I now come to the question of Ireland. When an emergency has arisen
which makes it necessary to put men of 50 and boys of 18 into the army
in the fight for liberty and independence--[Joseph Devlin here
interrupted]--"and small nationalities," the Premier resumed: Especially
as I am reminded, to fight for liberty and independence and small
nationalities, I am perfectly certain it is not possible to justify any
longer the exclusion of Ireland.
John Dillon--You will not get any men from Ireland by compulsion, not a
man.
The Premier--What is the position? No home rule proposal ever submitted
in this House proposed to deprive the Imperial Parliament of the power
of dealing with all questions in relation to the army and navy. These
invariably are in every home rule bill I have ever seen and are purely
questions for the Imperial Parliament, so that I am claiming no more as
a national right than was ever claimed in the House. The Defense of the
Realm act also was extended to Ireland.
The character of the quarrel in which we are engaged is just as much
Irish as English. May I say it is more so? It is more Irish, Scotch, and
Welsh than it is even English. Ireland, through its representatives at
the beginning of the war, assented to it.
Mr. Devlin--Because it was a war for small nationalities.
The Prime Minister--Ireland, through its representatives, assented to
the war, voted for the war, supported the war. Irish representatives and
Ireland, through its representatives, without a dissenting voice
committed the empire to this war. They are as responsible for it as any
part of the United Kingdom. May I just read the declaration issued by
the Irish Party on Dec. 17, 1914, shortly after the war began?
Mr. Byrne--We have had a revolution since then.
The Prime Minister--This is the Declaration of the Irish Party:
A test to search men's souls has arisen. The empire is engaged
in the most serious war in history. It is a just war, provoked
by the intolerable military despotism of Germany. It is a war
for the defense of the sacred rights and liberties of small
nations and the respect and enlargement of the great principles
of nationality. Involved in it is the fate of France, our
kindred country and the chief nation of that powerful Celtic
race to which we belong; the fate of Belgium, to whom we are
attached by the same great ties of race and by the common desire
of small nations to assert their freedom, and the fate of
Poland, whose sufferings and struggles bear so marked a
resemblance to our own.
It is a war for the high ideals of human government and
international relations, and Ireland would be false to her
history and to every consideration of honor, good faith, and
self-interest did she not willingly bear her share in its
burdens and its sacrifices.
It is not merely illogical that Ireland should not help, it is unjust.
If it were merely England's battle, the young men of Ireland might
regard that fact with indifference, but it is not. They are just as much
concerned as the young men of England. Therefore, it is proposed to
extend conscription on the same conditions as in Great Britain.
As there is no machinery in existence and no register has as yet been
completed in Ireland, it may take some weeks before active enrollments
begin. As soon as arrangements are complete the Government will put the
act into immediate operation.