Chapter I

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A SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH SOCIAL HISTORY

by

M. E. MONCKTON JONES, M.A.

F. R. Hist. Soc.

Lecturer in History, Homerton College, Cambridge

Methuen & Co. Ltd.

36 Essex Street W. C.

London

First Published in 1922

PREFACE

The new scientific method of teaching history requires that the student

should learn to examine some at least of the evidence for himself, and

to form a judgment upon it: he is no longer expected to accept the

teacher’s statements without discussion. Material for examination is,

however, usually in the inaccessible form of ancient records, Latin

chronicles, and so forth. It is the part of source-books to provide

extracts from such records which may serve as laboratory specimens

for analysis. They have the further aim of painting scenes vivid with

local colour and live with the expressions of the actors themselves, so

making the dry bones of the text-book put on flesh and reality.

This volume contains illustrations of various stages in the economic

and social life of the British people from Saxon days to the Industrial

Revolution. Fragments of the Saxon laws show the give and take of

community life working out into rules of fair play and justice. The

influence of the Church in trade, in education, in exploration and

over-seas intercourse, appears in the life of Ingulf of Croyland. Town

life is seen to develop through gild regulations and the records of

London. The consequent growth of the burghers’ power in Parliament,

in naval organization and in finance over against the power of great

noble houses, and the disorder of the fifteenth century, emerge from

the Paston Correspondence. Parliamentary Rolls, and the accounts of

London’s growth. From manorial regulations, notes of wages at different

periods, and contemporaries’ accounts of enclosures, the great changes

in rural life are shown; while the explorations of Carpini and Marco

Polo in the East and the Spaniards’ account of Drake’s piracy in the

West indicate the change from the mediæval to the modern world. The

growth of commerce as the controlling factor in politics is indicated

by the letters of Sir Thomas Roe and the East India Company’s minutes,

the writings of Defoe and Franklin; and Young’s tour hints at the state

of England on the eve of the Industrial Revolution.

These extracts have, as far as possible, been taken from sources which

the teacher can easily consult further on particular points, in the

hope of promoting such study, without which the average teacher’s

fountain of inspiration must soon run dry, to the withering of his

pupil’s zeal.

For permission to borrow from their volumes I am greatly indebted to

Sir W. Foster and Miss Sainsbury, Mr. S. C. Hill and Mr. Callender,

also to the Hakluyt Society, the Royal Historical Society, the Oxford

University Press, Mr. John Murray, and Messrs. Ginn & Co.

M. E. M. J.

_February, 1922_

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

I. SAXON VILLAGE AND MANORIAL SYSTEMS 1

II. GILDS 15

III. MEDIÆVAL LIFE AND EXPLORATIONS 28

IV. THIRTEENTH CENTURY LONDON 48

V. FIFTEENTH CENTURY LIFE 82

VI. EXPLORATION 106

VII. ILLUSTRATIONS OF LIFE IN THE SIXTEENTH AND

SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES 120

VIII. EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EXTRACTS 152

A SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH SOCIAL HISTORY

CHAPTER I

SAXON VILLAGE AND MANORIAL SYSTEMS

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Laws of Ethelbert

These laws are dated A.D. 600, only three years after the coming of St.

Augustine. Throughout them and the later dooms the educative effect

of Christianity in its Roman form is to be traced. Hitherto law had

been oral, traditional, unrecorded; these customary laws are now first

reduced to written form and made permanent for the local kingdom.

(5) Compensation, already reckoned in money though not always paid in

coin (cf. 59), is the customary quittance for every offence.

(9) Crime, hitherto an offence only against the victim and his kin, is

here further treated as an offence against the community represented by

the King.

(74, 77) Status of woman high; marriage a business contract.

Laws of Ine

(20, 43) Most of England is still under woodland.

(25) Trade already considerable (cf. Athelstane, 10, 13).

(42) Farming done in common; use of quickset as well as temporary

hurdle fences.

(44, 49) Important place of swine in Saxon economy.

Laws of Alfred

Influence of Church supreme in the form and matter of the laws, the

Mosaic infused among Saxon customary rules.

(30, 32) Survival of Paganism, possibly reinforced by Danish influence.

(39) Woodland not yet cleared of wild beasts.

Laws of Athelstane

Note here the practice of local minting, now confined to officers of

the Church or King; also the use of horses as well as oxen in farm

labour.

Legislation is now by the King in council and the whole series of

excerpts show the re-establishment of order and royal authority based

on the fundamental principle of loyalty to the oath. The sworn bond

between man and lord was already in Alfred’s reign the most sacred, its

breach constituting treason for which no money penalty might atone.

Growth of Trade

This is apparent in Alfred’s laws (34), in Edward’s (12), and

Athelstane’s; it is regulated by royal and not by local authority; and

disputes between Dane and Saxon lead to the general imposition of the

rule of “Commendation” of landless men to lords, which gave rise to the

Saxon system later called manorial.

Boundary Dispute, 896 A.D.

Note the power of the local Witan to try property cases; the

co-operation of bishop and chapter in the grant; the instance of

commendation; the priest’s position as spokesman of the villagers.

Manorial System

Fitzherbert’s account of the rise of manors ignores the Saxon basis

for the grouping of tenants under a lord to whom they paid service for

their lands. This system did not begin at the Conquest but earlier (cf.

Ine, 67; Alfred, 23; Athelstane, 8, 10, etc.).

It was in most cases a fair, voluntary bargain (cf. Boundary Dispute),

in which one party owed protection, military and legal, in return for

the labour of the other. This feudal compact enabled the country to

pass through the Danish troubles and consequent disorder under the

leadership of the lords. Once security had been re-established by the

central power of the Angevin kings, both the need for lords and their

sense of responsibility for their men faded and their power was abused

till the economic forces of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries

gave the men a means of resistance.

Custumals of Battle Abbey

It is possible from these details to construct a vivid scene of

manorial life. Owners of ecclesiastical manors were usually more

liberal to their tenants than lay lords. Interesting features are the

work of the lord’s officer, the Reeve; the fact that while a half-hide

may support a considerable family, the work of only one member is

required to do the services; the ease with which the elaborate details

of the services led to disputes; the ranks of the various villeins and

the consequent difference in the service each paid; the constant use of

barter, goods being paid rather than money.

SAXON LAWS OR DOOMS

(Thorpe, _Ancient Laws and Institutes_)

ETHELBERT

(King of Kent, 560-610.) (p. 2)

(5) If a man slay another in the king’s tun[1] let him make bot[2] with

fifty shillings.

(9) If a freeman steal from a freeman, let him make threefold bot; and

let the king have the wite[3] and all the chattels.

(17) If any one be the first to make an inroad into a man’s tun let him

make bot with six shillings; let him who follows with three shillings;

after, each, a shilling.

(21) If a man slay another, let him make bot with ... a hundred

shillings.

(24) If any one bind a freeman, let him make bot with twenty shillings.

(74) Let maiden-bot be as that of a freeman.

(77) If a man buy a maiden with cattle let the bargain stand, if it be

without guile, but if there be guile, let him bring her home again, and

let his property be restored to him.

OF THE DOOMS OF INE

(Wessex, 688 A.D.) (Ibid. p. 45)

(20) If a far-coming man or a stranger journey through a wood out of

the highway, and neither shout nor blow his horn, he is to be held for

a thief, either to be slain or redeemed.

(25) If a chapman traffic up among the people, let him do it before

witnesses....

(40) A ceorl’s close ought to be fenced winter and summer. If it be

unfenced and his neighbours’ cattle stray in through his own gap, he

shall have nothing from the cattle: let him drive it out and bear the

damage.

(42) If ceorls have a common meadow, or other partible land to fence,

and some have fenced their part, some have not, and (stray cattle)

eat up their common corn or grass, let those go who own the gap, and

compensate to the others who have fenced their part, the damage which

there may be done, and let them demand such justice on the cattle as it

may be right. But if there be a beast that breaks hedges and goes in

everywhere, and he who owns it will nor or cannot restrain it; let him

who finds it in his field take it and slay it, and let the owner take

its skin and flesh and forfeit the rest.

(43) When anyone burns a tree in a wood, and it be found out against

him who did it, let him pay the full wite; let him give sixty shillings

because fire is a thief. If anyone fell in a wood a good many trees,

and be afterwards discovered; let him pay for three trees, each with

thirty shillings. He need not pay for more of them, were there so many

of them as might be; because the axe is an informer, not a thief.

(44) But if anyone cut down a tree under which thirty swine may stand,

and it be discovered let him pay sixty shillings.

(49) If a man among his mast find unallowed swine, then let him take a

wed[4] of six shillings value.... If pannage[5] be taken for swine, of

those three fingers thick in fat, the third; of those two fingers, the

fourth; of those a thumb thick, the fifth.

(59) A cow’s horn shall be worth two pence; an ox’s tail shall be worth

a shilling; a cow’s shall be five pence; an ox’s eye shall be worth

five pence; a cow’s shall be worth a shilling. There shall always be

given as barley-rent from one wyrhta (a measure of land) six pounds.

(67) If a man agree for a yard of land,[6] or more, at a fixed rent,

and plough it; if the lord desire to raise the land to him to service

and to rent, he need not take it upon him, if the lord do not give him

a dwelling, and let him lose the crop.

(69) A sheep shall go with its fleece until Midsummer, or let the

fleece be paid for with two pence.

ALFRED’S DOOMS

(King of England, 871-901.) (Ibid. p. 20)

[Alfred’s Dooms begin with the Ten Commandments and other regulations

taken from the Old Testament.]

(15) He who stealeth a freeman and selleth him, and if it be proved

against him so that he cannot clear himself; let him perish by death.

(16) If anyone smite his neighbour with a stone or with his fist, and

he nevertheless can go out with a staff, let him get a leech, and work

his work while that himself may not.

(19) If anyone thrust out another’s eye, let him give his own for it;

tooth for tooth; hand for hand; foot for foot; burning for burning;

wound for wound; stripe for stripe.

(22) If anyone dig a water-pit, or open one that is shut up, and close

it not again; let him pay for whatever cattle may fall therein; and let

him have the dead (beast).

(23) If an ox wound another man’s ox, and if it then die, let them sell

the (live) ox, and have the worth in common, and also the flesh of the

dead one. But if the lord knew that the ox had used to push, and he

would not confine it, let him give him another ox for it, and have all

the flesh for himself.

(24) If anyone steal another’s ox, and slay or sell it, let him give

two for it; and four sheep for one. If he have not what he may give, be

he himself sold for the cattle.

(30) The women who are wont to receive enchanters, and workers of

phantasms, and witches, suffer thou not to live:

(32) And let him who sacrificeth to gods, save unto God alone, perish

by death.

(36) If a man have only a single garment wherewith to cover himself, or

to wear, and he give it (to thee) in pledge; let it be returned before

sunset.

(39) All the flesh that wild beasts leave, eat ye not that, but give it

to the dogs.

(43) Judge thou very evenly: judge thou not one doom to the rich,

another to the poor; nor one to thy friend, another to thy foe, judge

thou.

(47) To the stranger and comer from afar behave thou not unkindly, nor

oppress thou him with any wrongs.

* * * * *

I then, Alfred, king, gathered these together and commanded many of

them to be written which our forefathers held, those which to me seemed

good; many of those which seemed to me not good I rejected them, by the

counsel of my Witan, and in other wise commanded them to be holden; for

I durst not venture to set down in writing much of my own, for it was

unknown to me what of it would please those who should come after us.

FURTHER SERIES

(12) If a man burn or hew another’s wood without leave, let him pay

for every great tree with five shillings, and afterwards for each,

let there be as many of them as may be, with five pence, and thirty

shillings as wite.

(34) It is also directed to chapmen, that they bring the men whom they

take up with them before the king’s reeve at the folk-moot, and let it

be stated how many of them there are ... and when they have need of

more men up with them on their journey, let them always declare it, as

often as their need may be, to the king’s reeve, in presence of the

gemot.

(36) Of heedlessness with a spear.

If a man have a spear over his shoulder, and any man stake himself upon

it, that he pay the _wer_[7] without the wite. If he stake himself

before his face, let him pay the wer. If he be accused of wilfulness

in the deed, let him clear himself according to the wite; and with

that let the wite abate. And let this be if the point be three fingers

higher than the hindmost part of the shaft; if they be both on a level,

the point and the hindmost part of the shaft, be that without danger.

EDWARD AND GUTHRUM

(Ibid. p. 71)

(7) If anyone engage in Sunday marketing, let him forfeit the chattel,

and 12 ores among the Danes, or thirty shillings among the English. If

a freeman work on a festival day let him forfeit his freedom or pay

wite.

(12) If anyone wrong an ecclesiastic or a foreigner through any means,

as to money or as to life, then shall the king or the eorl there in

the land, and the bishop of the people be unto him in the place of a

kinsman and of a protector, unless he have another.

LAWS OF ATHELSTANE, A.D. 925

(Ibid. p. 83)

Of Landless Men

(8) And we have ordained: if any landless man should become a follower

in another shire, and again seek his kinsfolk; that he may harbour him

on this condition; that he present him to folkright if he there do any

wrong, or make bot for him.

(9) He who attaches cattle, let V of his neighbours be named to him;

and of the V let him get one who will swear with him that he takes it

to himself by folkright: and he who will keep it to himself, to him let

there be named X men, and let him get two of them, and give the oath

that it was born on his property....

(10) And let no man exchange any property without the witness of the

reeve, or of the mass priest, or of the landlord ... or of any other

unlying man....

But if it be found that any of these have given wrongful witness, that

his witness never stand again for aught, and that he also give XXX

shillings as wite.

(12) And we have ordained that no man buy any property out of port[8]

over XX pence; but let him buy there within on the witness of the port

reeve, or of another unlying man: or further on the witness of the

reeves at the folkmoot.

(13) And we ordain that every burh[9] be repaired XIV days over

Rogation Days.

Secondly that every marketing be within port.

(14) Thirdly: that there be one money over all the king’s dominions and

that no man mint except within port.

And if the moneyer be guilty, let the hand be struck off with which he

wrought the offence, and be set up on the money smithy....

In Canterbury VII moneyers; IV the king’s, and II the bishop’s, I the

abbot’s.

At Rochester III; II the king’s, and I the bishop’s.

At London VIII.

At Winchester VI.

At Lewes II.

At Hastings I.

Another at Chichester.

At Hampton II.

At Wareham II.

At Exeter II.

At Shaftesbury II.

Else at the other burgs I.

(15) Fourthly: that no shieldwright cover a shield with sheep’s skin;

and if he do so, let him pay XXX shillings.

(16) Fifthly: that every man have to the plough two well-horsed men.

(18) Seventhly: that no man part with a horse over sea, unless he wish

to give it.

(24) ... And that no marketing be on Sundays; but if anyone do so, let

him forfeit the goods, and pay XXX shillings as wite.

(26) But if any one of my reeves will not do this, and care less about

it than we have commanded: then let him pay my oferhyrnes[10], and I

will find another who will. And let the bishop exact the oferhyrnes of

the reeve in whose following it may be....

All this was established in the great Synod of Greatanlea[11]: in

which was the archbishop Wulfhelm, with all the noblemen and witan....

Athelstane, king, makes it known: that I have learned that our

frith[12] is worse kept than is pleasing to me, or it at Greatanlea was

ordained; and my witan say that I have too long borne with it. Now I

have decreed with the witan who were with me at Exeter at mid winter;

that they [the Frith breakers], shall all be ready, in themselves

and with wives and property and with all things to go whither I will

(unless from henceforth they shall desist) on this ... condition, that

they never come again to the country ... now that is because the oaths,

and the weds, and the books[13] are all disregarded and broken which

were there given; and we know of no other things to trust in except it

be this.

ETHELRED, A.D. 1008

(Ibid. p. 119)

(13) Let Sunday’s festival be rightly kept, as is thereto becoming: and

let marketings and folkmotes be carefully abstained from on that holy

day.

CHURCH RULES

(Ibid. p. 472)

We have also seen often in the church, corn, and hay, and all kinds of

peculiar things kept;

Mass priest[14] ought always to have at their houses a school of

disciples, and if any good man desire to commit his little ones to them

for instruction, they ought very gladly to receive them, and kindly

teach them.... They ought not, however, for that instruction to desire

anything from their relations, except what they shall be willing to do

for them of their own accord....

Also we command those mass priests, who are subjected to us, that they

very earnestly [busy] themselves about the people’s learning: that

those who are learned in books frequently and zealously teach their

parishioners from these books, who may not be so far learned in books.

BOUNDARY DISPUTE SETTLED, A.D. 896

(Ibid., p. 139)

“In that year Ethelred, alderman, summoned all the witan of the

Mercians together at Gloster, bishops and aldermen and all his chief

men, and did that with the knowledge and leave of King Alfred....

Then bishop Werferth made known to the ‘witan’ that almost all the

woodland had been reft from him that belonged to Woodchester which

king Ethelbald gave to Worcester in perpetual alms, as mastland and

woodland, to bishop Wilferth ... and then Aethelwald [the occupier]

forthwith declared that he would not oppose the right.... And so very

mildly gave it up to the bishop, and ordered his ‘geneat’ named Eclaf,

to ride with the townsmen’s priest, named Wulfhere; and he then led

him along all the boundaries as he read them to him from the old books

how king Ethelbald had before increased and given it. Then, however,

Aethelwald desired of the bishop and the convent that they would kindly

allow him to enjoy it while he lived, and Allmund his son; and they

would hold it in fee of him and the convent; and, he never, nor either

of them would bereave him of the pannage right, which he had allowed

him in Longridge, for the time in which God gave it to him.... So did

the witan of the Mercians declare it in the ‘gemot’; and showed him the

charters of the land.... And thus the townsmen’s priest rode it, and

Aethelwald’s ‘geneat’ with him.... Thus did Aethelwald’s man point out

to him the boundaries as the old charters directed and indicated.”

MANORIAL SYSTEM

FITZHERBERT’S ACCOUNT OF THE RISE OF MANORS

(Sir A. Fitzherbert, Book of Husbandry; Cunningham, _Growth of English

Industry and Commerce_. App. 1, Edition 1882.)

Customary tenants are those that hold their lands of their lord by

copy of court roll, after the custom of the manor. And there be many

tenants within the same manor, that have no copies and yet hold by like

Custom and service at the will of the lord. And in mine opinion it

began soon after the Conquest, when William Conqueror had conquered the

Realm he rewarded all those that came with him, in his voyage royal,

according to their degree. And to honourable men he gave lordships,

manors, lands and tenements with all the inhabitants, men and women,

dwelling in the same, to do with them at their pleasure. And those

honourable men thought that they must needs have servants and tenants,

and their lands occupied with tillage. Wherefore they pardoned the

inhabitants of their lives, and caused them to do all manner of

service, that was to be done, was it never so vile, and caused them

to occupy their lands and tenements in tillage and took of them such

rents, customs and services as it pleased them to have. And also took

all their goods and cattle at all times at their pleasure, and called

them their bondmen, and since that time many noblemen, both spiritual

and temporal, of their godly disposition, have made to divers of the

said bondmen manumissions and granted them freedom and liberty....

Howbeit, in some places, the bondmen continue as yet the which me

seemeth is the greatest inconvenience that now is suffered by the law,

that is to have any christian bounden to another and to have the rule

of his body, lands or goods, that his wife, children and servants have

laboured for all their lifetime to be so taken, like as an it were

extortion or bribery.

And many times by colour thereof there be many freemen taken as

bondmen, and their lands and goods taken from them, so that they shall

not be able to sue for remedy to prove themselves free of blood. And

that is most commonly when the freemen have the same name as the

bondmen, or that his ancestors, of whom he is come, was manumized

before his birth. In such case there cannot be too great a punishment.

In many lordships there is a customary roll between a lord and his

tenants, and it ought to be indented, one part to remain in the lord’s

keeping, the other part with the tenants and divers true copies to

be made of the same, that the rents and customs run not out of

remembrance. And also a suit roll to call all those by name, that oweth

any suit to the lord’s court and then shall there be no concealment

of the suitors, but that the steward may know who is not there, and

if any suitors decease, the name of his next heir would be entered

into the same roll, and an enquiry made, and presented, what he held

of the lords and by what rents, customs and services of every parcel

by itself, and who is his next heir, and of what age he is of, and

this truly done and entered into the roll, it would be a conveyance of

descent ... and profitable to the lords and also to the tenants.

BATTLE ABBEY CUSTUMALS

(_Custumals of Battle Abbey_, Ed., S. R. Scargill-Bird. Camden Society,

New Series, 41)

MANOR OF ALSISTUN, SUSSEX (p. XVIII)

The reeve held one virgate for which he rendered no service so long as

he kept his office.

CUSTOMARY TENANTS

Services due from each half hide

Every half hide owed to the lord, on every working day, the services of

one man, to do whatever should be required of him;

If thrashing was required three men ought to thrash in a day half a

seam and half a bushel [i.e. 4½ bushels] of corn, or two men ½ seam of

barley, or each man 6 bushels of oats; and of beans and vetches the

same quantity as of corn; They were to thrash in whatever barn they

might be directed to do (within the manor) and to winnow what they had

thrashed and carry it to the granary, and if it were far to the granary

to employ their cattle in carrying it;

If ditching was required two men were to make in a day 1 perch of new

ditch, 5 feet in width, or each man to repair 1 perch of old;

If other work was required of them they were to work until their

fellows had finished their work in the barn;

In ploughing and harrowing they were to work until it was time to

unharness the plough.

When they had to break clods, to wash or shear sheep, to hoe corn, and

to mow or gather hay, they were to work the whole day except the dinner

hour;

In addition to the ordinary daywork each ½ hide was to find a man for

one day to gather the hay; and also a man to mow and cock hay for one

day; and they were to carry the whole of the hay, each half hide with

two oxen;

If necessary each half hide was to find two men to reap in the lord’s

field, receiving therefor every tenth sheaf,--or if the lord should

prefer it, each half hide was to reap in a day an acre of corn or oats

or half an acre of barley or vetches with as many men as they chose,

receiving every tenth sheaf;

They were to carry all the corn, each half hide with two oxen;

Also each half hide was to find two men and two oxen to cart manure

till it was all carted away;

To plough one acre for corn once and to sow half of it, providing the

seed;

To plough one acre for barley twice, and two acres for oats once, to

carry the seed for the same from the granary to the field, and to

harrow the same;

Every half hide was also to carry 4 loads of wood yearly to the lord’s

hearth, and when he was building, a cartload of timber;

If it were necessary to fetch grain from Seford or elsewhere near, each

half hide was to go with one beast twice a day or if further, once a

day, such service being reckoned as one day’s work;

Each was also to provide and make four rafters with the appurtenances,

and the roofing for the lord’s sheepcote except with great timber, this

being reckoned as two day’s work;

Also to carry to Battle every Monday; if however the tenant’s mare was

dead or foaling, he was to be quit from one averagium but he was to

work instead.

DUTIES OF FOUR COTTARS (p. XX)

From Michaelmas to hoeing time to perform two days’ work a week, namely

on Monday and Wednesday; and (as they say) do no other works except to

thrash, to break clods, and to spread hay when necessary;

At Christmas each was to carry to Battle 12 hens, and at Easter 250

eggs, and they were to be free from work for twelve days at Christmas

and “a die Paraceves”, from Holy Friday to the octaves of Easter;

They were to hoe whenever there was anything to be hoed, to attend to

the sheepshearing, and at haytime and harvest each to find one man for

the whole time.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Tun, i.e., enclosure or township.

[2] Bot, i.e., amends.

[3] Wite, i.e., fine.

[4] Wed = Pledge against repetition of trespass.

[5] Pannage = Payment for right to graze swine in woodland.

[6] Yardland = 30 acres.

[7] Wer = Amount at which a man’s value to the community is reckoned.

[8] Port = Town not necessarily a sea-port.

[9] Burh = Fortified place, burg, bury.

[10] Oferhyrnes = Fine.

[11] Probably Greatley near Andover.

[12] Frith = Peace.

[13] Books = Written statements of property.

[14] Mass priest is any priest able to celebrate mass; used by Saxons

for parish priest.

CHAPTER II

GILDS

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Winchester

An example of full rights of self-government, the city electing its own

Mayor and other officers. Citizens are entitled to attend the moot,

but are already becoming a close oligarchy, “every worker” not being

admitted to the freedom of the city.

Note that shops are uncommon, goods are usually sold at booths erected

in market or street.

The “Great Gild” is the Merchant gild comprising all traders; the

various crafts have their own gilds but are subject to the Mayor as

representative of the Gild Merchant out of which in this case the

corporation appears to have arisen, the townhall being called the

Gildhall, and rules being enforced to maintain a high standard in

commodities sold. The town dues and regulations tend to check the

natural growth of industry and to restrict it in favour of freemen of

the city.

Bristol

Note here that the crafts are clearly subjected to the Mayor of

a Merchant Gild, who has also acquired the right to hold view of

frank-pledge, etc.

The Gild of Fullers shows the importance in mediæval gilds attached

to keeping up a sound standard of work and value. Thus in addition

to protecting their own members as a Trades Union does, they also

protected the consumer and general public.

Adam of Gloucester

Here is a case of an outsider claiming the rights of a freeman and

resisting the town authority by pleading the king’s. Thus his case is

heard in the king’s court of Common Bench and not in either the Mayor’s

Court or the Shiremoot.

The extract from the _Hereford Iter_ appears to refer to the same

clothier. It illustrates the growth of a demand for written evidence,

the lawyer throwing scorn on the value of the tally, though tallies

had been commonly used at the king’s Exchequer. The reference to Law

Merchant should be noted. Edward I by the Statute of Acton Burnell in

1283 had established courts in certain boroughs in which merchants

might have merchant law for the recovery of debts.

Gild of St. Michael, Lincoln

This extract describes the normal doings of a gild, it is of special

interest that it insists on equality among its members.

Gild of Tailors, Exeter

Letters Patent, or Charters were often merely confirmations of an

already existing gild, sometimes probably dating from Saxon days

but having fresh occasion to fear interference on the part of a

neighbouring lord or the king, written records having now become

the rule in cases of tenure of property. Such charters were often

submitted to succeeding kings for confirmation, and where this was not

done Charles II was able to make large sums by calling in the ancient

charters. This record also shows well the efforts made to keep up

a good standard of work, and the extent of the jurisdiction of the

gild-authorities.

The Livery Companies

Stow’s account is inserted here to show the unbroken succession of

these voluntary associations from Saxon to modern days; though at the

Reformation they lost their religious character.

The later trading companies are closely akin to these, but lack the

main motive of mutual charity, though they too exist to co-operate in

work for which the individuals’ efforts would not suffice. The earliest

of them, the Merchant Adventurers, did actually begin as the religious

gild of S. Thomas of Canterbury, being joined by Flemings holding a

charter to trade from John of Brabant.

USAGES OF WINCHESTER

(Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_)

Summary

These be the olde usages of the City of Winchester, that have been

used in the time of our elderne, be and shall be to the franchise[15]

saving and sustaining.

The Mayor shall be chosen every year, by the four and twenty sworn men

and the commonalty.

There shall be four and twenty sworn men, for a Council to help the

Mayor: who shall attend him on summons.

There shall be two Bailiffs, who shall be chosen by the Commonalty, out

of four named by the Mayor and Twenty four, at the Michaelmas borough

moot.

Also four Serjeants to do the bidding of the Mayor and Bailiffs.

And two Coroners who are to act in the soke[16] as well as in the city.

The Bailiffs must every year lodge the plea rolls[17] for common use.

N.B.--The Twenty four must be impartial, and be careful in speech.

Makers of quilts and blankets must work within the city and pay an

annual tax for the houses where quilts are made. Every worker does not

become a freeman.

The price of burel cloth shall be according to the time of year.

Burel cloth shall be made by freemen of the town.

Blankets of given lengths shall be made of given breadths.

Blankets not made of the given lengths and breadths shall be forfeited.

No stalls to be in the High Street at mere will.

None but freemen may buy untanned leather or raw hides in the town, and

these not to be taken out of the town.

No fish nor poultry to be bought for sale before undern. (i.e., 9

a.m.). Victuals brought in for sale shall not be taken back unsold

without leave.

Regrators and engrossers shall be heavily punished. A rent of a

farthing to be paid to the king for every board on which fish is shown

for sale.

Every one shall pay a halfpenny to the king for every load of fish

that he puts out for sale.

Every non-freeman shall pay for every cartload of fish brought in,

twopence halfpenny: and for every horseload of fresh fish, a penny

halfpenny, and of salt fish a halfpenny.

[Similar regulations for bakers and brewers with rules as to the

quality of the food.]

No non-freeman may have a booth for sale of goods within the town.

Cheese, butter, grease, and smear pay the same toll as wool, half

weight counting the same as the whole.

Each sort of goods that ought to be weighed shall be brought into the

town. Misdoers shall be punished.

Six good men shall be chosen, three by the Commonalty, and three by

the Twenty four to gather in all king’s dues and town rates; who shall

yield an account thereof. An account must be given to the Six of moneys

gathered by the Mayor or others out of town. If any man find goods for

common use, it shall be put to his score, or the goods be returned.

When the time comes for the great Gild sale, men of good name shall be

sought, to gather the fees of the merchants.

Non-freemen shall pay to the bailiffs, at the town-gates, for every

cartload of corn coming into the town for sale, a halfpenny toll; and

for every horse load a farthing.

Steel or iron 2d. per cartload, 1d. per horseload. New saddles the

same, Millstones 4d. or 2d., Barrels 1d. or ½d., Tanned leather 2d. or

1d., Madder 2d. or 1d., Woad waxen 4d. or 1d.

Every cordwainer that has a shop shall pay to the king 6d. a year; and

to the clerk 1d. for registration.

The master dyers of the painters have a custom to choose two good men

who shall assay the goods of outsiders as between seller and buyer.

Every tanner shall pay 2s. a year for a stand in the High Street; and

to the clerk a penny.

Every seller of grease, smeare and tallow shall at Easter pay to the

king 1d. as smergavel.

Every shoe-maker using new ox leather shall pay at Easter 2d. as

shongavel.

The city has a Common Seal and authentic, with which the town charters

are sealed. An alderman keeps the charters for a year and a day. Three

days warning must be openly given of the sealing. Such charters,

unchallenged, are made good for ever by that seal. The sealers of

grants to have 6d. for wax and all.

There shall be three copies of the seal. Two of the Twenty four shall

keep two and one of the Commonalty the third. All shall be kept in a

coffer, set in a larger coffer having two locks; the keys of one lock

being kept by one of the Twenty-four, and that of the other lock by one

of the Commonalty.

[Rules of pleading in the courts of the city of Winchester follow.]

BRISTOL [later regulations]

GILD MASTERS SANCTIONED BY THE MAYOR

(Toulmin Smith, p. 420)

It hath been used, the Mayor to let summon all the masters of the

Bakers, Brewers, Butchers, and of all other crafts of the town, to come

before him, and then to go and assemble them at their halls and places

accustomed, to the election of their masters for the year following,

and thereupon to bring their said masters and present them before the

Mayor, there to take their oaths in the Mayor’s presence.

It hath been used, that within a month after Michaelmas Day, the Mayor,

Sheriff and Bailiffs of Bristol, to hold their Lawday in the Guildhall,

by the town clerk of the same town, there to call, first the whole

Council of Bristol, without any fines accepted for absence, and after

that to call all freeholders and common suitors upon pain of fines, and

then to call the constables of every Ward. And so to proceed to his

inquests.

PETITION OF THE GILD OF FULLERS OF BRISTOL TO THE TOWN AUTHORITIES (p.

284)

To the honourable and discreet sirs, the Mayor, sheriff, and all other

honourable burgesses of the Common Council of the same town, humbly

pray the Masters of the craft of Fullers of the said town: Whereas the

said craft has, of old time, had divers ordinances enrolled before

you of record in the Gihald of Bristol, in order to put out and do

away with all kinds of bad work and deceits which divers people, not

knowing the craft, from time to time do, as well in fulling cloths as

in “pleityng” and “rekkyng” and many other defects in the said cloths;

by which defects the town and craft are fallen into bad repute in many

places where the said cloths are put to sale, to the great reproach and

hindrance of the said craft.

Wherefore may it please your very wise discretions and honourable

wisdom, to grant to the said suppliants that all their good ordinances

of old time entered of record, and not repealed, be firmly held and

kept and duly put in execution; and that four good men of the said

craft be chosen by them every year, and sworn before the Mayor loyally

to present all manner of defects which hereafter shall be found

touching the said craft, with power, twice a week, to oversee such

defects, and, likewise to keep watch over the servants and workmen

of the same craft, within the franchise of Bristol, so that the said

servants and workmen should not take more wages than of old time is

accustomed and ordained.

And besides, discreet sirs, may it please you to grant to the said

suppliants the new additions and points below written, to the profit

and amendment of the said craft, and to the honour of the said town.

First, it is ordained and agreed that, each year four men of the craft

shall be chosen as Masters, to search every house of the said craft,

twice a week, and oversee all defects in the said cloths, if any

such there be; and to present them before you at the court; so that

whosoever does such bad work shall pay for the same the full price of

the cloth: one half to go to the town, and the other half to the craft,

without any pardon or release: and this, over and above all reasonable

amends made to the buyer of the cloths.

Also, the Masters of the craft shall not give more to the men of the

said craft than fourpence a day.... And if any of the masters pays

more to the workmen than is above ordained, he shall be fined each

time ijs; that is to say xij.d. to the commonalty, and xij.d. to the

craft. And if the men take more from the masters, they shall pay, each

time xij.d.; that is to say, vj.d. to the commonalty, and vi.d. to the

craft. And if the men are rebels or contrarious, and will not work,

then the four Masters shall have power to take them before the Mayor

and Court of Gihald of the town, to be there dealt with according to

law and reason. And moreover the said servants shall work and rest in

their craft, as well by night as by day, all the year, as has of old

time been accustomed.

ADAM OF GLOUCESTER

(_Edward I Yearbook; Pleas in Common Bench, p. 306_).

1292. “One Adam brought (suit against the town bailiffs) and said that

they had tortiously taken his chattels in the town of Gloucester, in

the high street, and had taken them away to their toll-booth in the

same town tortiously ... bailiffs of the town averred the taking as

good; by reason that the custom of the town of Gloucester is this, that

no one unless he be a freeman of the town may cut cloth in the said

town, but that he can only sell it by the piece; yet nevertheless Adam,

who is not a freeman of the town, came and cut his cloth in opposition

to the custom.... Adam put forward a charter which witnessed that the

king had granted to him that he might cut cloth in the same way as

other freemen.”

(_Edward I Yearbook. Hereford Iter._)

1292. One Adam demanded a debt by tally and offered suit.

_Counsel_ We do not think that he ought to be answered on a bit of

wood like that, without writing.

_Adam_ What answer you to the tally?

_Counsel_ Prayed judgment if he ought to be answered, inasmuch as he

offered suit, and then failed to produce it.

_Note_ 1. That one shall not be answered on a tally without suit.

_Note_ 2. Note that by Law Merchant one can not wage his law against a

tally; but if he deny the tally, the plaintiff must prove the tally.

GILD OF ST. MICHAEL ON THE HILL, LINCOLN

(Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, p. 178)

[Summary]

[The gild was founded on Easter Eve, A.D. 1350.]

On the death of a brother or sister within the city, not only shall the

Dean bring the four wax lights which are called “soul candles,” and

fulfil all other usual ceremonies, but the banner of the gild shall be

brought to the house of the dead, and there openly shown, that men may

know that the dead was a brother or sister of the gild; and this banner

shall be carried, with a great torch burning, from the house of the

dead, before the body, to the church.

On the eve of the feast of Corpus Christi, and on the eve of the day

following, all the bretheren and sisteren shall come together as is the

custom, to the gildfeast. At the close of the feast four wax lights

having been kindled, and four of the tankards which are called flagons

having been filled with ale, a clerk shall read and explain these

ordinances, and afterwards the [ale in the] flagons shall be given to

the poor.

If any brother or sister goes away from Lincoln for a year, not being

on pilgrimage, and afterwards seeks to rejoin the gild, he must pay

twelve pence: if away for two years, he must pay two shillings, unless

he have grace.

Whoever seeks to be received into the gild, being of the same rank as

the bretheren and sisteren who founded it, namely of the rank of common

and middling folks, shall be charged to be faithful to the gild, and

shall bear his share of its burdens.

And whereas this gild was founded by folks of common and middling rank,

it is ordained that no one of the rank of mayor or bailiff shall become

a brother of the gild, unless he be found to be of humble, good, and

honest conversation, and is admitted by the choice and common assent

of the bretheren and sisteren of the gild. And none shall meddle in

any matter, unless especially summoned; nor shall such a one take on

himself any office in the gild. He shall on his admission be sworn

before the bretheren and sisteren, to maintain and keep the ordinances

of the gild. And no one shall have any claim to office in this gild on

account of the honour and dignity of his personal rank.

If any brother or sister of the gild has fallen into such an ill

state that he is unable to earn his living, and has not the means

of supporting himself, he shall have, day by day, a penny from the

bretheren and sisteren of the gild, in the order in which their names

stand on the register of their admission to the gild; each brother or

sister giving the penny in turn out of his own means.

GILD OF THE TAILORS, EXETER

(Founded 1466 by charter)

(Toulmin Smith, p. 300)

Outline of Charter

By these Letters Patent, the King, for himself, his heirs, and

successors, so far as he has power, enables his lieges of the Craft of

Tailors in the City of Exeter, to establish a Gild of the men of the

said craft and others; to maintain and encrease it; and to choose a

Master and four Wardens. They may wear a livery, and hold meetings and

have feasts, and make such ordinances as they think best.

The gild shall be a Body Corporate, and have a Common Seal, and may

plead and be impleaded by the name of the Body Corporate. The Master

and Wardens shall control the gild, and amend the misdoings of any

of its members or their servants. No one shall have a board or shop

of that craft, unless free of the city; nor shall anyone be let join

the gild unless known to be good and faithful. The Master and Wardens

shall have a general control over the craft of tailors, and over others

joining the gild, and their crafts; and may, with the consent of the

Mayor of the city for the time being, amend all defaults found. None

else shall have such control, except the said Master and Wardens, or

the Mayor and his deputies. Given at Westminster, on the 17th November,

6 E. IV.

Examples of Control (p. 321)

(2) Md. that John Rowter received IIIj yerdes of brod cloth, blew, to

make Master Robert Rydon a gowne; apoun the wheche, the said Master

Robert complayned of lackyng of his clothe. And ther the gowne wasse

sene before the sayde crafte; and ther wasse fownde no cloth wasted,

but ther wasse dewly proved IIj quarteris of brod clothe convayed in

peces, as hit apereth by patrons [patterns] of black paper in our Comon

Kofer of record, at any time redy to shew, etc. ffor the said defense,

the sayde John Rowter summetted hym to the Master and Wardons and to

the felascheppe, the xxivth day of October, anno regni E. iiijti, xixo.

(4) Md, That John Walsche, aliis Kent, recevyed of Edmund Colchet

vj yerdes of blew osed to make hym a gowne; and so the sayde Edmund

complayned of spoylling hys gowne and lackyng of his cloth. And so

there wasse fownd no cloth stolen, but ther wasse fownd wasted the

valor of a yerd, and the gowne marred: ffor the whech fense, the M. and

Wardons juged yt the sayde Edmond shold take hys avountage agaynet ye

sayde John at the common law, ffor ye sayde John wasse neuer amytted

for a fre sower, and his M. disavoed hym yt he wasse not his foreman.

(5) Md, that John Skeche, setsayne and taylor of the Cyte of Excete

come before M. and Wardons, the xvj day of Marche, ao regni Regis E.

iiij ti, xxti; and ther complayned vppon Willam Spicer, tayler, for

wtholding of a potell pot of pewter, paysing [weighing] iiijti; Item,

for sowyng of a kertell wtoute slevis, and for the stuffe of a coler,

and settyng on. For the which fense aforesayde, the M. and Wardons

hath awarded yt the sayde Willam shall pay onto the sayde John Skeche,

in full content of all thyng, fro the begenyng of the world into this

daye, xvj.d. And the sayde John Skeche shall relesse hym of all sewtes

that ye sayde Skeche hath ayens the sayde Willam for all soche materis

a fore wreten.

(6) Md. of a warde y made bi the Maister and Wardons the xvjth day of

Jule, the yeere of the Reigne of Kyng Edward the iiijth, the xxjth,

betwene William Peeke and John Lynch his seruant; for that the said

William unlawfuuli chasted hym, in brusyng of his arme and broke his

hedd. And for that it was chuged, bi the said maister and wardons, that

the said William Peeke shuld pay, for his leche craifte, v.s.; and for

his table for a moneth, iijs. iiijd.; and for amendis, xvs.; and to the

craift, xxd. for a fyne for his mysbehaueng aynst the craift.

(8) Md. of won John Tregaso, wiche was swone to the Master and Wardonis

of the fraternite of Tayloris of Sent John Battyst in the Cite of

Exceter. That, not wtststandyng, the sayde John come before on John

at Well, that tyme beyng Mayre, and renonsed the sayde wothe, and was

for sworyn on a crucefex. Where a poun, the sayde Master and Wardonis

syud the same John a poun a purgery: and so, be the mene of gentyl

men and money, they were made acorde, and new swaryn to the Master

and Wardonys. And so the sayde John was send for, dyverse tyme to com

to durgeis, massis, and other dutyis, acordyng to his othe: the wiche

he absent hymself wt owte cause resenable. Where apon, the Master and

Wardonys fett hym owte of his howse, and brost hym to Tayleor Hall, and

there putt hym in a pere of stockys; and the (y) keped hym by the space

of a day and a nygte. Apon the wiche, John Mattheu and Thomas Penhale

ware bownde to the Master and Wardonys in xxti. li., that the sayde

John Tregaso shuld be of god beryng contynually fro this day forward,

the xvijth day of October, the reign of Kyng E. the iiijth, the xxjti.

Goods in the gild hall, 1504 (p. 327)

Here ffolwyth the ymplementes of the Taylorys halle, beyng wtyn the

place yn the yere, beyng Master of the occupacion Richard Chubb, ao

regni Hi spti xxo, of Exceter.

Md. that ther remayneth, fyrst yn the halle, a payntyed cloth at hye

Desse; ij lytell bynches by euery syde, on by the chymney, on nayled to

the walle; a planke tabell, wt ij trestelles, att hye desse; a tabell

yn the syde of the halle, and a furme; a bynch yn the yn sayde of the

tabell; also, yn the parler, a beddestede: also, yn the spence, a

tabell planke, and ij sylwes: also, yn the chamber next to the halle,

a longe coffer wtoute lockes or keyes, and a beddeste: also yn the

utter chamber, a bedde stede: also a brasse pott (a plater of pewter,

iiij quarters of a wyolet gowne for a woman, a broche wt a fote, ij new

torches but lytell burde), and iiij yndes of torches; a streymer and a

baner, a boxe wt iiij ewydence, wt iij other wretynges: and a seyalle

of sylver of the brotherredyis.

New Ordinance of 1531

Be it enacted, the fest of Saynt Marke, the xxiijth yere of the raigne

of King Henry the viijth, Thomas Hunt then beyng Master, that euery

mannys wief, after the deth of hur husbond, beyng a taillor, shall kepe

as many servaunts as they wille, to werke wt hur to hur use duryng

hur widowhode, so she bere scotte and lotte, yeve and yeld, wt the

occupation. And if be proved that the same seruaunts do werke not to

the only vse of his said Mastresse, but to his or their owne vse, beth

the Mastresse and the seruaunts euery of theym for euery [such offense

shall pay in fines] iijs. iiijd.

THE LIVERY COMPANIES

(Stow, _Survey of London_, Book V, p. 165.)

These Companies severally at sundry times purchased the King’s

Favour and License by his Letters Patents to associate themselves in

Brotherhoods, with Master and Wardens, for their Government.... And

such Liveries have they taken upon them, as well before as since they

were by License associated into Brotherhoods or Corporations.

For the first of these Companies that I read of to be a Guild,

Brotherhood or Fraternity in this City, were the Weavers, whose

Guild was confirmed by Henry the Second. The next Fraternity, which

was of St. John Baptist, time out of mind, called of Taylors, and

Linnen Armourers of London, I find that King Edward I in the 28th of

his Reign, confirmed that Guild.... The other Companies have since

purchased License of Societies, Brotherhoods, or Corporations in

the Reigns of Edward III, Richard II, Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI,

Edward IV, etc.... The Coverture of Men’s Heads was then Hoods ... in

the Guildhall, the Maior is ... pictured, sitting in his Habit party

coloured, and a Hood on his Head, his Swordbearer before him with

an Hat or Cap of Maintenance: The Common Clerk and other Officers

bareheaded, their Hoods on their Shoulders.... These Hoods were worn,

the Roundlets upon their Heads, the Skirts to hang behind their Necks

to keep them warm, the Tippet to lie on their Shoulder or to wind about

their Necks. These Hoods were in old time made in Colours according to

their Gowns.... But now ... they have used their Gowns to be all of one

Colour and that the Saddest.

THE COMPANY OF SKINNERS, A.D. 1598

(Stow, Book II, p. 201)

This Company of Skinners in London was incorporate by Edward III

therefore divers royal Persons were named to be Founders and Brethren

of this Fraternity, to wit, Kings six, Dukes nine, Earls two, one Lord.

This Fraternity had also once every year on Corpus Christi Day, after

Noon, a Procession which passed through the principal Streets of the

City. Wherein was borne more than one hundred Torches of Wax (costly

garnished) burning light, and above two hundred Clerks and Priests

in Surplices and Copes, singing. After the which were the Sheriffs

Servants, the Clerks of the Compters, Chaplains or the Sheriffs, the

Maiors Serjeants, the Councel of the City, the Maior and Aldermen in

Scarlet, and then the Skinners in their best Liveries.

Thus much to stop the Tongues of unthankful Men, such as use to ask,

Why have ye not noted this, Or that, and give no thanks for what is

done.

FOOTNOTES:

[15] Franchise = Free community.

[16] Soke = Land belonging to the city but outside the walls.

[17] Plea rolls = Record of appeals heard in the city courts.

CHAPTER III

MEDIÆVAL LIFE AND EXPLORATIONS

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Abbey of Croyland

(_a_, _b_, _c_)--

Chief interest social; illustrates origins of centres of civilisation

in Saxon England; foundations of abbey laid in same way as those of

Glastonbury British Lake village c. 300 B.C.; importance of abbey as

place of refuge from (i) floods, (ii) raids, (iii) lack of supplies; as

nucleus for growth of town, later prevented by Danish destruction. All

precincts would share in sanctuary right.

(_d_) Valuable instance of land granted in fee-farm, and farm.

(_e_) This oath of personal homage to King was an all-important

innovation and one of the reasons why Britain emerged from feudalism

early--France not before fifteenth century, and Germany not till

eighteenth century. This fact that Winchester was the capital of Wessex

explains the national treasure having been kept there till T. R. Henry

II.

(_f_) An exaggerated statement. The Norman ceremonies of knighthood

seem to have differed little. All these practices were included in

the full Elizabethan ceremony, which lasted two days. The custom

of conveying land by means of some symbol of it or of the service

returned, such as the transfer of a sod or a sword, was derived from

the practices of European tribes in the primitive semi-nomad stage.

The Burning of Croyland

The servants in the vill would be the tenants of the abbey, living

around it in their village huts, farming its lands and doing other

services. The roofs of monastic houses were either of thatch or lead.

Where lead was used the immense amount of it constituted valuable

plunder. This was a large item in the spoils made by the court of Henry

VIII on the dissolution.

Junior monks were under the charge of a novice, master or Librarian

and spent some time each morning between services in studying in the

north-west cloisters. Their books and rolls were kept in cupboards

built against the angle formed by the south wall of the nave and the

south transept, the most secure and dry spot available.

Astronomy was studied by the Arabs (cf. Psalms of David for Oriental

view of the heavens). These mingled with Italians when they held

the Mediterranean coasts, from about A.D. 700 onwards. The Emperor

Frederick II encouraged this intercourse and so Europe learned from

them the elements of mathematics, science and geography. Note that the

contributions for re-building the abbey are made in kind, showing the

use of barter to be still normal rather than currency.

Life of Abbot Ingulf

This life brings out forcibly the importance of Church intercourse in

promoting international relations and preventing insularity. Monastic

communities even in Britain were rarely if ever entirely British; they

were international hostelries and libraries, centres of international

pilgrimage and trade; often under the direction of a foreigner, e.g.,

Anselm, Stephen Harding of Citeaux; the Papacy thus also international.

Note the cosmopolitan company and the divers objects of the crusaders,

Norman monks and knights, German bishops, Genoese sailors, Christian

merchants, Syrians and Greeks.

The contribution rendered to William by Fontenelle is typical of the

feudal aid given on exceptional occasions.

Another noteworthy point is the reception of visiting monks at Croyland

for long periods and in great numbers.

Thirteenth Century Explorers

The reports of Carpini and Rubruquis shew a further development of the

travelling activity of the Church. Though less influential than the

explorations of the sixteenth century, these travels gave almost the

only information of the East after the Crusades. They are also valuable

illustrations of nomad life. Many children delight in such material as

M. Polo’s descriptions, the vivid colour of which is a useful relief

to the drabness of modern town life, wakening a sense of the wonder and

beauty of other existences.

ABBEY OF CROYLAND

(_Ingulf’s Chronicle of Croyland._ Tr. by H. T. Riley)

(_a_) Croyland consisting of fenny lands, it was not able to support a

foundation of stone; wherefore the king [Ethelbald] ordered huge piles

of oak and beech in countless numbers to be driven into the ground, and

solid earth to be brought by water in boats a distance of nine miles,

from a place called Upland, and to be thrown into the marsh. And thus

whereas the holy Guthlac had been previously content with an oratory

made of wood, he both began and finished a church, founded a convent,

enriched the place with decorations and lands. (p. 8.)

(_b_) [c. A.D. 892]. In years of drought ... [the abbots] put their

marshes into a state of cultivation ... and for three or four years

had fruit a hundredfold for all the seed sown ... the monastery was

enriched beyond measure in consequence; and so great was the abundance

of corn, that it was able to relieve the whole adjacent country

therewith; while, from the resort thither of countless multitudes of

needy people, the vill became very greatly increased (p. 107).

(_c_) [c. A.D. 1013] this year the inundations had increased to an

unusual degree in consequence of the frequent showers, and consequently

rendered the neighbouring fens, as also the marshlands adjoining

thereto, impassable. Accordingly all the population repaired thereto,

and infinite multitudes flocked to the spot; the choir and the

cloisters were filled with monks, the rest of the church with priests

and clerks, and the whole abbey with laymen; while the cemetery was

filled night and day with women and children under tents (p. 114).

(_d_) [A.D. 1085] ... in (account of) our settlement at Croyland,

no villeins, bordars, or socmen[18] are put down, as is the case in

our other lands; for, except through fear of impending war, few or

none would persevere in living with us. For, in the same way that on

war breaking out, all of the neighbouring country, rich as well as

poor, men as well as women, resorted to Croyland from every side, as

a place of refuge, so again on the serenity of peace being restored

by the Lord, all, returning homewards, quitted our monastery; our own

household of domestics, together with their wives and children, being

the only persons left; to whom ... I have lately demised a great part

of the marshes and meadows of the seat of our monastery, for a certain

annual rent, and the performance of other services; letting to some the

same to farm for a certain number of years, and conveying it to others

in fee for the purposes of cultivation.

DOMESDAY RECORDS

(_e_) The illustrious king William ... on his return to England [1085

A.D.] commanded everyone of its people to do him homage at London, and

to swear fealty to him against all men. He then proceeded to mark out

the land so that there was not a hide of land in all England but what

he knew the value and the owner thereof; nor was there a piece of water

or any place but what the same was described in the king’s roll; while

the rents and profits of the property itself, and the possessor thereof

were set forth for the royal notice by the trustworthy report of the

valuers, who were chosen out of every district to describe their own

neighbourhood.... This register was called the “Winchester roll,” and

in consequence of its containing in full all the tenements throughout

the whole country, received from the English the name of “Domesday.”

(p. 159.)

King Alfred had formerly published a register of a similar nature and

closely resembling it, in which he described the whole land of England

by counties, hundreds and decuries[19] ... this too was called the

“Winchester roll” because it was deposited and kept at Winchester, that

city being then the capital of his hereditary kingdom of Wessex....

In the later roll ... there were described, not only the counties,

hundreds, decuries, woods, forests, and all the vills, but throughout

the whole territory it was stated how many carucates[20] of land there

were, how many roods, how many acres, what pasture lands there were,

what marshes, what tenements, and who were the tenants thereof.

KNIGHTHOOD, C. A.D. 1066

(_f_) It was the custom among the English that he who was about to be

lawfully consecrated a knight, should, the evening before the day of

his consecration, with contrition and compunction make confession of

all his sins, before some bishop, abbot, monk or priest, and should

after being absolved, pass the night in a church, giving himself up

to prayer, devotion and mortification. On the following day he was to

hear mass, and to make offering of a sword upon the altar, and after

the Gospel, the priest was to bless the sword, and with his blessing to

lay it upon the neck of the knight; on which after having communicated

at the same mass in the sacred mysteries of Christ, he became a lawful

knight. The Normans held in abomination this mode of consecrating a

knight, and did not consider such a person to be a lawful knight, but a

mere tardy trooper and a degenerate plebian. (p. 147.)

And not only in this custom but in many others as well did the Normans

effect a change, for the Normans condemned the English method of

executing deeds; which up to the time of King Edward had been confirmed

by the subscription of the faithful present, with golden crosses and

other sacred signs, and which chirographs[21] they were in the habit

of calling charters. The Normans were also in the habit of confirming

deeds with wax impressions, made by the especial seal of each person,

with the subscription thereto of three or four witnesses then present.

At first many estates were transferred simply by word of mouth, without

writing or charter, and only with the sword, helmet, horn, or cup of

the owner; while many tenements were conveyed with a spur, a body

scraper, a bow, and some with an arrow. This, however, was only the

case at the beginning of this reign, for in after years the custom was

changed (p. 142).

BURNING OF CROYLAND ABBEY

(Ingulf, p. 197)

A most dreadful misfortune befell ... through a most dreadful

conflagration.... For, our plumber being engaged in the tower of the

church, repairing the rood, he neglected to put out his fire in the

evening; but ... covered it over with dead ashes that he might get more

early to work in the morning, and then came down to his supper.

After supper was over all our servants had betaken themselves to

bed, when after the deepest sleep had taken possession of them all,

a most violent north wind arose, and so hastened on this greatest

of misfortunes that could possibly befall us. For as it entered the

tower in every direction through the open gratings, and blew upon the

dead ashes, it caused the fire thus fanned into life, to communicate

with the adjoining timbers.... The people in the vill for a long time

perceived a great glare of light in the belfry, and supposing it was

either the clerks of the church or else the plumber busily engaged at

some work there; but at last on seeing the flames bursting forth, with

loud outcries they knocked at the gate of the monastery. This was about

the dead of night, when all of us, resting in our beds, were in our

first and soundest sleep. At last I was aroused from slumbers by the

loud shouts of the people, and hastening to the nearest window, I most

distinctly perceived, as though it had been midday all the servants

of the monastery running from every quarter, shouting and hallooing,

towards the church. Still in my night clothes I awoke my companions

and descended in all haste to the cloisters, which were lighted up on

all sides just as though there had been a thousand lamps burning. On

running to the door of the church and trying to effect an entrance,

I was prevented from so doing by the melted brass of the bells which

was pouring down, and the heated lead which in like manner was falling

in drops. Upon this I retreated and looked in at the windows and on

finding the flames everywhere prevailing, turned my steps towards the

dormitory ... of the brethren....

On recognising my voice, full of alarm, they sprang up from their beds,

and half naked, and clad only in their night-clothes, the instant they

heard the fire in the cloisters, rushed forth through all the windows

of the Dormitory, and fell to the ground with dreadful force; many were

wounded and severely shaken by the severity of the fall, and shocking

to relate, some had their limbs broken. The flames, however, in the

meanwhile, growing stronger and stronger, and continually sending

forth flakes from the church in the direction of the Refectory, first

communicated with the Chapter house, then they caught the Dormitory,

and after that the Refectory, and at the same instant the Ambulatory,

which was near the Infirmary. After this they extended their ravages

with a sudden outburst, to the whole of the Infirmary, with all the

adjoining offices. All the brethren flying for refuge to the spot where

I stood in the court, on seeing most of them half-naked, I attempted

to regain my chamber, in order to distribute the clothes which I had

there, among such as I saw stand in the greatest need thereof; but so

great was the heat that had taken possession of all the approaches

to the Hall, and so vast were the torrents of molten lead that were

pouring down in every direction, that it rendered it impossible for

even the boldest of the young men to effect an entrance.... (p. 199).

At this moment, the tower of the Church falling on its south side I was

so stunned by the crash, that I fell to the ground half dead and in a

swoon. Being raised by my brethren and carried to our porter’s room,

I was scarcely able, until morning, to recover my right senses or my

usual strength....

About the third hour of the day, the flames being now greatly subdued,

we effected an entry into the church, and water being carried thither,

extinguished the fire there, which had now pretty well burned out. In

the choir, which was reduced to ashes, we found all the books of the

holy office utterly destroyed, both Antiphonaries as well as Gradals.

On entering the vestiary, however, we found all our sacred vestments

and the relics of the Saints, as well as some other precious things

deposited there untouched by the flames, the place being covered with

a double roof of stone. Going upstairs into our muniment room, we

found that, although it had been covered throughout with an arching of

stone, the fire had still made its way through the wooden windows; and

that, although the presses themselves appeared to be quite safe and

sound, still all our muniments therein were burnt into one mass, and

utterly destroyed by the intense heat of the fire, just as though they

had been in a furnace red hot or an oven at a white heat. Our charters

of extreme beauty, written in capital letters, adorned with golden

crosses and paintings of the greatest beauty, and formed of materials

of matchless value, which had been there deposited, were all destroyed.

The privileges also, granted by the kings of the Mercians, documents

of extreme antiquity, and of the greatest value, which were likewise

most exquisitely adorned with pictures in gold, but written in Saxon

characters, were all burnt. The whole of these muniments of ours, both

great and small, nearly four hundred in number, were in one moment

of a night, which proved to us of blackest hue, by a most shocking

misfortune, lost and utterly destroyed (p. 200).

A few years before, however, I had of my own accord, taken from our

muniment room several charters written in Saxon characters, and as we

had duplicates of them, and in some instances triplicates, I had put

them in the hands of our chauntor, the lord Fulmar, to be kept in the

cloisters, in order to instruct the juniors in a knowledge of the Saxon

characters; as this kind of writing had for a long time, on account of

the Normans, been utterly neglected, and was now understood by only a

few of the more aged men.... These charters having been deposited in an

ancient press, which was kept in the cloisters, and surrounded on every

side by the wall of the church, were the only ones that were saved and

preserved from the fire.... (p. 201).

The whole of our library also perished, which contained more than three

hundred volumes of original works, besides smaller volumes more than

four hundred in number. We also lost at the same time an astronomical

table of extreme beauty and costliness, wonderfully formed of all

kinds of metal, according to the various natures of the stars and

constellations. Saturn was made of copper, Jupiter of gold, Mars of

iron, the Sun of latten, Mercury of bronze, Venus of tin, and the Moon

of silver.... Throughout all England there was not such another Nadir

known or heard of. The king of France had formerly presented it ... to

the library of the convent, both as an ornament and for the instruction

of the younger brethren, and now it was consumed by the voracious

flames and so annihilated.

The whole of our Chapter house was burnt. Our Dormitory ... our

Infirmary ... our Refectory ... the kitchens also adjoining, and the

hall and chamber of the lay brethren, with all the contents thereof,

were consumed by the fire. Our cellar also, as well as the very casks

filled with beer were destroyed. The abbot’s hall, too, and his chamber

together with the entire courtyard of the monastery....

A few cottages of the poor corodiers,[22] the stalls of our beasts

of burden, with the sheds for the other cattle, that stood at a

considerable distance, and were covered with stone, were the only

things that remained unconsumed. Besides the northern transept of the

church, from which the wind drove onwards with most impetuous force

towards the south, all the buildings of the monastery, and especially

those covered with lead, whether formed of wood or of stone, our

charters and jewels, books and utensils, bells and belfries, vestments

and provisions, were in a moment of time lost and consumed, myself, to

my most bitter sorrow, being then the head of the convent....

The news of our dreadful misfortune being speedily spread ... numbers

of our neighbours ... had compassion.... Remigius, bishop of Lincoln,

graciously granted an indulgence of forty days to all who should do us

any service.... He also gave us forty marks in money.... Lincoln sent

us one hundred marks. Richard de Rulos ... a most loving friend, gave

us ten quarters of wheat, ten quarters of malt, ten quarters of peas,

ten quarters of beans, and ten pounds in silver.

Haco of Multon also, at the same time gave us twelve quarters of wheat,

and twenty fat bacon hogs.... Elsin of Pyncebek also gave one hundred

shillings in silver, and ten bacon hogs. Ardnot of Spalding likewise

gave us six quarters of corn, two carcases of oxen, and twelve bacon

hogs. Many others also presented us with various gifts.... Nor should

among so many of our benefactors, the holy memory of Juliana, a poor

old woman of Weston, be consigned to oblivion, who, “of her want”

did give unto us “all her living,” namely, a great quantity of spun

thread, for the purpose of sewing the vestments of the brethren of our

monastery (p. 203.)

LIFE OF AN ABBOTT. ELEVENTH CENTURY

Now I, Ingulf, the humble servant of St. Guthlac and his monastery of

Croyland, a native of England and the son of parents who were of the

most beauteous city of London, being in my tender years destined for

the pursuits of literature, was sent to study first at Westminster

and afterwards at Oxford. After I had made progress beyond most of my

fellows in mastering Aristotle, I clothed myself down to the heels with

the first and second Rhetoric of Tully. On growing to be a young man, I

loathed the narrow means of my parents and daily longed ... to leave my

parental home, sighing for the palaces of kings or princes.... Just at

this time, William, ... who was then as yet duke of Normandy only came

over with a great retinue of followers to London.... Enrolling myself

in the number of these, I exerted myself in the performance of all

kinds of weighty business ... and becoming a very great favourite with

him, returned with him to Normandy (p. 147).

Being there appointed his secretary, at my own will I ruled the whole

of the duke’s court, incurring thereby the envy of some.... Just then

it was noised about ... that many archbishops of the Empire, together

with some other of the princes of the land, were desirous ... to

proceed on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

Upon this several of the household of the duke, both knights as well as

clerks, among whom I was the first and foremost, with the ... goodwill

of our master, the duke ... taking the road for Germany, being more

than thirty horsemen in number ... joined his lordship of Mentz[23]....

In company with their lordships, the bishops, there were reckoned

seven thousand persons, who prosperously traversed various regions,

and at last arrived at Constantinople. Here, addressing our prayers

to its emperor, Alexius[24], we saw the Saint Sophia, and kissed its

sanctuaries, so infinite in number.

Departing thence and taking our way through Lycia, we fell into the

hands of Arabian robbers, and being plundered of an immense amount

of money, and many of us being put to death, only escaped with the

greatest difficulty and at the extreme peril of our lives, and at

length joyously made our entrance into the much longed for city of

Jerusalem.

We were received by Sophronius, the then Patriarch, a man venerable for

his grey hairs, and most holy and most upright, with a great crash of

cymbals and an immense blaze of torches at the most divine church of

the most Holy Sepulchre, a solemn procession being formed of Latins as

well as Syrians. What prayers we here uttered, what tears we shed, what

sighs we heaved, the inhabitant thereof, our Lord Jesus Christ alone

knoweth ... (p. 148).

But some robbers of Arabs, who kept a watch upon all the road, would

not allow us ... to wander any distance from the city. Accordingly,

on the arrival of spring, a fleet of Genoese ships arrived in the

port of Joppa. On board of these we all embarked, after the Christian

merchants had exchanged their wares throughout the maritime cities ...

and so committed ourselves to the sea. After being tossed by waves

and storms innumerable we arrived at last at Brundusium, and then

making a prosperous journey through Apulia, repaired to Rome.... Then

the archbishops and other princes of the Empire returned to Germany,

taking the way to the right, while we turned to the left on our way

to France, taking leave of each other, with kind words and kisses of

inexpressible fervency on both sides. And thus at last, instead of

our number of thirty horsemen, who took our departure from Normandy

in excellent condition, hardly twenty returned, poor pilgrims and all

on foot, attenuated and famished in the extreme.... In order that I

might not in future be involved in the vanities of this world ... I

took refuge in the holy convent of Fontenelle.... At length, after not

a few years ... the lord abbot, Gerbert ... appointed me prior of his

monastery, bound as I was, by the ties of duty, to obey (p. 149).

At this time, my lord William ... was long waiting at the port of St.

Valery for a favourable wind, it being his intention to cross over, in

order to assert his rights. Thither I then repaired with the subsidy

offered by my lord the abbot, and ... presented twelve chosen youths,

on horses and supplied with arms, together with a hundred marks for

their expenses, as his contribution, on behalf of my father the abbot.

Being most abundantly thanked for so welcome a present, and having

obtained (the duke’s) charter of donation for ever to our house of ...

vineyards, ... overjoyed and exulting, I returned to our monastery....

In the course of some years ... king William, sending a messenger

... to Gerbert ... to enquire for my humble self ... placed me, with

mingled feelings, of extreme sorrow at assuming such a heavy burden of

responsibility, and of extreme delight at seeing myself transferred to

my native soil ... in the church of Croyland.... I was installed there

in the year of our Lord, 1076 (p. 150).

I found in this monastery [of Croyland] of which, by the will of God I

am a servant, sixty-two monks, of whom four were lay brethren, besides

monks of other monasteries, who were making profession of the monastic

life there, together with those of our chapter. All these when they

came, had stalls in our choir, seats in our refectory, and beds in our

dormitory. These, too, exceeded one hundred in number, and just when

they pleased, some after the expiration of half a year, and some after

a whole year, they returned to their own monasteries; and this, more

especially in time of war ... so did they flock from every quarter to

Croyland (p. 152).

EXPLORATIONS

_The Voyage of Johannes de Plano Carpini into the North East parts of

the World, in the year of our Lord, 1246._

(Hakluyt Soc., _Carpini and Rubruquis_, Beasley, p. 107)

Chapter II

About this time also, Pope Innocent the Fourth sent Friar Ascelline,

being one of the order of the Praedicants, together with three other

Friars ... with letters apostolical unto the Tartars camp: wherein he

exhorted them to give over their bloody slaughter of mankind, and to

receive the Christian faith.... And at that very time also, there was

a certain other Friar Minorite, namely Friar John de Plano Carpini,

sent with certain associates unto the Tartars, who likewise (as himself

witnesses) abode and conversed with them a year and three months at the

least.

Chapter IV

The Mongols or Tartars, in outward shape, are unlike to all other

people. For they are broader between the eyes, and the balls of their

cheeks, than men of other nations be. They have flat and small noses,

little eyes, and eyelids standing straight upright, they are shaven on

the crown like priests.... Their habitations be round and cunningly

made with wickers and staves in manner of a tent. But in the midst of

the tops thereof, they have a window open to convey the light in and

the smoke out. For their fire is always in the midst. Their walls be

covered with felt. Their doors are made of felt also. Some of these

Tabernacles may quickly be taken asunder and set together again, and

are carried upon beasts’ backs. Other some cannot be taken in sunder,

but are stowed upon carts.

... They are very rich in cattle, as in camels, oxen, sheep and goats.

And I think they have more horses and mares than all the world besides.

But they have no kine nor other beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, and

other of their nobles do abound with silk, gold, silver and precious

stones. Their victuals are all things that may be eaten.... They drink

milk in great quantity, but especially mare’s milk if they have it:

they seathe milk also in water, making it so thin that they may drink

thereof. Everyone of them drinks off a cup full or two in a morning,

and sometime they eat nought else all the day long. But in the evening

each man hath a little flesh given him to eat, and they drink the broth

thereof. Howbeit in summer time, when they have mare’s milk enough,

they seldom eat flesh, unless perhaps it be given them, or they take

some beast or bird in hunting (p. 109).

Chapter IX

But the Mongols ... prepared themselves to battle against the Kythayans

[men of Cathay or China].... This is the first time, when the Emperor

of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chinghiz Cham [Khan] obtained the

Empire. But some part of the country, because it lieth within the sea,

they could by no means conquer unto this day. The men of Kythay are

pagans, having a special kind of writing by themselves, and (as it is

reported) the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament ... and they

worship One God. They adore and reverence Christ Jesus Our Lord, and

believe the article of eternal life, but are not baptized. They do also

honourably esteem and reverence our Scriptures. They love Christians

and bestow much alms, and are a very courteous and gentle people.

They have no beards and they agree partly with the Mongols in the

disposition of their countenance. In all occupations which men practise

there are not better artificers in the whole world. Their country is

exceeding rich in corn, wine, golde, silke, and other commodities (p.

115).

RUBRUQUIS’ ACCOUNT OF A JOURNEY FROM CONSTANTINOPLE INTO THE CRIMEA:

AND OF THE NOMAD TARTARS AND CHINESE

_The Journal of Friar William de Rubruquis_, A.D. 1253-5. (Hakluyt

Society. _Carpini and Rubruquis._ Beazley).

Chapter I

Then they put us to our choice whether we would have carts and oxen,

or pack horses to transport our carriages [i.e., luggage]. And the

merchants of Constantinople advised me not to take carts of the

citizens of Soldaia [Sudak, a Crimean port] but to buy covered carts

of mine own (such as the Russians carry their skins in) and to put all

our carriages, which I would daily take out, into them: because if I

should use horses, I must be constrained at every bait to take down

my carriages, and to lift them up again upon sundry horses’ backs and

besides that, I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen drawing the

carts. Wherefore, contenting myself with their evil counsel, I was

travelling into Sartach two months which I could have done in one, if

I had gone by horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by

the merchants advised so to do) pleasant fruits, muscadel wine, and

delicate bisket bread to present unto the governours of Soldaia, to the

end I might obtain free passage: because they look favourably upon no

man which commeth with an empty hand....

We took our journey therefore about the kalends of June, with four

covered carts of our own and with two other which we borrowed of them,

wherein we carried our bedding to rest upon in the night, and they

allowed us five horses to ride upon. For there were just five persons

in our company; namely, I myself, and my associate, friar Bartholomew

of Cremona, and Goset the bearer of these presents, the man of God

Turgemannus, and Nicholas my servant, whom I bought at Constantinople

with some part of the alms bestowed upon me. Moreover they allowed

us two men, which drave our carts and gave attendance unto our oxen

and horses. There are forty castles between Korsova and Soldaia every

one of which have their proper languages: amongst whom there were

many Goths, who spake the Dutch tongue ... they repair thither out of

all Russia for salt.... The third day after we were departed out of

Soldaia, we found the Tartars. Among whom being entered, methought I

was come into a new world.