of the young man carry two pots of liquor and some rice to the parents
of the girl, who accept the present, if they are favourable to the
match. If it is accepted, the future bridegroom's party renew the
proposal a year later by bringing five kunchams of rice, a new female
cloth, seven uddas of liquor, and a sum of money ranging from fifteen
to fifty rupees. On the following evening, the bride, accompanied
by her relations, goes to the village of the bridegroom. Outside his
house two poles have been set up, and joined together at the top by
a string, from which a gourd (Cucurbita maxima) is suspended. As soon
as the contracting couple come before the house, a tall man cuts the
gourd with his tangi (axe) and it falls to the ground. The pair then
enter the house, and the bride is presented with a new cloth by the
parents of the bridegroom. Opposite the bridegroom's house is a square
fence, forming an enclosure, from which the bride's party watch the
proceedings. They are joined by the bride and bridegroom, and the
parents of the latter distribute ragi (Eleusine Corocana) liquor and
ippa (Bassia) liquor. A dance, in which both males and females take
part, is kept up till the small hours, and, on the following day, a
feast is held. About midday, the bride is formally handed over to the
bridegroom, in the presence of the Janni and Mudili (caste elders). She
remains a week at her new home, and then, even though she has reached
puberty, returns to her father's house, where she remains for a year,
before finally joining her husband. In another form of marriage
among the Barang Jhodias, the bride is brought to the house of the
bridegroom, in front of which a pandal (booth), made of six poles,
is set up. The central pole is cut from the neredi chettu (Eugenia
Jambolana). At the auspicious moment, which is fixed by the Disari,
the maternal uncle of the bridegroom sits with the bridegroom on his
lap, and the bride at his feet. Castor-oil is then applied by the
bridegroom's father, first to the bridegroom, and then to the bride. A
feast follows, at which fowls and liquor are consumed. On the following
day, the newly-married couple bathe, and the ceremonies are at an end.
I am informed by Mr. H. C. Daniel that there is a custom among the
Porojas, and other classes in Vizagapatam (e.g., Gadabas, Ghasis,
and Malis), according to which a man gives his services as a goti for
a specified time to another, in return for a small original loan. His
master has to keep him supplied with food, and to pay him about two
rupees at the Dussera festival, as well as making him a present of a
cloth and a pair of sandals. The servant must do whatever he is told,
and is practically a slave until the specified time is over. A man may
give his son as a goti, instead of himself. It is also fairly common to
find a man serving his prospective father-in-law for a specified time,
in order to secure his daughter. Men from the plains, usually of the
Komati caste, who have come to the hills for the purpose of trade,
go by the local name of Sundi. They are the chief upholders of the
goti system, by which they get labour cheap. Mr. Daniel has never
heard of a goti refusing to do his work, the contract being by both
sides considered quite inviolable. But a case was recently tried in a
Munsiff's Court, in which a goti absconded from his original master,
and took service with another, thereby securing a fresh loan. The
original master sued him for the balance of labour due.
The language of the Bonda Porojas, as already indicated, connects them
closely with the Gadabas, but any such connection is stoutly denied
by them. The names Bonda and Nanga mean naked, and bear reference to
the fact that the only clothing of the women is a strip of cloth made
from setukudi or ankudi chettu, or kareng fibre. In a note on the
Bhondas of Jaipur, Mr. J. A. May informs us [109] that the female
attire "consists of just a piece of cloth, either made of kerong
bark and manufactured by themselves, or purchased from the weavers,
about a foot square, and only sufficient to cover a part of one
hip. It is attached to their waists by a string, on which it runs,
and can be shifted round to any side. A most ludicrous sight has
often been presented to me by a stampede among a number of these
women, when I have happened to enter a village unexpectedly. On my
approach, one and all hurried to their respective dwellings, and,
as they ran in all directions, endeavoured to shift this rag round
to the part most likely to be exposed to me." The Bonda women have
glass bead and brass ornaments hung round their necks, and covering
their bosoms. The legend, which accounts for the scanty clothing of
the Bondas, runs to the effect that, when Sita, the wife of Rama, was
bathing in a river, she was seen by women of this tribe, who laughed at
and mocked her. Thereon, she cursed them, and ordained that, in future,
all the women should shave their heads, and wear no clothing except a
small covering for decency's sake. There is a further tradition that,
if the Bonda women were to abandon their primitive costume, the whole
tribe would be destroyed by tigers. The shaving of the women's heads
is carried out, with a knife lent by the village Komaro (blacksmith),
by a member of the tribe. Round the head, the women wear a piece of
bamboo tied behind with strings.
In one form of marriage, as carried out by the Bondas, a young man,
with some of his friends, goes to the sleeping apartment of the
maidens, where each of them selects a maid for himself. The young men
and maidens then indulge in a singing contest, in which impromptu
allusions to physical attributes, and bantering and repartee take
place. If a girl decides to accept a young man as her suitor, he
takes a burning stick from the night fire, and touches her breast
with it. He then withdraws, and sends one of his friends to the girl
with a brass bangle, which, after some questioning as to who sent it,
she accepts. Some months later, the man's parents go to the girl's
home, and ask for her hand on behalf of their son. A feast follows,
and the girl, with a couple of girls of about her own age, goes with
the man's parents to their home. They send five kunchams of rice to
the parents of the girl, and present the two girls with a similar
quantity. The three girls then return to their homes. Again several
months elapse, and then the man's parents go to fetch the bride,
and a feast and dance take place. The pair are then man and wife.
In another account of the marriage customs of the Nanga Porojas, it
is stated that pits are dug in the ground, in which, during the cold
season, the children are put at night, to keep them warm. The pit
is about nine feet in diameter. In the spring, all the marriageable
girls of a settlement are put into one pit, and a young man, who
has really selected his bride with the consent of his parents, comes
and proposes to her. If she refuses him, he tries one after another
till he is accepted. On one occasion, a leopard jumped into the pit,
and killed some of the maidens. In a note on Bhonda marriage, Mr. May
writes [110] that "a number of youths, candidates for matrimony, start
off to a village, where they hope to find a corresponding number of
young women, and make known their wishes to the elders, who receive
them with all due ceremony. The juice of the salop (sago palm) in a
fermented state is in great requisition, as nothing can be done without
the exhilarating effects of their favourite beverage. They then proceed
to excavate an underground chamber (if one is not already prepared),
having an aperture at the top, admitting of the entrance of one at
a time. Into this the young gentlemen, with a corresponding number
of young girls, are introduced, when they grope about and make their
selection, after which they ascend out of it, each holding the young
lady of his choice by the forefinger of one of her hands. Bracelets
(the equivalent of the wedding ring) are now put on her arms by
the elders, and two of the young men stand as sponsors for each
bridegroom. The couples are then led to their respective parents,
who approve and give their consent. After another application of
salop and sundry greetings, the bridegroom is permitted to take his
bride home, where she lives with him for a week, and then, returning
to her parents, is not allowed to see her husband for a period of
one year, at the expiration of which she is finally made over to
him." In a still further account of marriage among the Bondas, I am
informed that a young man and a maid retire to the jungle, and light
a fire. Then the maid, taking a burning stick, applies it to the
man's gluteal region. If he cries out Am! Am! Am! he is unworthy of
her, and she remains a maid. If he does not, the marriage is at once
consummated. The application of the brand is probably light or severe
according to the girl's feelings towards the young man. According to
another version, the girl goes off to the jungle with several men, and
the scene has been described as being like a figure in the cotillion,
as they come up to be switched with the brand.
Widow remarriage is permitted among all the divisions of the Porojas,
and a younger brother usually marries his elder brother's widow.
The Jhodia, Pengu, and Kondhi divisions worship Bhumi Devata (the
earth goddess), who is also known as Jakar Devata, once in three
years. Each village offers a cow, goat, pig, and pigeon to her as
a sacrifice. She is represented by a stone under a tree outside the
village. A casteman acts as pujari (priest), and all the villagers,
including the Janni and Mudili, are present at the festival, which
winds up with a feast and drink. The Bondas worship Takurani in the
months of Chaitra and Magho, and the festival includes the sacrifice
of animals. "Their religious ceremonies," Mr. May writes, "consist
in offerings to some nameless deity, or to the memory of deceased
relations. At each of the principal villages, the Bhondas congregate
once a year in some spot conveniently situated for their orgies, when
a chicken, a few eggs, and a pig or goat are offered, after which they
retire to their houses, and next day assemble again, when the salop
juice is freely imbibed till the intoxicating effects have thoroughly
roused their pugnacity. The process of cudgelling one another with the
branches of the salop now begins, and they apply them indiscriminately
without the smallest regard for each other's feelings. This, with the
attendant drums and shrieks, would give one the impression of a host
of maniacs suddenly set at liberty. This amusement is continued till
bruises, contusions, and bleeding heads and backs have reduced them to
a comparatively sober state, and, I imagine, old scores are paid off,
when they return to their several houses."
The dead are, as a rule, burnt. By some of the Jhodia Porojas, the
ashes are subsequently buried in a pit a few feet deep, near the
burning-ground, and the grave is marked by a heap of stones. A pole
is set up in this heap, and water poured on it for twelve days. On
the fourth day, cooked rice and fish are set on the way leading to
the spot where the corpse was burned. The celebrants of the death
rite then take mango bark, paint it with cow-dung, and sprinkle
themselves with it. The ceremony concludes with a bath, feast, and
drink. Among the Bonda Porojas, some of the jewelry of the deceased
person is burnt with the corpse, and the remainder given to the
daughter or daughter-in-law. They observe pollution for three days,
during which they do not enter their fields. On the fourth day,
they anoint themselves with castor-oil and turmeric, and bathe.
Mr. G. F. Paddison informs me that he once gave medicine to the Porojas
during an epidemic of cholera in a village. They all took it eagerly,
but, as he was going away, asked whether it would not be quicker cure
to put the witch in the next village, who had brought on the cholera,
into jail.
A Bonda Poroja dance is said to be very humourous. The young men tie
a string of bells round their legs, and do the active part of the
dance. The women stand in a cluster, with faces to the middle, clap
their hands, and scream at intervals, while the men hop and stamp, and
whirl round them on their own axes. The following account of a dance
by the Jhodia Poroja girls of the Koraput and Nandapuram country is
given by Mr. W. Francis. [111] "Picturesque in the extreme," he writes,
"is a dancing party of these cheery maidens, dressed all exactly alike
in clean white cloths with cerise borders or checks, reaching barely
half way to the knee; great rings on their fingers; brass bells on
their toes; their substantial but shapely arms and legs tattooed from
wrist to shoulder, and from ankle to knee; their left forearms hidden
under a score of heavy brass bangles; and their feet loaded with
chased brass anklets weighing perhaps a dozen pounds. The orchestra,
which consists solely of drums of assorted shapes and sizes, dashes
into an overture, and the girls quickly group themselves into a couple
of corps de ballet, each under the leadership of a première danseuse,
who marks the time with a long baton of peacock's feathers. Suddenly,
the drums drop to a muffled beat, and each group strings out into a
long line, headed by the leader with the feathers, each maiden passing
her right hand behind the next girl's back, and grasping the left elbow
of the next but one. Thus linked, and in time with the drums (which
now break into allegro crescendo), the long chain of girls--dancing
in perfect step, following the leader with her swaying baton, marking
the time by clinking their anklets (right, left, right, clink; left,
clink; right, left, right, clink; and so da capo), chanting the while
(quite tunefully) in unison a refrain in a minor key ending on a
sustained falling note--weave themselves into sinuous lines, curves,
spirals, figures-of-eight, and back into lines again; wind in and
out like some brightly-coloured snake; never halting for a moment,
now backwards, now forwards, first slowly and decorously, then,
as the drums quicken, faster and faster, with more and more abandon,
and longer and longer steps, until suddenly some one gets out of step,
and the chain snaps amid peals of breathless laughter."
For the following supplementary note on the Bonda Porojas, I am
indebted to Mr. C. A. Henderson.
These people live in the western portion of Malkanagiri taluk,
along the edge of the hills, probably penetrating some distance into
them. The elder men are not in any way distinguishable from their
neighbours. Young unmarried men, however, tie a strip of palmyra leaf
round their heads in the same way as the women of their own tribe, or
of the Gadabas. The women are very distinctly dressed. They all shave
their heads once a month or so, and fasten a little fillet, made of
beads or plaited grass, round them. The neck and chest are covered with
a mass of ornaments, by which the breasts are almost concealed. These
consist, for the most part, of bead necklaces, but they have also one
or more very heavy brass necklaces of various designs, some being
merely collections of rings on a connecting circlet, some massive
hinged devices tied together at the end with string. They wear also
small ear-studs of lead. Apart from these ornaments, they are naked
to the waist. Round the loins, a small thick cloth is worn. This is
woven from the fibre of the ringa (Oriya sitkodai gotsho). This cloth
measures about two feet by eight inches, and is of thick texture like
gunny, and variously coloured. Owing to its exiguity, its wearers are
compelled, for decency's sake, to sit on their heels with their knees
together, instead of squatting in the ordinary native posture. This
little cloth is supported round the waist by a thread, or light chain
of tin and beads, but not totally confined thereby. The upper edge of
the cloth behind is free from the chain, and bulges out, exposing the
upper portion of the buttocks, the thread or chain lying in the small
of the back. It is noted by Mr. Sandell that "the cloth at present
used is of comparatively recent introduction, and seems to be a slight
infringement of the tabu. The original cloth and supporting string were
undoubtedly made of jungle fibre, and the modern colouring is brought
about with cotton thread. Similarly, the Bonda Poroja necklaces of
cheap beads, blue and white, must be modern, and most obviously so
the fragments of tin that they work into their chains. The women are
said to wear cloths in their houses, but to leave them off when they
go outside. It seems that the tabu is directed against appearing in
public fully clothed, and not against wearing decent sized cloths, as
such. The party I saw were mostly unmarried girls, but one of them had
been married for a year. When not posing for the camera, or dancing,
she tied a small piece of cloth round her neck, so as to hang over
the shoulders. This, as far as I could make out, was not because she
was married, but simply because she was more shy than the rest.
"Two houses are kept in the village, for the unmarried girls and young
men respectively. Apparently marriages are matters of inclination,
the parents having no say in the matter. The young couple having
contracted friendship (by word of mouth, and not by deed, as it was
explained to me), inform their parents of it. The young man goes to
make his demand of the girl's parents, apparently without at the time
making any presents to them, contrary to the custom of the Kondhs and
others. Then there seem to be a series of promises on the part of the
parents to give the girl. But the witnesses were rather confused on the
point. I gather that the sort of final betrothal takes place in Dyali
(the month after Dusserah), and the marriage in Magha. At the time
of marriage, the girl's parents are presented with a pair of bulls,
a cloth, and a pot of landa (sago-palm toddy). But no return is made
for them. The father gives the girl some ornaments. The married woman,
whom I saw, had been given a bracelet by her husband, but it was not a
conspicuously valuable one, and in no way indicative of her status." In
connection with marriage, Mr. Sandell adds that "a youth of one village
does not marry a maiden of the same village, as they are regarded as
brother and sister. The marriage pit is still in use, and may last
all through the cold weather. A number of small villages will club
together, and have one big pit." In the case observed by Mr. Sandell,
three of the local maidens were shut up in the pit at night, and
five stranger youths admitted. The pit may be twelve feet across,
and is covered with tatties (mats) and earth, a trap-door being left.
"After childbirth, the mother is unclean for some days. The time is,
I gather, reckoned by the dropping of the navel-string, and is given
as eight to sixteen days. During that period, the woman is not allowed
to cook, or even touch her meals.
"These people say that they have no puja (worship). But at the time of
sowing seed, they sacrifice one egg (for the whole village) to Matera
Hundi, the goddess of harvest, who is represented by a branch of the
kusi or jamo (guava) tree planted in the village. The people have
no pujaris, and, in this case, the priest was a Mattia by caste. He
plants the branch, and performs the sacrifice. At the time of Nua
Khau (new eating; first fruits) a sacrifice of an animal of some kind
is also made to Matera Hundi. Her aid is, they say, sought against
the perils of the jungle, but primarily she is wanted to give them a
good crop. The Bonda Porojas are quite ready to tell the old story of
Sita (whom they call Maha Lakshmi), and her curse upon their women,
whereby they shave their heads, and may not wear cloths. It is stated
by Mr. May that a Government Agent once insisted on a young woman
being properly clothed, and she survived the change only three days. I
understand that this case has been somewhat misrepresented. The cloth
is believed not to have been forced upon the girl, but offered to, and
greatly appreciated by her. Her death shortly afterwards was apparently
not the result of violation of the tabu, but accidental, and due,
it is believed, to small-pox. The people whom I saw had not heard
of this episode, but said that a woman who wore a cloth out of doors
would fall sick, not die. But the possibility of any woman of theirs
wearing a cloth obviously seemed to them very remote. The Bonda Porojas
have a sort of belief in ghosts--not altogether devils apparently,
but the spirits of the departed (sayire). These may appear in dreams,
influence life and health, and vaguely exercise a helpful influence
over the crops. I did not find out if they were propitiated in any way.
"A dead body is washed, tied to a tatty (mat) hurdle, taken outside
the village, and burnt. After eight days (said to be four in the
case of rich men), the corpse-bearers, and the family, sit down to a
funeral feast, at which drinking is not allowed. A pig, fowl, or goat,
according to the circumstances of the family, forms the meal. This
is done in some way for the sake of the departed, but how is not
quite clear.
"The Bonda Porojas live by cultivation, keep cattle, pigs, etc.,
and eat beef, and even the domestic pig. They pride themselves, as
against their Hindu neighbours, in that their women eat with the men,
and not of their leavings, and do not leave their village. The women,
however, go to shandies (markets)."
Pothoria.--Pothoria or Pothriya, meaning stone, is the name of a small
class of Oriya stone-cutters in Ganjam, who are addicted to snaring
antelopes by means of tame bucks, which they keep for the purpose of
decoying the wild ones. They employ Brahmans as purohits. Marriage
is infant, and remarriage of widows is permitted. The females wear
glass bangles.
Pothu.--Pothu or Pothula, meaning male, occurs as an exogamous sept
of Devanga, Medara, and Padma Sale; and Pothula, in the sense of a
male buffalo, as a sept of Madiga.
Potia.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Oriya
mat-makers. They are said to be immigrants from Potia in Orissa, who
call themselves Doluvas. The Doluvas, however, do not recognise them,
and neither eat nor intermarry with them.
Potta (abdomen).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Potti (Tamil, worshipful).--Stated, in the Travancore Census Report,
1901, to be the name applied to all Kerala Brahmans, who do not come
under the specific designation of Nambutiris.
Pouzu (quail).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Powaku (tobacco).--An exogamous sept of Mala.
Poyilethannaya (one who removes the evil eye).--An exogamous sept
of Bant.
Pradhano (chief).--A title of Aruva, Benaiyto, Odia, Kalingi, Kevuto,
and Samantiya.
Pranopakari (one who helps souls).--A name for barbers in
Travancore. In the early settlement records, Pranu occurs as a
corruption thereof.
Prathamasakha.--It is recorded, [112] in connection with the village of
Koiltirumalam or Tiru-ambamahalam, that "a new temple has been recently
built, and richly endowed by Nattukottai Chettis. There is, however,
an old story connected with the place, which is enacted at the largely
attended festival here, and in many popular dramas. This relates that
the god of the Tiruvalur temple was entreated by a pujari (priest)
of this place to be present in the village at a sacrifice in his (the
god's) honour. The deity consented at length, but gave warning that he
would come in a very unwelcome shape. He appeared as a Paraiyan with
beef on his back and followed by the four Vedas in the form of dogs,
and took his part in the sacrifice thus accoutred and attended. All
the Brahmans who were present ran away, and the god was so incensed
that he condemned them to be Paraiyans for one hour in the day, from
noon till 1 P.M. ever afterwards. There is a class of Brahmans called
Midday Brahmans, who are found in several districts, and a colony
of whom reside at Sedanipuram, five miles west of Nannilam. It is
believed throughout the Tanjore district that the Midday Paraiyans
are the descendants of the Brahmans thus cursed by the god. They are
supposed to expiate their defilement by staying outside their houses
for an hour and a half every day at midday, and to bathe afterwards;
and, if they do this, they are much respected. Few of them, however,
observe this rule, and orthodox persons will not eat with them, because
of this omission to remove the defilement. They call themselves the
Prathamasakha."
Prithvi (earth).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Puchcha.--Puccha or Puchcha Kaya (fruit of Citrullus Colocynthis)
is the name of a gotra or sept of Boyas, Komatis, and Viramushtis,
who are a class of mendicants attached to the Komatis. The same name,
or picchi kaya, denoting the water-melon Citrullus vulgaris, occurs
as a sept or house-name of Panta Reddis and Seniyans (Devangas),
the members of which may not eat the fruit. The name Desimarada has
been recently substituted by the Seniyans for picchi kaya.