The foreign policy of Charles I during the eleven years of
autocratic rule which followed the dissolution of Parliament in
1629, was conditioned by his lack of money. His schemes were
ambitious and were obstinately pursued, and the charge that has
frequently been preferred against him of inconstancy and fickleness,
though it has a basis of truth, is on the whole unjust. Charles's
projects had to be frequently modified, because he found himself
without the means for carrying them out. In November, 1630, peace
was concluded with Spain. It was his dearest desire to see the
Palatinate restored to the Elector Frederick, and his sister, to
whom he was much attached, freed from the necessity of living as
an exile in Holland; but the cost of a military expedition to the
aid of the Protestants in Germany was prohibitive. He was also
suspicious of French motives and of the policy underlying their
alliance with the Dutch. Perhaps at this time the predominant idea
before Charles's mind was the restoration of the navy to a position
of supremacy in the British seas. His most earnest endeavours
were for some years directed to this end, but its attainment was
seriously threatened by the close bonds which united the powerful
fleets of the Dutch Republic with the growing naval strength of
France.
In these circumstances, he attempted to pursue his father's policy
of seeking to counterbalance the Franco-Dutch alliance by a good
understanding with Spain, through whose intervention with the
Emperor he hoped he might be able to secure for Frederick V some
portion at any rate of his ancestral possessions. In 1631 a treaty
with Spain for the partition of the Netherlands was actually
drawn up, but it came to nothing, and its failure was followed by
negotiations with Gustavus Adolphus. These also were fruitless, for
Charles was unable to offer the Swedish King the military assistance
without which the proffered alliance had no value. Hopes, however,
no doubt lingered in Charles's mind that the phenomenal success of
Gustavus would lead to the restoration of the Elector Palatine to
his rights, but Gustavus was slain at Lützen (November, 1632), and
the disastrous defeat of the Swedes and their Protestant allies at
Nördlingen (August, 1634) gave a decisive superiority in Germany to
the Hispano-Imperialist forces. The Habsburg family alliance had for
the time completely gained the upper hand.
Charles, who had been tentatively making overtures to France, now
turned once more to Spain (October, 1634) with a fresh scheme for
the partition of the Netherlands, and though the time was now
past for any real change in Spanish policy, a treaty was actually
signed (May 1, 1635) by which the English King agreed to assist
the Spaniards with a naval force against the Dutch. He had been
impelled to take this step from fear of French designs. The battle
of Nördlingen had had the effect of drawing the French and Dutch
nearer together in the common dread of a Habsburg predominance. A
treaty of subsidies was at once agreed upon, and it was followed
(February, 1635) by an offensive and defensive alliance between
the two powers. Both France and the United Provinces bound
themselves not to make a separate peace, and it was provided that
the Spanish Netherlands--the southern provinces, by the death of
the Archduchess Isabel, had in 1633 reverted to Spain--should be
conquered and partitioned between the two contracting parties.
Charles had therefore looked to a Spanish alliance as a counterpoise
to a Franco-Dutch supremacy in the 'narrow seas'. He hoped also
that he might at the same time secure favourable terms for his
nephew--Frederick V had died in November, 1632--in the Palatinate.
He was soon to learn by the publication of the Treaty of Prague
(May 30, 1635) that the Emperor had transferred the territory and
the electoral dignity of the Palatinate to the Duke of Bavaria.
Direct negotiations with Vienna, backed, as they were, by no force,
were barren, and Charles was compelled to see in the aid of France,
who had concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with the
Swedes, two months after that with the States, his only hope for the
furtherance of his nephew's interests. Richelieu had now definitely
ranged himself with the two leading Protestant powers in a league
against the house of Austria, and had pledged all the military and
financial resources of France to the task of carrying out the policy
of Henry IV, which a quarter of a century before had been rendered
abortive by the dagger of Ravaillac.
The States judged this to be a fitting time to send over to England
a special envoy, and Cornelis van Beveren, lord of Strevelshoek, was
selected for the post. He set out for London, March 19, 1636. His
instructions were to act in concert with Joachimi and the French
ambassador De Senneterre, in urging Charles to join in a triple
bond with the United Provinces and France for the purpose of making
a combined attack upon Spain. Van Beveren was to point out that
only by such a course could he lend any effectual assistance to his
nephew. It was hoped that Charles Lewis, who was now residing at the
English Court, would use all his influence in forwarding the objects
of the mission.
The negotiations, however, were doomed to take a very different
direction from what had been intended. On April 5 the Secretaries of
State, Windebank and Coke, came to Van Beveren with a communication
from the King. It was to the effect that Charles was preparing
to send out a fleet 'to preserve and maintain his sovereignty
and hereditary rights over the sea, and for the preservation and
protection of commerce', and the Dutch envoy was informed that
no one would in future be allowed 'to fish in the King's seas
without express licence and suitable acknowledgement.' So long a
time had elapsed since the last attempt at interference with the
Dutch fishing that all mention of it had been omitted from the
instructions of Van Beveren; it was hoped, indeed, that the question
would not be revived. On Van Beveren expressing his astonishment at
this sudden change of policy, and asking for the reasons which had
prompted it, he was referred to the recently published _Mare Clausum
seu Dominium Maris_, by John Selden, in which he would find a
complete exposition of the King's rights and of the object he had in
asserting them. This famous work, written originally, as the author
himself tells us, at the command of James I, to establish the claims
of the King to the exclusive sovereignty of the British seas, had
for some years remained unprinted. The attention of Charles having
been drawn to it, he read it carefully, and immediately commanded
its publication. Its appearance in December, 1635, had thus an
official character, for its principles and policy were henceforth
adopted by Charles, as matters demonstrated by irrefutable proofs,
and they were endorsed by English public opinion wherever Selden's
treatise, which rapidly passed through two editions, was read.
Van Beveren, seriously disturbed, at once wrote home for further
instructions, and his fears were not allayed when at an audience,
April 15, the King declined the proffered alliance, and expressed
his wish for a discussion of the question of maritime rights. His
dispatch at this very time of Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, on
a special mission to Vienna, showed indeed that he still trusted
to the result of direct negotiations with the Emperor. Arundel
had to pass through Holland, where his presence on such an errand
warned the Dutch that the attitude of Charles was anything but
friendly, and that grave dangers might be threatening them. In
these circumstances the States-General, leaving Van Beveren to
continue his negotiations in England, summoned Joachimi to the
Hague to consult with them as to the course it was best to take
should Charles persist in his purpose. They had need of his advice,
for May 10/20, 1636, a proclamation was issued by the King--'for
restraint of Fishing upon His Majesty's Seas and Coasts without
licence'--which plainly stated the King's intention 'to keepe such
a competent strength of shipping upon Our Seas, as may by God's
Blessing be sufficient, both to hinder further encroachments on
Our Regalities, and assist and protect those our good Friends and
Allies, who shall, henceforth, by vertue of Our Licences (to be
first obtained) endeavour to take the benefit of Fishing upon our
Coasts and Seas, in the places accustomed.'[38]
[38] See note G.
For some weeks no steps were taken to enforce the proclamation, but
on July 20 news reached Van Beveren that an English fleet of fifteen
vessels was ready to sail to the fishing-grounds with orders to
seize as prizes any boats that refused to pay the toll. To plead
for delay was the only course open to the Dutch envoy. He had an
interview with the King in person at Windsor, July 27, but was
able to effect nothing. Charles assured him that the object of the
fleet, so far from being hostile, was intended for the protection of
the fisher-folk especially against the Dunkirk pirates (from whose
daring attacks they had as a matter of fact suffered much during
the past few years), and that the payment of a small toll was but a
recognition of the benefit they would receive. With this doubtful
assurance he had perforce to rest content. On July 31 twelve ships
under Vice-Admiral Pennington actually sailed northwards, and
compelled the fishermen that they encountered--most of the boats
had already returned home, it being late in the season--to pay the
toll. No opposition was made. One of the captains of the Dutch
guard-ships had, however, in consequence of his protest against
these proceedings, been taken prisoner.
The Dutch Government on hearing this news took decided action.
Joachimi was ordered at once to return to England, and as soon as
possible to seek an audience with the King. Armed with instructions,
Joachimi accordingly left Holland, August 18, convoyed by a fleet
under Lieutenant-Admiral Van Dorp. He landed at Southwold, and
finding that Charles was at Woodstock he made his way at once to
that place. The interview took place September 3.
In accordance with his instructions the ambassador expressed their
High Mightinesses astonishment that an Armada should have appeared
in the midst 'of the poor fishers and herring-catchers of these
lands', and had seized one of the captains of the guard-ships and
caused such terror among the fisher-folk that the larger part of
them had fled and dared no longer pursue their avocation. His
Majesty was courteously requested to withdraw his demand for a
licence and to allow the fishers to ply their trade as heretofore,
and it was proposed that a conference should be held to consider
the fishery question in its entirety. Joachimi did not neglect
the opportunity of pointing out how closely the questions of the
fisheries and of the Palatinate hung together. Charles was unmoved
by these representations, and finally, September 9, declined the
proposal of a conference. 'There could be no debating', he said,
'about his Majesty's rights already confirmed publickly before all
the world'. The recognition of his rights was a condition which must
precede negotiation. After discussion with Van Beveren, seeing that
the situation was serious, Joachimi determined to return to the
Hague. His start was, however, delayed by various causes, and he did
not make his appearance before the States-General until November 22.
Meanwhile the aspect of affairs had not improved. Admiral Van Dorp,
who had in the middle of August convoyed Joachimi to England, also
had his instructions. He was first to sail with his fleet to the
fishing grounds to prevent any injury being done to the fishermen.
This accomplished, he was to blockade Dunkirk, and to destroy any
privateers or Spanish ships cruising in the Channel. His orders
were strict, that he was not to allow his ships to be visited or
searched, and during his blockade of Dunkirk he was to keep a
watchful eye upon the fisheries of the land and to protect them
against the Spaniards or any others who should wish to molest them.
These instructions were in fact a direct reply and challenge to the
proclamation of King Charles.
The Dutch herring fleet having recovered from their alarm had
ventured out, as was their custom, about the middle of September,
to the English coasts for a second catch of fish. The Earl of
Northumberland had been charged with the collection of the toll from
them. He had, however, at this time but three ships with him, and
learning that a Dutch squadron of sixteen sail was near at hand he
promptly sent for reinforcements. In response, twelve vessels were
dispatched from the Thames, October 8. Actual hostilities, however,
did not take place. One large detachment of 'busses', not having a
sufficient convoy, was made to pay, the rest were left unmolested.
The English commander finding himself in the presence of thirteen
Dutch war-ships did not venture to attack them. Both sides showed in
fact more caution than aggressiveness. The authorities in Holland,
however, did not approve Van Dorp's attitude and conduct, and he was
requested to resign his command.
The course of events was fortunately to relieve a strain that was
rapidly approaching the breaking point. Charles's negotiations with
the Emperor had led to no satisfactory result. It was at last made
clear to him that by this means there was no hope of obtaining a
restoration of the Palatinate. Van Beveren seized the opportunity of
placing himself in communication with Charles Lewis, at this time
residing in London, with the hope of securing through his aid a
better understanding between England and the States. Charles Lewis
was only too willing in his own interests to act as intermediatory,
and his influence with his uncle was great. His mother, the Queen of
Bohemia, was at this time writing pressing letters to her brother
begging for his active intervention, and it was urged upon King
Charles that the assistance of the Dutch army and navy would be far
more valuable to him than any sum of money that could be extracted
in the shape of toll from the fisher fleet. On the point of the
toll the King showed himself not unwilling to yield, but not one
inch would he concede of his claims to the undisputed sovereignty
of the sea. If he withdrew his proclamation and allowed the Dutch,
as heretofore, freedom of fishing without licence, it would be in
compensation for services rendered in the cause of the Palatinate,
not as a right based upon ancient treaties and long usage. The
Dutch, on the other hand, were keenly alive to all that was involved
in any admission of such a dominion of the sea as that claimed by
the English King, and were determined not to grant it. On Charles's
side, however, financial difficulties at this time rendered any
straightforward course impracticable. The King had not the means to
fit out an expedition for the help of his nephew, and he hovered
hither and thither between divergent policies in the vain hope
that without recourse to a Parliament he could find some way of
furthering the cause of Charles Lewis, without involving himself in
an outlay that he was unable to meet. Scheme after scheme floated
before his mind, all of them equally visionary when confronted with
the stern realities of impecuniousness. From Ferdinand and Philip he
turned to Richelieu. The French armies were advancing in Lorraine
and Elsass, and were co-operating with the Dutch in the Netherlands,
and with the Swedes and their Protestant allies in Germany. For
awhile it appeared as if Richelieu were inclined to an English
alliance. In February and March, 1637, a treaty was indeed actually
drawn up. It is strongly suspected, however, that the Cardinal
was never in real earnest, and only wished to amuse the English
King with negotiations, and thus at any rate keep him back from
purchasing Spain's goodwill on the Rhine by an offer to take part in
a joint naval attack upon the United Provinces. Charles was quite
aware of the solidarity of the bond which united France and the
States, and that a French alliance implied friendly relations with
the Dutch. On February 13 therefore he sent the Secretary of State,
Coke, to Van Beveren, who was still in London, to reopen direct
negotiations. It was now proposed that there should be a combined
Anglo-Dutch naval expedition in which a French squadron should be
invited to participate, which, after driving the Spanish fleets
from the sea, should effect a landing in the Peninsula and dictate
terms to Philip IV. Meanwhile the King expressed his willingness
to allow the Dutch fishermen to pursue their industry along the
coasts of his kingdoms freely and without hindrance. During the
following season the English fleet would blockade the Flemish ports,
but would not appear on the fishing grounds nor make any demands
for licences. But with this latter concession the States were not
satisfied. Such an act of toleration implied that Charles maintained
to the full his claim to the undisputed sovereignty of the sea. He
would not during the time of the allied operations press his rights
to issue licences and exact toll, he only waived them as a favour.
Further than this he could not go. On the question of the _dominium
maris_, despite the earnest entreaties of Charles Lewis, he refused
any compromise. But on the other side there was no less obstinacy.
The Prince of Orange himself wrote (March 1) to Van Beveren, that
he was on no account to commit himself or assent to any terms
unless the proclamation concerning the fishing licences was first
withdrawn. With France the negotiations for an alliance appeared
to be proceeding smoothly, the treaty lay ready for signature, and
on March 4 Charles sent full powers to his ambassador at Paris to
conclude the matter. On the 23rd came the news that difficulties had
arisen, and that France also required that the proclamation should
be withdrawn, at least during the period of the treaty. But Charles,
though the negotiations still dragged on, absolutely declined to
discuss a question which concerned his rights and honour, and so he
now once more lent a not unwilling ear to the tempting offers made
to him by the Spanish ambassador. Spain was willing in return for
an offensive and defensive alliance against the United Provinces
to recognize the King's sovereign rights on the seas, and to hand
over at once the Lower Palatinate. They even went so far as to
promise the surrender of certain towns in Flanders as pledges for
the ultimate restitution of the Upper Palatinate and the electoral
dignity to Charles Lewis. It is extremely doubtful whether these
proposals were serious, in any case they were not seriously
entertained.
The mere prospect of an Anglo-Spanish agreement had, however, the
effect which Charles probably intended it to have in making the
French and Dutch more conciliatory. Negotiations were resumed,
and the fishery question by mutual consent was relegated to the
background. It was finally arranged that a conference should be held
at Hamburg at the end of June to settle the terms of a quadruple
alliance between France, England, the United Provinces, and Sweden.
Terms of peace were to be laid before the Emperor by the four powers
conjointly. In case of their rejection the King of England was to
declare war against Austria and Spain. Everything now seemed to be
working smoothly, and no one doubted that the conference would meet
and that its issue would be favourable. The Dutch fishermen had not
been interfered with, and such was the confidence in the States that
England had now finally thrown in her lot with the coalition against
the house of Austria, that instructions were sent to Van Beveren to
return home where his presence was required.
Nevertheless the Dutch after his recall did not show any eagerness
to proceed. Reflection made them doubtful about Charles's bona
fides. They misliked the high pretensions of the English to the
sovereignty of the seas, for in his insistence on this point the
King was but voicing the sentiment of his people. It was becoming
a really grave issue of practical politics. With astonishment the
Dutch learnt that Charles had even given a patent granting exclusive
rights of fishing off the shores of Newfoundland, and had forbidden
foreigners to fish in those waters without his licence, April, 1637.
If he claimed the right to do this, where was the line to be drawn?
Under pressure from their French allies, Charles van Cracauw, the
ambassador of the States in Denmark, was at length appointed to
represent the United Provinces at the Hamburg Conference, but his
instructions were not drawn up, and he continued to reside for some
time longer in Copenhagen. Throughout the whole of 1637 the Dutch
could not be moved to take any further steps in the matter. In the
letters of Hugo Grotius (at this time Swedish resident ambassador
at Paris) to the Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna many interesting
references are made to the attitude of the States, and it must be
remembered that Grotius not only had access to the best sources of
information, but had an unrivalled acquaintance with the question
which was uppermost in the minds of all Dutch statesmen, the freedom
of the sea and of the fisheries. On June 4, the very day after
the nomination of Cracauw as delegate for the conference, Grotius
writes:--
'The ambassador of the States in England informs me that the
Spaniards there have great power--that they wish that the
restitution of the Palatinate should be regarded as a certain
thing; that they promise aid for the safeguarding of the
possession of the sea against the Dutch. Would that these things
were not true! The same adds that proposals were made by the
Spaniards that after the death of this Bavarian the electoral
law should be altered, conditions were even offered by the
Spaniard to the English, if they could be dragged into war
against the Dutch Republic, which however I do not fear. For I
see that the action of the English is principally directed to
the aim of having their commerce into all nations free and to
deprive others of theirs. The Dutch had formed a hope that the
contest about the fishery would this year be at rest; but I see
that the English envoys, who are here [at Paris] hold that for
uncertain.'