CHAPTER II

THE BEGINNINGS OF TRUE HISTORY

(Tiglath Pileser I)

We shall begin, then, our detailed study of the sources for Assyrian

history with the data for the reign of Tiglath Pileser I (circa 1100

B.C.). Taking up first the Annals, we find that the annalistic

documents from the reign may be divided into two general groups. One,

the Annals proper, is the so called Cylinder, in reality written on a

number of hexagonal prisms. [Footnote: Photographs of B and A,

Budge-King, xliii; xlvii; of the Ashur fragments, of at least five

prisms, Andrä, _Anu-Adad Tempel_, Pl. xiii ff. I R. 9 ff.;

Winckler, _Sammlung_, I. 1 ff.; Budge-King, 27 ff., with variants

and BM numbers. Lotz, _Inschriften Tiglathpilesers_ I, 1880;

Winckler, KB. I. 14 ff. Rawlinson, Hincks, Talbot, Oppert,

JRAS. OS. XVIII. 150 ff.; Oppert, _Histoire des empires de Chaldée

et d'Assyrie, 1865, 44f; Menant, 35 ff.; Rawlinson, Rp1, V. 7

ff. Sayce RP², I. 92 ff.; Muss-Arnolt in Harper, llff.; MDOG. 25, 21f;

28, 22; 29, 40; 47, 33; King, _Supplement_, 116; Andrä,

_Tempel_, 32 ff.] First comes the praise of the gods and self

praise of the ruler himself. Then follow the campaigns, not numbered

as in the more developed style of later rulers, but separated into six

sections, for the six years whose events are narrated, by brief

glorifications of the monarch. Next we have the various hunting

exploits of the king, and the document ends with an elaborate account

of the building operations and with threats against the later ruler

who should destroy the inscription or refuse credit to the king in

whose honor it was made.

No relationship has been made out between the fragments, but the

four-fairly complete prisms fall into two groups, A and C, B and D, as

regards both the form of writing and the character of the text. All

date seemingly from the same month of the same year, though from

separate days. The most fragmentary of these, D, seems the best, as it

has the smallest number of unique readings and has also the largest

number of omissions, [Footnote: II. 21b-23a; III. 37b-39a; IV. 36.]

all of which are clearly interpolations in the places where they are

given. This is especially true of the one [Footnote: IV. 36.] which

refers to the Anu-Adad and Ishtar temples, for not only is the

insertion awkward, we know from the Obelisk [Footnote: II. 13.] that

the Anu-Adad temple was not completed till year five, so that it must

be an interpolation of that date. In spite of its general resemblance

to D, especially in its omissions, B is very poorly written and has

over two hundred unique readings. One of its omissions would seriously

disarrange the chronology, [Footnote: IV. 40-42.] others are clearly

unwarranted, [Footnote: II. 79081; V.4; VIII. 29b-33.] and one long

addition [Footnote: VII. 17-27; also I. 35; different in VI. 37.]

further marks its peculiar character. Our conclusion must be that it

is a poor copy of a good original. C is between A and B, agreeing with

the latter in a strange interpolation [Footnote: III. 2a-c.] and in

the omission of the five kings of the Muski. [Footnote: I. 63b. King,

_Supplement_, 116 follows C.] A is the latest but best preserved,

while the character of the text warrants us in making this our

standard as it has but few unique readings and but one improbable

omission. [Footnote: VII. 105-8.] The same account, in slightly

different form and seemingly later in date [Footnote: K.2815 is dated

in the eponomy of Ninib nadin apal, the LAH MA GAL E official. He

probably is after the rab bi lul official in whose year the hexagons

are dated.] is also found in some tablet inscriptions. [Footnote:

Budge-King, 125 n.3; K.2815, with different conclusion; 81-2-4, 220,

where reverse different; K.12009; K.13840; 79-7-8, 280; 89-4-26, 28;

Rm. 573: Winckler, AOF. III. 245.]

A second annalistic group is that postulated as the original of the so

called Broken Obelisk. Of documents coming directly from Tiglath

Pileser himself, the only one that can with any probability be

assigned to this is the tiny fragment which refers to the capture of

Babylon. [Footnote: K. 10042; Winckler, AOF. I. 387.] But that such a

group did exist is proved by the extracts from it in the obelisk

prepared by a descendant of Tiglath Pileser, probably one of his sons,

Shamshi Adad or Ashur bel kala. [Footnote: Photograph, Budge-King, li;

Paterson, _Assyr. Sculptures_, 63. I R. 28; III R. 4, 1;

Budge-King, 128 ff. Lotz, _op. cit._, 196 ff.; Peiser, KB. I.

122 ff.; Talbot, JRAS. OS. XIX. 124 ff.; Houghton-Finlay, RP(1), XI. 9

ff.; Oppert, _Hist._, 132 ff.; Hommel, _Gesch._, 532 ff.;

Menant, 49 ff. Proved to Tiglath Pileser, Lotz, _op. cit._, 193

f.; cf. Budge-King, 131 n. 4, though Streck, ZA. XVIII. 187 ff., still

believes that it belongs to an earlier king. Found at Nineveh, though

it deals with Ashur constructions.] Only the upper portion, probably

less than half to judge by the proportions, is preserved, and even

this is terribly mutilated. Fortunately, the parts best preserved are

those relating to the years not dealt with in the Annals. The first

half of the document is devoted to the campaigns of Tiglath Pileser,

then come his hunting exploits, and only a bit at the end is reserved

for the building operations of the unknown ruler under whom it was

erected. Its source seems to have had the same relation to the

earliest form of the Annals that the Obelisk of Shalmaneser III had to

the Monolith, that is, it gave the data for the earlier part of the

reign, that covered by the other source, very briefly, only expanding

as it reached a period where the facts were not represented by any

other document. That our earlier Annals, or perhaps rather, one of its

sources, was a main source of our second type, is proved by the

coincidences in language in the two, in one case no less than twenty

signs the same, [Footnote: In year V we have _ishtu...adi alu

Kargamish sha matu Hatte...isu elippe pl mashku tahshe_.] not to

speak of the hunting expeditions. But this earlier Annals was not the

only, or at least not the direct source for the Obelisk, nor was that

source merely a fuller recension of it. Data for the first six years,

not found in the earlier Annals, are given in the Obelisk, [Footnote:

Obl. I. 17, reference to Marduk nadin ahe, King of Akkad; II. 1, one

thousand men of land of...; II. 2, four thousand of them carried

prisoner to Assyria, the position of which shows that it cannot, with

Budge-King, 132 n., be referred to Ann. III. 2, the Kashi; II. 12, the

Mushki (?); II. 13, temple of Ami and Adad. These all precede the

Carchemish episode.] while our document also, for the first time in

Assyrian historical inscriptions, dates the events by the name of the

eponym for the year, and, still more unusual, by the month as

well. That the Obelisk may be considered merely a resume of this

original source is shown by the statement that he conquered other

lands and made many wars, but these he did not record. [Footnote:

Obl. IV. 37.] As they seem to have been given after the hunting feats,

in the lost lower part of column IV, we may assume that all that

preceded is taken from that source. Furthermore, we are given the

other hunting exploits "which my [father] did not record." [Footnote:

Obl. IV. 33.] The numbers of beasts killed, which the scribe intended

especially to emphasize, have never, curiously enough, been inscribed

in the blanks left for their insertion. [Footnote: E.g., Obl. IV. 4.]

Opposed to the Annals proper are the Display inscriptions in which

chronological considerations and details as to the campaigns are

subordinated to the desire to give a general view of the monarch's

might. Two have been found in foreign lands, one at the source of the

Tigris, [Footnote: Discovery, J. Taylor, cf. H. Rawlinson,

_Athenaeum_, 1862, II. 811; 1863, I. 229. III R. 4, 6; Schrader,

_Abh. K. Preuss. Akad._, 1885, I. Winckler, _Sammlung_,

I. 30: Budge-King, 127 n. 1. Meissner, _Chrestomathie_, 6;

Abel-Winckler, 5; Menant, 49. Winckler, KB. I. 48 f. Dated after the

Arvad expedition as shown by reference to Great Sea of Amurru, and of

same date as Melazgerd inscription, Belck, _Verh. Berl_.] the

other near Melazgerd in Armenia. [Footnote: From Gonjalu, near

Melazgerd, Belck-Lehmann, _Verh. Berl. Anthr. Ges._ 1898,

574. Photograph, Lehmann, _Sitzungsber. Berl. Akad._, 1900,

627. Is this one of the "cuneiform inscriptions near Moosh" reported

to Taylor, _Athenaeum_, 1863, I. 229?] Drafts for similar

inscriptions have been found on clay tablets, written for the use of

the workmen who were to incise them on stone. Of these, one, which is

virtually complete as regards number of lines, seems to date from year

four as it has no reference to later events. [Footnote: S. 1874;

K. 2805, Tabl. I of Budge-King, 109 ff. III R. 5; Winckler,

_Sammlung_, I. 26 ff.; cf. Lotz, _op. cit._, 193; Tiele,

Gesch., 159 n. 2; Meissner, ZA. IX. 101 ff. Meissner's restoration of

these as parts of one tablet in chronological order will not stand in

view of the fact that I is complete in itself while there are

variations in the order of Nairi and totally different endings.] It

would then be our earliest extant source. It is also of value in

dating the erection of the palace whose mention shows that the tablet

is complete. That the compiler had before him the document used by the

Annals in its account of the Nairi campaign [Footnote: Ann. IV. 71 ff.]

is proved by his writing "from Tumme to Daiene" for these are the

first and last names in the well known list of Nairi states. The order

of the tablet is neither chronological nor geographical. Another

tablet dates from year five to which most of its data belong. In the

first half, it follows the order of Tablet I, and in the remainder

follows closely the words of its source in the Annals, merely

abbreviating. [Footnote: K. 2806 with K. 2804, Tabl. II of

Budge-King, 116 ff.] Possibly in its present form, it may be later than

year five [Footnote: The badly damaged reverse of K. 2806 has one

reference to the Euphrates which _may_ be connected with

Obl. III. 24, probably of year IX.] for a third tablet of year ten

duplicates this first part. [Footnote: K. 2804, Tabl. V of

Budge-King, 125 f.] Unfortunately, this latter gives next to no

historical data, but its reference to the "Lower Zab" and to the

"Temple of Ishtar" may perhaps allow us to date to this same tenth

year the highly important tablet which gives a full account of the

campaign in Kirhi and Lulume and which also ends with the restoration

of the Ishtar temple. [Footnote: K. 2807; 91-5-9, 196. III R. 5, 4;

Tablet IV of Budge-King, 121 ff. Winckler, AOF. III. 246. Hommel,

_Gesch._, 511 f.] Here too and not with the Annals must be placed

the fragment with the Arvad episode. [Footnote: Scheil,

RT. XXII. 157. Restorations, Streck, ZA. XVIII. 186 n. 2. First

attributed to Tiglath Pileser, Peiser, OLZ. III. 476; Winckler,

ibid. IV. 296; cf. AOF. III. 247.--Bricks I R. 6, 5; Scheil,

_op. cit._ 37; Winckler, _Sammlung_, I. 31; Budge-King,

127. Other inss., King, _Supplement_, 453, 488.]

Assyrian Historiography: A Source Study · 第 2 / 8 章