China. It was

in the third century before the Christian era that the Chinese built

the famous wall as a protection from the inroads of the warlike

Huns, who, notwithstanding, laid China under tribute.

Vouti, of the Han dynasty (died 87 B.C.), gained a bloody victory

over the Huns, and was the first to break their power in China. He

followed up his military success by the application of the craft

for which his race was, even at that early date, distinguished. By

diligently promoting dissension among the tribes he succeeded in

severing many of them from their allegiance to the Tanjou, the title

then adopted by the kings of the Huns. The Tanjou himself became

afterwards a vassal to the Chinese emperors, and was fain to lick

the dust for a dependent kingship.

About 100 years after the birth of Christ, the Huns were broken up

and scattered. The Huns of the South, who had previously seceded

from the main body, and had established their dynasty in alliance

with China, held together till the year 216 A.D. The Northern Huns,

being distressed by a great famine, were attacked by the tribes

whom they had so long oppressed, and were compelled to seek safety

in flight. From that era we must date the migrations of the Hunnish

tribes. They were again subdivided. One branch wandered to the coast

of the Caspian Sea, where they settled, and became modified in their

character under the influence of a more genial climate; their nomad

habits were gradually abandoned; and they became civilised. These

were called the White Huns.

Another branch migrated in a north-westerly direction, and in their

march had to contend with a more rigorous climate. Exasperated

by their struggles with the elements and with many enemies, they

retained all their savageness in their new settlement on the Volga.

These restless warriors had barely secured their own existence

in the west, when they began to attack their neighbours. After

conquering the Alani, a nation only a little less barbarous than

themselves, and adding to their own forces those of the vanquished

tribes, the Huns became the terror of the Goths, and these also fell

a prey to the invaders before the end of the fourth century of the

Christian era.

But the power of these wandering tribes was always liable to be

paralysed by the jealousies of rival chiefs. Their notions of

government were crude; hereditary succession was held of little

account among them. The Huns were only formidable to their

neighbours when they were under the leadership of chiefs who

possessed sufficient vigour to rise pre-eminent over all others, and

the talent or the craft to secure to themselves absolute power.

Attila was one of these. The Huns were already in the ascendant

when he came to the throne; but his genius, energy, and insatiable

ambition soon rendered them the terror of all Europe, and himself

the greatest barbarian that ever wielded the sceptre. Attila had a

body-guard of subject kings. His effective force has been variously

estimated at half-a-million and at seven hundred thousand men. He

enriched himself with the spoils of all nations; yet in the height

of his barbaric pride he retained in camp the simple habits of his

ancestors. Having subdued every hostile tribe within his reach, and

incorporated their armies with his own, he threw the whole weight

of his forces on the corrupt and degenerate Roman Empire, which

was brought to the feet of the conqueror and compelled to accept

conditions of peace the most degrading that the insolence of the

invader could dictate.

Desolation everywhere followed the march of Attila, for destruction

was ever the glory of the barbarians. As the old Huns lived by

predatory warfare, so the hosts of Attila were actuated, only in a

higher degree, by the savage instincts of wild beasts. But their

power only held together while there was food for pillage, and a

master mind to direct their enterprise. And thus their reign of

terror in Europe was of brief duration. A heavy debauch cut short

the career of Attila, and he died an inglorious death in his own bed

from the bursting of an artery. The empire of his creation collapsed

after his death amid contending factions; and in A.D. 468, just

fifteen years after the death of Attila, the empire of the Huns was

utterly destroyed, and their name disappeared from history.

The shepherds tended their flocks in the steppes of Tartary,

and 700 years passed away before another chief arose to summon

the scattered tribes to his standard. During that period sundry

insignificant dynasties succeeded each other on the outskirts of

the Chinese dominions. The Turks also appeared in the interval, and

established a formidable power, which lasted from the sixth to the

eighth century. They issued from the Altai mountains, where they

had served the Geougen Tartars who had overwhelmed the Huns after

the death of Attila. The Turks, or Turki, reduced the Geougen, and,

it is said, almost extirpated them. These Turks have been supposed

to have been identical in race with the Huns who preceded, and the

Mongols who followed, them.[10] But there is much reason to doubt

their consanguinity.[11] The great skill in iron working for which

the original Turks were distinguished, seems sufficient to mark a

difference between them and the ancestors of the pure Mongols. They

shaved the beard also in token of grief, and were considered by the

Persians handsome men.[12] The Huns and Mongols had almost no beard,

and in the eyes of all writers who have thought it worth while to

describe their persons, they were remarkable for their deformity.

[10] De Guignes. Hist. des Huns.

[11] Memoirs of Baber. Erskine's Introd.

[12] Un Hist. vol. iii. p. 365.

It would, however, be a hopeless task to unravel the descent of

the various races miscalled Tartars. The old Chinese records have

preserved little more than the catalogue of kings and battles,

and of the rise and fell of dynasties. The Tartar powers that

have successively risen up in Asia have never been composed of

a homogeneous race. Their names, even have generally been taken

from some small tribe or family which accident rendered prominent;

and the names Tartar, Turk, and Mongol, have been perpetuated

and misapplied to armies and confederations of mixed races. The

wanderings of these mixed tribes, the dissolution of empires which

arose among them, and the reconstruction of these empires under

new combinations, have constantly tended to the amalgamation in

blood and language of races distinct in origin, but following the

same nomadic habits. Their mode also of dealing with prisoners of

war, and the conditions which they imposed on conquered nations,

conduced still more to the fusion and confusion of races. It was

unusual with the Huns or Mongols to spare their prisoners, unless

they could employ them either as slaves or soldiers, or make profit

by their ransom. The men were massacred, and the eligible women

were appropriated by the conquerors. A supply of women was exacted

as tribute from subject states. This gross indignity was ruthlessly

imposed on the Chinese; and "a select band of the fairest maidens

of China was annually devoted to the rude embraces of the Huns."[13]

These practices must have tended greatly to enhance the perplexity

of ethnologists in attempting to analyse the masses of men who, by

the vicissitudes of war, were from time to time assembled under one

standard, and received the name of the dominant family.

[13] Gibbon, vol. iii. p. 363.

When the Huns appeared in Europe, however, they were portrayed by

the Goths and Romans in graphic but distorted terms. Through the

haze of these hideous caricatures,[14] and the fabulous origin which

fear and hatred attributed to the Huns, we cannot fail to identify

in them the form and features of the modern Mongols. Whatever be

the descent of the numerous Turki tribes, and whatever changes may

have been brought about by intermixture, change of climate, &c.,

in the pastoral peoples, the great race of the Mongols has in the

main preserved its manners and its characteristics through all

its revolutions and migrations, and has proved its unity in blood

with the Huns of Attila. The Mongols are certainly far from being

a handsome people, but the Romans, themselves models of symmetry,

greatly exaggerated their deformity. The barbarians were esteemed

so fiendish in their aspect, that the Goths, to account for the

phenomenon, were obliged to invent the fable of the descent of

the Huns from the unholy union of Scythian witches with infernal

spirits. They were inhumanly ugly. Attila himself was hideous. Yet

that did not deter the young Princess Honoria from betraying, or

feigning, a passion for him. That spirited lady, with a courage

worthy of a better cause, found means of secretly communicating with

the king of the Huns, and urged him to claim her as his bride.

[14] Ibid. p. 371.

In the thirteenth century, Genghis became Khan[15] of all the

Mongols, who under him were once more the terror of the world.

Genghis had already conquered the Naimans, a powerful people in

their day; and invaded Tangout. When he had assembled under his

standard the tribes of his own people and of the nations whom he

had conquered, he was impelled by his restless ambition to keep

them in motion. The lust of conquest became his ruling passion, and

every new trophy added fuel to its flame. He first invaded Kitai, or

northern China, overran the territories of the then powerful Kin,

desolated their cities and villages, and massacred their people,

and then retired to the river Tolla to recruit, having added to his

army many Chinese of all ranks. The seven years' campaign in the

west followed shortly after, during which Genghis conquered Persia

and Bukhara, destroyed many populous cities, and put to the sword

prodigious numbers of human beings. His lieutenants extended their

ravages still further westward, while Genghis himself returned

to his head-quarters at Kara-Korum. Kitai was again invaded, and

Tangout subjugated. On the death of Genghis, in 1227, the succession

to the Khanate fell to his son Oktai, who followed up the conquest

of China according to instructions delivered by Genghis on his

death-bed. But the empire had become so unwieldy, and the distances

that separated the divisions of it so vast, that it could no longer

subsist in its integrity. It was soon split up into sections, which

were parcelled out to the descendants of Genghis. Some reigned in

Persia, and some in Kapchak, a territory stretching from the Caspian

Sea to Kazan, and covering a large portion of the steppe of the

Kirghis. The little dynasty of the Nogai Tartars was also founded

in Europe by a descendant of Genghis. The Tartar kingdoms of Kazan

and the Crimea were both offshoots from the khans of Kapchak. Batou,

Khan of Kapchak, or the Golden Horde, took Moscow and wasted the

Russian provinces. Kublai, who succeeded to China, was the greatest

of them all. In addition to that country, he possessed Pegu, Thibet,

and the whole of Tartary; while Cochin China, Tonquin, and Corea

paid him tribute. He was, moreover, acknowledged by all the other

khans as their chief. But the whole continent of Asia lay between

him and his vassals, and his suzerainty soon became a name only, and

in course of time the form also was discontinued.

[15] The title of Khan was first assumed by the Geougen, in the

fifth century.

The Mongols were, however, incapable of maintaining a settled

government. The expeditions to subjugate Japan having proved

fruitless, there was no other country left for them to conquer;

this quiescent state was unnatural to them, and Chinese culture

demoralised them in less than a hundred years.

Russia was held by a tenure more suitable to the nomad habits of the

Mongols. Armies had to be maintained, and the khans of the Golden

Horde found occupation in keeping down the Russian princes. They

therefore held their supremacy in Europe, until they did the work of

their enemies by quarrelling amongst themselves, but their yoke was

not finally shaken off till the fifteenth century.

Before the empires founded by the family of Genghis had been wholly

broken up, another great Mongol conqueror appeared in the person of

Timour, or Tamerlane. Born under happier auspices, and brought up

in contact with more civilised people, Timour added to the native

ferocity and the ambition of universal empire of his ancestors, the

arts and some of the refinements of education. He was, moreover,

a zealous Mahommedan, and drew from the Koran encouragements in

his career of conquest, and excellent moral maxims which seemed

in strange contrast with his life. In a military point of view,

Timour's life was a brilliant success. Before his death he placed

twenty-seven crowns on his head; he conquered India, and boasted

that he had penetrated northwards to the region of perpetual day.

His conquests outstripped those of Alexander. "On the eastern bank

of the Hyphasis, on the edge of the Desert, the Macedonian hero

halted and wept; the Mogul entered the desert, reduced the fortress

of Batnir, and stood in arms before Delhi."[16] He captured Delhi,

and "purified his soldiers in the blood of the idolaters." Timour,

when he was seventy years old, resolved to re-conquer China, from

which country the family of Genghis had been recently expelled.

He despatched his armies from Samarcand for the expedition, but he

himself died on the way, in 1405, and his empire fell to pieces

through the incapacity of his sons.

[16] Gibbon, vol. ix. p. 10.

Timour had perhaps the honour of shedding more blood than any of

his predecessors; but, like them, he was incapable of governing

what he had conquered. His boast that a child might carry a purse

of gold from the east to the west, could be justified only on the

supposition that he had pacified Asia by making it a solitude.

He was considered a usurper by the Mongols of his day. He made

war on his own people because they were idolaters; yet the modern

Mongols worship him, beguiling their long evenings in their tents by

chanting invocations to his memory.

The next great Mongol who left his mark on the world was Timour's

great-grandson Baber, who conquered Delhi in 1528, and founded

there the dynasty of the Great Mogul. But Baber was ashamed of his

descent, and despised the Mongol character. It was probably to his

throwing off the barbarism of his ancestors, that his family owed

the permanence of their Indian empire. The last scion of this royal

house died in misery at Rangoon, in 1862.

On the disruption of the Mongol empire, founded by Genghis, and

built on by his successors, the tribes who composed it were

dispersed far and wide over Europe and Asia, from the Great Wall

of China to the Volga and the Black Sea. Their dynastic divisions

were numerous, but the Mongol blood was soon lost in many of these.

The Khans were often followed into conquered territories by a small

proportion only of their own race, sometimes by a few families,

and sometimes by a few individuals only, their armies being mainly

composed of alien elements. These handfuls of men soon lost their

national characteristics under the influence of a settled life,

and contact with races better trained in the arts of peace. The

numerical superiority of the people among whom they lived, must

necessarily have absorbed them; and it would be hard now to trace

the Mongol blood in the descendants of the Tartars of the Crimea, of

Kazan, of Nogai, or of Kapchak.

The homogeneous race of the Mongols may now be divided into the

Kalkas, the Kalmuks, and the Bouriats. The Kalkas, who take their

name from a small river rising in the Siolki mountains in Manchuria,

are a numerous people, occupying the north of the Great Desert. They

may be called the Mongols proper, if any are entitled to that name.

The Kalmuks, so nicknamed by the Mahommedan Tartars, inhabit the

Russian province of Astrakhan. A remarkable exodus of these people

took place in 1770-71, on which occasion half a million of the

Kalmuks of the Volga fled from the tyranny of Catherine II., and

directed their march eastward by the route by which their ancestors

had so often travelled to Europe. During their eight months'

pilgrimage they were goaded to despair by hunger, weariness, and

savage enemies; and when they at last found shelter in the dominions

of the Emperor of China, they had been reduced to half their number.

The Emperor Kienloong allotted to them a settlement in the province

of Dsungaria, on the north-west of the desert. The Eleuths on the

south-east of the desert are also of the race of the Kalmuks. The

black Kalmuks are settled near the sources of the river Obi, north

of the Altai mountains.

The Bouriats in the Siberian province of Trans-baikal, although of

true Mongol origin, do not appear to have been much mixed up in

the military movements of the other tribes. They were nevertheless

a warlike people, were subdued by the family of Genghis in the

thirteenth century, and made a respectable stand against the

Russians in the seventeenth.

There are other tribes of Mongols within the modern limits of China

proper, though north of the Great Wall. Some of these till the

ground, but they are principally kept up as the reserve army of

China.

From the earliest times, these wandering tribes, when not united in

a crusade against the human race at large, were constantly at war

with each other. These feuds were continued with varying results

for several centuries after their empire was broken up; but the

adroitness of the Chinese on the one side, and the brute force of

Russia on the other, have subdued the turbulent spirit of the Mongol

hordes, who for the last hundred years have been quiet subjects of

these two empires.

The Mongols, Kalmuks, and Bouriats are all Bhuddists, while the

other Tartar tribes, with whom the Mongols have been associated in

their wars, are almost all Mahommedans.

The history of the wars of the Huns and Mongols exhibits some

curious psychical phenomena. First, we see these barbarous tribes,

living in the most primitive condition, ignorant of everything

beyond the range of animal instinct, vanquishing in fair fight the

most warlike and civilised nations that then existed. By the weight

of their masses, and the impetuosity of their onslaught, stimulated

by the ferocity of fanaticism, the barbarians broke in on the old

empires, which they overwhelmed like a flood. Civilisation bowed the

neck to barbarism: matter triumphed over mind.

And yet the materials of which these formidable hosts were composed

were in themselves feeble and innocuous. When we see the descendants

of the Huns quietly feeding their sheep in their native deserts,

harmless and kind-hearted, simple and contented, it is hard to

conceive that out of such a race could have come the conquerors of

the world. Their power indeed was a matter of pure accident, that is

to say, it lay dormant until accident raised up men with ability to

use it. The shepherds have little power of reasoning, and no notions

of self-government; but they are willing machines in the hands of

a man of strong intellect, who can exact from them the worship due

to a divinity. Under such a leader they can be handled like a pack

of hounds, with which they have a close affinity in the instinct

of obedience and unreasoning courage: animal qualities which are

invaluable to the schemes of the master-mind.

The heroes of the Mongol tribes have been few and far between.

The marvel is that such a people could produce heroes at all.

Their great conquerors were not men of ordinary ability, but of

vast genius, rendered all the more conspicuous by their untutored

barbarism. None but great minds could have controlled and directed

the movements of such multitudes. The words of the khan were

inexorable laws; without the ruling spirit nothing could be done.

China was saved from a second conquest by the accident of the death

of Timour; and it has been said that the fate of Europe at one

time depended on the digestion of a barbarian under the Great Wall

of China. Nor were the Mongol leaders animated by blind ferocity.

They had an object in their wars, which was nothing less than

the sovereignty of the world. Their courage was high, and they

occasionally fought desperate battles. But that was not their usual

custom. Attila, and Genghis, and Timour, all showed remarkable

caution. They calculated the chances of a battle or a campaign with

the deliberation of experienced generals, and declined engagements

against heavy odds when they could effect a retreat without

discouraging their troops. Attila, the rudest of them all, was a

skilful diplomatist. He penetrated into Gaul, not so much by force

of arms as by the craft he displayed in playing off one faction

against another, and so distracting the counsels of his enemies.

The secret of the ascendency of the Mongol chiefs lay mainly in the

skill with which they used the potent instrument of superstition.

The shepherds, illiterate and brutish, had a blind awe of the

supernatural, which it was the policy of their leaders to encourage.

Attila became miraculously possessed of the sword of the Scythian

Mars, and thenceforth bore a sacred character which was confirmed

to him by his early successes. A divine origin was attributed to

the ancestors of Genghis. He was styled the son of God, and was

popularly believed to have been born of a virgin.[17] The Turks

traced their descent from a youth who was nursed by a she-wolf, a

fable probably borrowed from that of Romulus and Remus.

[17] Gibbon, vol. iv. p. 322, and note.

The kings of the Huns and Mongols excited the enthusiasm of their

armies by the use of omens. When unfavourable to their plans, the

omens were either disregarded or explained away by the chiefs,

who were probably incredulous, but at all events possessed the

resolution to rise superior to the oracles. Thus when Attila had

raised the siege of Orleans, and was pressed in his retreat by a

powerful army of Goths and Romans, the auguries were against him,

and his troops were dispirited. But Attila, considering that a

defeat would be less disastrous to him than flight, rallied the

sinking courage of the Huns by an eloquent oration, in which, with

consummate ingenuity, he turned the very advantages of the enemy

into encouragements to himself. Their well-chosen posts, their

strict alliance and close order, he affected to attribute to fear

alone. He plied his people also with arguments from the doctrine of

fate, and persuaded them that they were as safe in the thick of the

fight as in their own tents. In the desperate battle which ensued,

Attila outdid himself in personal valour, and the Huns fought

furiously; the slaughter on both sides was prodigious; but when

night came Attila was fain to retire within his camp. The result of

the action was nevertheless creditable to his sagacity, for he was

still so formidable in defeat that his enemies compared him to a

lion at bay, and they dared not renew the attack.

Timour, who lived in a more enlightened age, or rather among a more

enlightened people, and was himself educated in Mohammedanism, rose

to a higher flight in the use and contempt of auguries. Instead of

examining the entrails of animals, he consulted the planets and the

Koran. When marching on Delhi his astrologers could not educe any

favourable indication from the stars, but Timour refused to hamper

his plans by such considerations, telling his astrologers that

fortune does not depend on the stars, but on the Creator of them.

The Huns and Mongols were distinguished from other men, chiefly by

their waste of human life. They may be said to have depopulated

Asia. The flourishing cities that once existed in the deserts of

Tartary have been utterly destroyed; the history of many of them has

been lost; and where large populations cultivated arts and industry,

one may now see only the tent of a herdsman in the vast solitude.

The savages boasted that grass never grew where the feet of their

horses had trod, and that a horse might run without stumbling over

the places where the great cities had stood. The conquerors built

towers and pyramids of the heads of their enemies, that is, their

prisoners--not soldiers only--but whole populations whom they

massacred in cold blood.

But yet, though ferocious, the barbarians were not, strictly

speaking, cruel. Their systematic slaughter must be otherwise

accounted for, and in a way even more humiliating to human nature.

The morality of the kings, khans or emperors may be assumed to

have been on a par with that of the people; it was in intellect

only that they were pre-eminent. Attila, in the midst of his sins

against mankind, was accessible to pity. His own people loved him.

Genghis aspired to the honour of a wise legislator, and primitive

though his code was, his motives for devising it were honourable. He

encouraged trade so far as he knew how; patronised the sciences, and

favoured the missionaries of all persuasions. He was both just and

generous, and if he had but governed, instead of killing, the people

he conquered, it is possible that he might have been a benefactor to

mankind. Yet, in three cities alone, Genghis caused more than four

millions of people to be slaughtered.

But the strange paradox comes out in more vivid colours in the

character of Timour, who, compared with his predecessors, was

civilised and humane. Amongst his exploits was the massacre of

one hundred thousand people at Delhi. He exacted from Ispahan a

contribution of seventy thousand, and from Bagdad of ninety thousand

human heads to build towers with. Although a Mahommedan he did not

spare his co-religionists, but slew indiscriminately all who seemed

to stand in his way. When he grew old, and was satiated with blood

and glory, he repented. But his repentance was the most curious

episode in the monster's history. He planned a pious mission to

China, and in announcing his resolve to his council, he told them

that the conquests he had made were not obtained _without some

violence_, which had occasioned the death of a great number of God's

creatures. To atone for past crimes he determined to perform some

good action, namely, to _exterminate the idolaters of China_.[18]

[18] Un. Hist. vol. v. p. 57.

By what law or standard of ethics can such an abuse of the moral

faculties be judged? And how can such antagonistic traits of

character be reconciled?

The Mongols did not practise the cruelties that have so often

disgraced more refined peoples. Tortures were exceptional among

them, perhaps because their invention had not risen to such a

pitch. Noble captives were paraded in chains, but that was done

rather to glorify the victor than to punish the victim. The Mongol

massacres seem to have been dictated less by positive than negative

considerations. Their low estimate of the value of human life lay

at the bottom of it all. The slaughter of the population of a great

city was no more in their eyes than the destruction of so many

vermin. Their towers of human heads were to the primitive barbarians

what the trophies of the chace are to sportsmen. Being guided by

animal instincts alone, they were unconscious of any wrong. So

low is the moral condition of uncultivated races, "the children

of nature," that human feelings can only grow in them after ages

of gradual education. The social virtues, and even the natural

affections, are only developed in their full force by means of

artificial or civilised life, just as the perfectability of plants

is only attained by the aid which art gives to nature. So, then, the

artificial state is in a sense more natural to man than the natural

or primitive condition of savages. His moral nature needs culture as

much as his intellect does; and artificial life alone can bring out

man's natural qualities. The affections of the Huns and Mongols were

little more than such as they possessed in common with the lower

animals. They loved their children after a fashion, and sometimes

they loved a favourite wife. But if we desire to test the quality of

the paternal affection of such people, let us look at the half-tamed

barbarian Peter the Great, who condemned and executed his own son,

after inviting him to surrender under the promise of a full pardon.

The theory has been advanced that the exclusively animal diet of the

shepherds rendered them ferocious,[19] and that their familiarity

with the blood of their sheep excited their passion for the blood of

their fellow-creatures. But neither of these hypotheses is founded

on fact. The elaborate cruelties of the vegetarians of China and

Japan supply a sufficient answer to the first. The Chinese have

racked their ingenuity to multiply tortures, and a fat rice-eater

will sip up his tea and fan himself with perfect _sang-froid_, while

he causes the nails of a victim to be pulled out. When their blood

is up the Chinese are as savage as the Mongols, and by so much the

more cruel as their superior intellects supply to them varieties in

the enjoyment of their blood-thirstiness.

[19] "Il est certain que les grands mangeurs de viande sont en

général cruels et féroces plus que les autres hommes. Cette

observation est de tous les lieux et de tous les temps; la barbarie

anglaise est connue."--Emile de Rousseau. Gibbon, iii. p. 350.

To the second observation it may be replied that the professional

butchers are not the least humane class of civilised society; their

occupation does not impair their human sympathies. A wild beast may

be excited by the taste of blood, but it is merely from the instinct

that impels him to seek his natural food.

The brutalising influence of war itself is well known. To this rule

there are few exceptions. Even among Christian nations, in whom the

degrading tendency is counteracted by education and social culture,

the hero of many battles is but too apt to value his men at so much

per head. Barbarians, with no controlling power to check the natural

bent of their passions, exhibit the full dehumanising effects of

war. They glory in the mere shedding of blood, as a hunter delights

in the death of his game. Yet this savage passion is far removed

from simple cruelty, and may be quite compatible with a low form of

goodness of heart.

Although at first sight the simple life of pastoral peoples does not

seem likely to produce a race of warriors, yet the very simplicity

of their habits peculiarly adapts them for warlike enterprises.

The incentives to war would not be wanting to wandering tribes

with no fixed boundary; for they would be constantly invading each

others' pasture grounds. Hence, the habits of predatory warfare

would be induced. Their hardiness and endurance would enable them

to sustain the fatigue of long marches, privations and exposure.

Such a community needs no commissariat. Their food is the flesh of

their cattle or horses, which, being accustomed to eat grass only,

can always feed themselves on the way. Their tents might even be

dispensed with, and the ground would serve them for a camp. Their

indifference to life renders unnecessary any provision for the care

of the sick or the wounded. They are not hampered in their movements

by any tie to localities. The whole world is alike to them. Their

life in war, involving the long marches and countermarches which

wear out other troops, was little different from their ordinary

habits in peace. Their enthusiasm made them formidable. Their

ignorance rendered them unscrupulous. They destroyed the noblest

monuments of learning and industry with the same wantonness that

prompts a child to pull to pieces the finest piece of mechanism.

They set no value on anything, and it was a pleasant recreation for

them to destroy what they could neither appreciate nor understand.

The spoils of civilisation allured them to new conquests. Victory

inflated their fanaticism. Defeat subdued their spirit for the

time, but they had always a retreat open in the deserts of Asia

where they were at least safe from the retaliation of the civilised

nations whom they had oppressed. In their career of devastation they

were often stimulated by necessity. When their earlier successes

had attracted great numbers to the victorious standard, it was

impossible to maintain the vast multitude stationary. First, their

pastures would soon become exhausted; and, secondly, their leaders

could only maintain their own character and their ascendency over

their followers by active operations. The alien troops, who entered

largely into the composition of their armies, were always ready

to secede from their forced allegiance. Any symptom of weakness

or incapacity in the chief would be the signal for a general

disruption. Out of this necessity for perpetual motion doubtless

arose the Mongol vision of universal empire.

The military enthusiasm in the Mongols is only dormant, not

dead. We have seen, four or five years ago, with what alacrity

Sang-ko-lin-sin, himself a Kalka Mongol, and one of the forty-eight

kings, brought a force into the field to bar our entrance into

Peking, and with what zeal and energy the Mongol troops acquitted

themselves. Given a sufficient motive, and a man to lead them, and

the shepherds could soon be put in motion again. By nature they are

faithful to their chiefs, and their head lama has but to hold up

his finger to stir up the sleeping prowess of the shepherds. Nor is

it likely that the sanguinary passions, common to barbarians, have

been eradicated in the Mongols. Quiet and peaceful as they are among

their flocks, they would be as fierce in war as in the bloodiest

days of their history.

The Siberian Overland Route from Peking to Petersburg, Through the Deserts and Steppes of Mongolia, Tartary, &c. · 第 10 / 23 章