CHAPTER XIII

EVOLUTION UNIVERSAL

_The Starting-point--Inorganic Evolution--What Spencer tried to

do--Summary of his Evolutionism--Notes and Queries--The Origin of

Life--Evolution of Mind--Ascent of Man--The Scientific Position_

Every attempt to describe how our world has come to be as it is must

begin somewhere. It must postulate an initial state of Being from which

to start any particular chapter in the story of Becoming. How the

simplest conceivable raw material began--if it ever began--the

evolutionist cannot tell.

_The Starting-point._--Spencer began as far back as his scientific

imagination could take him--with "formless diffused matter." With this

to start with, he utilised the "Nebular Hypothesis" of Laplace, which

showed how the planetary system may have arisen by the diffused matter

becoming aggregated through the force of attraction into different

centres. This theory has been corroborated and improved by subsequent

researches in thermodynamics and spectroscopy, and in a modified form it

is very generally accepted. The researches of Sir Norman Lockyer on

"Inorganic Evolution" (1900) and of M. Faye (Sur l'origine du monde,

2nd. ed., Paris 1885) have strengthened and broadened the foundation of

Spencer's Evolutionism; many inquiries point to the idea that matter has

a homogeneous constitution; and the recent revolutionary discoveries

centred in "radio-activity" have given new life to the view that the

eighty odd elements of the chemist have had a long history behind them,

and have evolved from simple homogeneous units. The alchemists' dream

seems to be coming true, for we hear whispers of the transmutation of

elements. "It may be true," as Prof. R. K. Duncan says in his _New

Knowledge_ (1905) "that all bodily existence is but the manifestation of

units of negative electricity lying embosomed in an omnipresent ether of

which these units are, probably, a conditioned part."

_Inorganic Evolution._--We cannot follow this fascinating new story of

inorganic evolution, but we wish to point out that the progress of

science since Spencer wrote his _First Principles_ has tended to justify

him in beginning with formless diffused homogeneous matter. Were that

work being written to-day, it would have to be entirely recast. It would

probably begin (as Prof. Duncan sketches) with units of negative

electricity, assuming motion and carrying with them bound portions of

the ether in which they are bathed, becoming corpuscles endowed with the

primary qualities of matter superimposed upon those of electricity.

"Corpuscles congregating into groups or various configurations

constitute essentially the atoms of the chemical elements, locking up in

these configurations super-terrific energies, and leaving but "a slight

residual effect" as chemical affinity or gravitation with which we

attempt to carry on the work of the world. These atoms, congregating in

their turn as nebulae and under the slight residual force of gravitation

condense into blazing suns. The suns decay in their temperature and

become ever more and more complex in their constitution as the atoms

lock themselves into multiple forms. We then see these multiple atoms

developing up into the molecules of matter to form a world. We see the

molecules growing ever more and more complex as the world grows colder

until we attain to organic compounds. We see these organic compounds

united to form living beings and we see these living beings developing

into countless forms, and, after aeons of time, evolving into a dominant

race which is Us" (_The New Knowledge_, pp. 252-3). Of course there is

both imagination and faith in Prof. Duncan's "We see," but no one at all

aware of recent advances will doubt that the scientific cosmogony is

evolving rapidly, and that its movement is towards a fuller revelation

of the Unity of Nature.

_What Spencer tried to do._--Spencer's aim was to show that "our

harmonious Universe once existed potentially as formless diffused

matter, and has slowly grown into its present organised state." He

sought to account for its growing "in terms of Matter, Motion, and

Force." Of course he was careful to explain that "the interpretation of

all phenomena in terms of Matter, Motion, and Force, is nothing more

than the reduction of our complex symbols of thought, to the simplest

symbols; and when the equation has been brought to its lowest terms the

symbols remain symbols still." His common denominator for all phenomena

was "Matter, Motion, and Force," but he also recognised a greatest

common measure--"the unknown Cause co-extensive with all orders of

phenomena," "the unknown Reality which underlies all things," "a Power

of which the nature remains for ever inconceivable," and of which

phenomena are merely the manifestations. But while he was technically an

abstract Monist, he was practically a "mechanist," believing that it was

feasible to redescribe all evolution in terms of mechanical categories.

The scientific ideal to which he looked forward is expressed in the

sentence: "Given the Persistence of Force, and given the various

derivative laws of Force, and there has to be shown not only how the

actual existences of the inorganic world necessarily exhibit the traits

they do, but how there necessarily result the more numerous and involved

traits exhibited by organic and super-organic existences--how an

organism is evolved, what is the genesis of human intelligence, whence

social progress arises?" (_First Principles_, p. 555). He looked forward

to a unification of knowledge, to "_one science_, which has for its

object-matter the continuous transformation which the universe

undergoes." "Evolution being a universal process, one and continuous

throughout all forms of existence, there can be no break, no change from

one group of concrete phenomena to another without a bridge of

intermediate phenomena."

_Summary of Spencer's Evolutionism._--Spencer drew up the following

summary for publication in Appleton's _American Cyclopaedia_.[10]

1. Throughout the universe, in general, and in detail, there is an

unceasing redistribution of matter and motion.

2. This redistribution constitutes evolution where there is a

predominant integration of matter and dissipation of motion, and

constitutes dissolution where there is a predominant absorption of

motion and disintegration of matter.

3. Evolution is simple when the process of integration, or the

formation of a coherent aggregate, proceeds uncomplicated by other

processes.

4. Evolution is compound when, along with this primary change from

an incoherent to a coherent state, there go on secondary changes,

due to differences in the circumstances of the different parts of

the aggregate.

5. These secondary changes constitute a transformation of the

homogeneous into the heterogeneous--a transformation which, like

the first, is exhibited in the universe as a whole and in all (or

nearly all) its details--in the aggregate of stars and nebulae; in

the planetary system; in the earth as an inorganic mass; in each

organism, vegetal or animal (von Baer's law); in the aggregate of

organisms throughout geologic time; in the mind; in society; in all

products of social activity.

6. The process of integration, acting locally as well as generally,

combines with the process of differentiation to render this change,

not simply from homogeneity to heterogeneity, but from an

indefinite homogeneity to a definite heterogeneity; and this trait

of increasing definiteness, which accompanies the trait of

increasing heterogeneity, is, like it, exhibited in the totality of

things, and in all its divisions and sub-divisions down to the

minutest.

7. Along with this redistribution of the matter composing any

evolving aggregate there goes on a redistribution of the retained

motion of its components in relation to one another; this also

becomes, step by step, more definitely heterogeneous.

8. In the absence of a homogeneity that is infinite and absolute,

this redistribution, of which evolution is one phase, is

inevitable. The causes which necessitate it are:--

9. The instability of the homogeneous, which is consequent upon the

different exposures of the different parts of any limited aggregate

to incident forces. The transformations hence resulting are

complicated by--

10. The multiplication of effects: every mass and part of a mass on

which a force falls sub-divides and differentiates that force,

which thereupon proceeds to work a variety of changes; and each of

these becomes the parent of similarly multiplying changes: the

multiplication of these becoming greater in proportion as the

aggregate becomes more heterogeneous. And these two causes of

increasing differentiations are furthered by--

11. Segregation, which is a process tending ever to separate unlike

units, and to bring together like units, so serving continually to

sharpen or make definite differentiations otherwise caused.

12. Equilibration is the final result of these transformations

which an evolving aggregate undergoes. The changes go on until

there is reached an equilibrium between the forces which all parts

of the aggregate are exposed to, and the forces these parts oppose

to them. Equilibration may pass through a transition stage of

balanced motions (as in a planetary system), or of balanced

functions (as in a living body), on the way to ultimate

equilibrium; but the state of rest in inorganic bodies, or death in

organic bodies, is the necessary limit of the changes constituting

evolution.

13. Dissolution is the counterchange which sooner or later every

evolved aggregate undergoes. Remaining exposed to surrounding

forces that are unequilibrated, each aggregate is ever liable to be

dissipated by the increase, gradual or sudden, of its contained

motion; and its dissipation, quickly undergone by bodies lately

animate, and slowly undergone by inanimate masses, remains to be

undergone at an indefinitely remote period by each planetary and

stellar mass, which, since an indefinitely remote period in the

past, has been slowly evolving: the cycle of its transformations

being thus completed.

14. This rhythm of evolution and dissolution, completing itself

during short periods in small aggregates, and in the vast

aggregates distributed through space completing itself in periods

which are immeasurable by human thought, is, so far as we can see,

universal and eternal: each alternating phase of the process

predominating--now in this region of space, and now in that--as

local conditions determine.

15. All these phenomena, from their great features down to their

minutest details, are necessary results of the persistence of force

under its forms of matter and motion. Given these in their known

distributions through space, and their quantities being

unchangeable, either by increase or decrease, there inevitably

result the continuous redistributions distinguishable as evolution

and dissolution, as well as all those special traits above

enumerated.

16. That which persists, unchanging in quantity, but ever-changing

in form, under these sensible appearances which the universe

presents to us, transcends human knowledge and conception; is an

unknown and an unknowable power, which we are obliged to recognise

as without limit in space, and without beginning or end in time.

And the universal formula of Evolution stands thus: "Evolution is an

integration of matter and concomitant dissipation of motion; during

which the matter passes from an indefinite, incoherent homogeneity to a

definite, coherent heterogeneity; and during which the retained motion

undergoes a parallel transformation" (_First Principles_, p. 396).

_Notes and Queries._--(1) It should be noted that Spencer never

suggested that he had explained the origin of things. On the contrary,

"While the genesis of the Solar System, and of countless other systems

like it, is thus rendered comprehensible, the ultimate mystery remains

as great as ever. The problem of existence is not solved: it is simply

moved further back." What he offered was a genetic description, and that

is all that the scientific evolutionist ever offers.

(2) In the strict sense Spencer was no materialist. "Though the relation

of subject and object renders necessary to us these antithetical

conceptions of Spirit and Matter, the one is no less than the other to

be regarded as but a sign of the Unknown Reality which underlies both."

"Matter, Motion, and Force are but symbols of the Unknown Reality."

"Only in a doctrine which recognises the Unknown Cause as co-extensive

with all orders of phenomena, can there be a consistent Religion, or a

consistent Philosophy." "Were we compelled to choose between the

alternatives of translating mental phenomena into physical phenomena, or

of translating physical phenomena into mental phenomena, the latter

alternative would seem the more acceptable of the two."

It is one of the difficulties of Spencer's system that even when he is

using physical concepts he is thinking of these not merely as symbols by

which to formulate the routine of our sense-experience, but as symbols

of the reality behind matter and motion of which we do not know

anything. He works with the concept which he calls "the persistence of

force," and when the reader is feeling its inadequacy to meet the

situation, he is bluffed by the reminder--"By persistence of force we

really mean the persistence of some Power which transcends our knowledge

and conception": "Asserting the persistence of Force is but another mode

of asserting an Unconditioned Reality without beginning or end."

(3) When an investigator in giving an account of a process insists on

using higher categories than the sequences appear to require, he is

guilty of "_a transcendentalism_," e.g., if he says that an instinctive

action is rational, or that digestion is a psychical process. Similarly,

when an investigator in giving an account of a process insists on using

lower categories than the sequences appear to require, he is guilty of

"_a materialism_," _e.g._, if he says that a rational act is simply a

higher reflex, or that digestion is simply a chemical reaction.

Therefore, although Spencer was not a materialist, we think that he was

guilty of gross "materialisms," of attempting to give a false simplicity

to the facts, _e.g._, in his attempt to trace the evolution of mind in

terms of the evolution of the nervous system, and in his universal

evolution-formula which is wholly in terms of Matter and Motion.

(4) By keeping throughout to mechanical categories, Spencer gives a

semblance of simplicity and precision to his evolutionism, and his skill

is such that the unwary reader is led gently on from orders of facts

where mechanical categories (if not Spencer's) do certainly suffice, to

other orders of facts--in immaterial evolution--where they seem

strangely irrelevant. But if the reader, having his suspicions aroused

by sundry jolts and jars in the onward sweep of the chariot of First

Principles, begins to inquire into the reality of the apparent

mechanical precision, he is likely to be disillusioned. Thus, at an

early stage, he may discover that Spencer uses the word "force" without

special definition in at least five senses,[11] which is not reassuring.

As we have no expertness in these matters, we would submit the verdict

of a recognised authority, Prof. Karl Pearson. One of Spencer's

principles is "the redistribution of force," which he states in the

following words:--

"A decreasing quantity of motion, sensible or insensible, always

has for its concomitant an increasing aggregation of matter, and

conversely an increasing quantity of motion, sensible or

insensible, has for its concomitant a decreasing aggregation of

matter."

In regard to this Prof. Pearson remarks: "This principle has, so far as

I am aware, no real foundation in physics... it seems, so far as I can

grasp it at all, to flatly contradict the modern principle of the

conservation of energy"... the keystone of Spencer's system.

(5) What has taken place since Spencer stereotyped his _First

Principles_ seems to us to have rendered it almost useless to attempt a

detailed criticism of his scheme of evolution--wonderful and stimulating

as it was and is. He spoke of his delight in "intellectual hunting," and

a great huntsman he certainly was, but the _venue_ has changed since his

day. He did not fully nor always rightly utilise the chemistry and

physics of his time, and we have now to deal with a new chemistry and a

new physics.

Mr J. B. Crozier speaks of Spencer as "of all thinkers ancient or modern

the one whose power of analysing, decomposing, and combining the complex

web of Matter, Motion, and Force is the most incontestable and assured."

He describes Spencer's system as "No mere logical castle built of air

and definitions, and assuming in its premises, like the systems of the

metaphysicians, the very difficulties to be explained, but a great

granite pile sunk deep in the bed-rock of the world, each stone a

scientific truth, and all so compacted and dove-tailed together that it

was difficult to find anywhere a logical flaw among their seams."

This is one view, but another will be found in Prof. James Ward's

Gifford Lectures on "Naturalism and Agnosticism," in Mr Malcolm

Guthrie's three volumes of criticism, and in several luminous papers by

Principal James Iverach.

When we think of the evolution of the world and all that is therein--of

a universal process of Becoming--we recognise that at an uncertain time

the earth was framed, that living organisms appeared by and by, that by

and by some of these exhibited mental as well as bodily life, and that

finally man emerged, a rational and social person. This is a convenient

and unified retrospect, but when we go further and say that all this

evolution is expressible in one descriptive formula whose terms are

mechanical, we are going further than our present knowledge warrants.

Even Spencer did not really carry his evolution-formula throughout, for

he admitted that "the development of Mind itself cannot be explained by

a series of deductions from the Persistence of Force," though he covered

his retreat by the suggestion that Mind is the subjective concomitant of

the objective nervous system which has been evolved according to

formula. But even if this _tour de force_ seemed legitimate, we should

still be unable to accept a universal formula of Evolution in terms of

mechanism. For we are not at present able to think of the facts of

bodily life in terms of mechanical categories. Thus, in short, when we

enter the chariot of Spencer's Evolution-formula, and attempt to make an

intellectual journey--"one and continuous" from the primitive nebula to

human society, we confess to suffering serious joltings. We must admit

that on that chariot at least we have never been able to arrive. Let us

refer briefly to three of the worst jolts--at the origin of Life, at the

origin of Mind, at the origin of Man.

_Origin of Life._--It is much to be regretted that Spencer "had to omit

that part of the System of Philosophy, which deals with Inorganic

Evolution. Two volumes are missing." The closing chapter of the second

volume was to have dealt with "the evolution of organic matter--the step

preceding the evolution of living forms." It is tantalising to learn

that he habitually carried with him in thought the contents of this

unwritten chapter, for it would certainly have been interesting reading.

He did, however, give us some hint of his views.

First of all negatively, Spencer did not believe in any alleged cases of

spontaneous generation; he did not believe that any creature like an

Infusorian could arise from not-living matter; he did not believe in an

"absolute commencement of organic life," or in a "first organism." But

just as the chemist is able to build up complex organic compounds from

simple substances, so Spencer supposed that organic compounds were

evolved in nature. He supposed the evolution of some substance like

protein, which is capable of existing in many isomeric forms, and of

forming with itself and other elements, substances yet more intricate in

composition. "To the mutual influences of its metamorphic forms under

favouring conditions, we may ascribe the production of the still more

composite, still more sensitive, still more variously-changeable

portions of organic matter, which, in masses more minute and simpler

than existing Protozoa, displayed actions verging little by little into

those called vital." By a continuance of the process, the nascent life

displayed became gradually more pronounced.

No one who is aware of recent achievements in chemical synthesis, or of

the recent "vitalising" of the concept of matter, or of the apparent

simplicity of life in its humblest expressions, will seek to foreclose

the question of the possible origin of living matter from not-living

matter. The conclusion which most biologists accept is, that while there

is no known evidence of not-living matter giving origin to living

organisms, this does not exclude (_a_) the possibility that this once

took place, or (_b_) the possibility that it may be made to take place

again. It must always be remembered, however, that there is a great gap

between a drop of living matter and an integrated living organism. We

may firmly say that if living matter was once evolved from not-living

matter, it must have been the outcome of long preparatory processes,

that if it occurred, we cannot at present suggest "how" except in the

vaguest way, and that if we knew it had occurred we should still be

unable to _explain the organism_ in terms of its antecedents.

_Evolution of Mind._--Spencer speaks of the evolution-process as one and

continuous throughout, but he felt, as other thorough-going

evolutionists feel, that the emergence of psychical phenomena is a

difficulty in the way of unified formulation.

"Let it be granted that all existence distinguished as objective, may be

resolved into the existence of units of one kind. Let it be granted that

every species of objective activity may be understood as due to the

rhythmical motions of such ultimate units; and that among the objective

activities so understood, are the waves of molecular motion propagated

through nerves and nerve-centres. And let it further be granted that

all existence distinguished as subjective, is resolvable into units of

consciousness similar in nature to those which we know as nervous

shocks; each of which is the correlative of a rhythmical motion of a

material unit, or group of units. Can we then think of the subjective

and objective activities as the same? Can the oscillation of a molecule

be represented in consciousness side by side with a nervous shock, and

the two be recognised as one? No effort enables us to assimilate them.

That a unit of feeling has nothing in common with a unit of motion,

becomes more than ever manifest when we bring the two into

juxtaposition" (_Principles of Psychology_, i. p. 158).

He concluded that "there is not the remotest possibility of interpreting

Mind in terms of Matter." Since our "ideas of Matter and Motion, merely

symbolic of unknowable realities, are complex states of consciousness

built out of units of feeling," "it seems easier to translate so-called

Matter into so-called Spirit, than to translate so-called Spirit into

so-called Matter, which latter is, indeed, wholly impossible."

The obvious difficulty, of which Spencer was well aware, is "how mental

evolution is to be affiliated on Evolution at large, regarded as a

process of physical transformation?

"Specifically stated, the problem is to interpret mental evolution in

terms of the redistribution of Matter and Motion. Though under its

subjective aspect Mind is known only as an aggregate of states of

consciousness, which cannot be conceived as forms of Matter and Motion,

and do not therefore necessarily conform to the same laws of

redistribution; yet under its objective aspect, Mind is known as an

aggregate of activities manifested by an organism--is the correlative,

therefore, of certain material transformations, which must come within

the general process of material evolution, if that process is truly

universal. Though the development of Mind itself cannot be explained by

a series of deductions from the Persistence of Force, yet it remains

possible that its obverse, the development of physical changes in a

physical organ, may be so explained; and until it is so explained, the

conception of mental evolution as a part of Evolution in general,

remains incomplete" (_Principles of Psychology_, i. p. 508).

Therefore Spencer passes to discuss the genesis of nervous systems and

nervous functions, and by treating Mind as a mere aspect or

epiphenomenon, eventually gets "an adequate explanation of nervous

evolution, and the concomitant evolution of Mind," the Ultimate Reality

being always postulated as the amalgam.

"See then our predicament. We can think of Matter only in terms of Mind.

We can think of Mind only in terms of Matter, when we have pushed our

explorations of the first to the uttermost limit, we are referred to the

second for a final answer; and when we have got the final answer of the

second, we are referred back to the first for an interpretation of it.

We find the value of _x_ in terms of _y_; then we find the value of _y_

in terms of _x_; and so on we may continue for ever without coming

nearer to a solution. The antithesis of subject and object, never to be

transcended while consciousness lasts, renders impossible all knowledge

of that Ultimate Reality in which subject and object are united"

(_Principles of Psychology_, i. 627).

_Ascent of Man._--Spencer was careful to say that it is not necessary to

suppose "an absolute commencement of social life" or "a first social

organism." But an ascent has to be accounted for however gradual the

inclined plane may be, and like the origin of life, and the evolution of

mind, the ascent of man to the level of a rational and social person is

a very difficult problem, to the solution of which Spencer paid

relatively little attention.

From our frankly biological point of view there seems considerable

warrant for the suggestion that Man arose as a saltatory or transilient

variation or "sport" in a gregarious Simian stock, which was not too

hard-pressed by a struggle for subsistence either as regards food or

climate, which was not too severely menaced by ever-persecuting stronger

foes, which lived in conditions implying some measure of temporary

isolation, in-breeding, and daily "brain-stretching" education. It seems

likely that the transilient advance was in the direction of increased

cerebral complexity, associated with greater freedom of speech, and a

strengthened sense of kinship. It may be imagined that the advance

occurred in times of relative peace and in a stimulating environment,

where the seasons were well-defined, or where recurrent vicissitudes

gave an advantage to memory and capacity for prevision.

Various useful suggestions have been made as to the possible factors in

the evolution of man. (_a_) When the incipient man with his growing

brain got on to his hind-legs, and walked more or less erect upon the

earth, the new attitude, however prompted, would leave the hands more

free for manipulation, for using a stone, a tool, or a weapon, for

feeling round things and appreciating their three dimensions, it would

react on other parts of the body, such as the spinal column, the pelvis,

and perhaps even the larynx. In his address to the Anthropological

Section of the British Association in 1893, Dr Robert Munro directed

attention to three propositions: (1) the mechanical and physical

advantages of the erect position, (2) the consequent differentiation of

the limbs into hands and feet, and (3) the causal relation between this

and the development of the brain.

(_b_) Fiske and others have called attention to the prolonged helpless

infancy, so characteristic of human offspring, and illustrated in a less

marked degree among Simian races. It would tend, in conditions not too

severe, to tighten the family bond, and to evolve gentleness and a habit

of altruistic outlook. It should also be remembered that the type of

brain which characterises man is marked by its relative poverty in

inherited instinct and by its eminent educability.

(_c_) The influence of the family was probably an important factor,

fostering sympathy and mutual aid, prompting talk and division of

labour. Even in early days, children would educate their parents. It

must be remembered that many animals exhibit family life, and also

pairing for prolonged periods or for life.

(_d_) If we grant the incipient man a growing, plastic, and restless

brain, a strong feeling of kinship, some family ties, an erect attitude,

the habit of using his hands and voice, all of which the anthropoid

analogy suggests, and if we deny him sufficient physical strength to

keep his foothold by virtue of that alone, then it seems more than a

platitude to say that natural selection would favour the development of

wits, and not only of wits, but in the widest sense (partly through

sexual selection) of "love," which became a new source of strength.

(_e_) With the development of tool-using and sentence-making, with

recognition of the seasons as a fundamental illustration of the

uniformity of nature, with the gaining of a firmer foothold in the

struggle for existence, with slowly increasing altruism and sociality,

and with the occasional emergence of the genius, there might gradually

arise--in permanent products, in symbols and songs, in traditions and

customs--an external heritage, which, it appears to us, has been the

most potent factor in securing and furthering human evolution.

Ignorant as we are as to the factors in human evolution, there is a

convergence of various lines of evidence towards the conclusion that man

must have come of a social stock. It is difficult to conceive of his

survival on any other supposition. In a deeper sense, perhaps, than

Rousseau thought of, it seems true that Man did not make Society,

Society (pre-human) made Man.

By some means or other, probably along various paths--through

kinship-sympathies, through linguistic bonds, for economic or

life-and-death reasons, man became definitely social, and a new order of

things began, which Spencer has pictured with great skill. Just as it

was a new event in the history of Hymenopterous insects when ants made

an ant-hill, or bees a natural hive, so it was a new event in the

history of Man when unified societary groups came into being.

Now all this is vague, and, it may be, unconvincing; but we are not

aware that Spencer had any further light to throw on the problem--a

problem so difficult that Alfred Russel Wallace, the Nestor among living

evolutionists, has declared his conviction that the development of man's

higher qualities cannot be conceived without postulating "spiritual

influx." Our point at present is that the difficulties are greater than

Spencer publicly recognised, and that his formula of evolution is not

only too remotely abstract to be relevant, but that it is in its

mechanical phrasing quite inapplicable.

_The Scientific Position._--The idea of organic evolution suggests--that

the forms of life have had a natural history, that they have descended

from a far-distant relatively simple ancestry, that they have risen from

level to level throughout many millions of years just as individual

animals in their development rise from level to level in a few days or

months or years. It is the only scientific conception we have of the

Becoming of the world of life.

The theory of organic evolution raises this modal interpretation into a

causal interpretation by disclosing the factors--such as Variation and

Selection--in the long process. To some minds, the known factors appear

inadequate to describe the process, especially in relation to the

emergence of mental life and the ascent of man. Thus an attempt is often

made to sit on both sides of the fence, accepting scientific factors

for what they are worth, but eking them out by postulating

"ultra-scientific" causes. This procedure, however, lands in mental

confusion; it is like trying to speak two languages at once. It is also

very premature.

When we extend the concept of evolution to the inorganic world, we find

that it applies there also, that it enables us to resume the history of

the solar system as a whole, and of the earth in particular in a

convenient formula. Here again we are aware of factors of evolution,

which enable us to give a causal interpretation of how the inanimate

world came to be as it is. The factors are not the same as those

verifiable in organic evolution; they are in terms of the laws of motion

and other physical concepts.

Again the idea of evolution may be applied to the forms of mental life

and to the forms of social life, and in these realms the factors are not

the same as those used in interpreting the history of organisms

(objectively considered) or the history of inanimate systems.

In all cases the general concept of evolution is the same--the idea of

natural progressive change--but the factors are different. The reason

for this is that the organism is very different from a planet or a

crystal, that mind is quite different from metabolism, that a society is

more than the sum of its parts.

It is quite plain that the sociological evolutionist will not advance

far if he disregards the concept of the social organism, if he shuts his

eyes to the fact that a societary form, however simple, is an integrate;

not a mere congeries of persons, but a unity with a life and mind of its

own. Yet he may quite consistently try to trace the emergence of

societary forms from a simply gregarious stock, and that again from

entirely non-social organisms.

In the same way the psychological evolutionist will not advance far if

he disregards the distinctiveness of mental life, with principles of

its own quite different from those of the bodily life with which it is

inextricably associated. That is to say he must be more than a

physiologist of the nervous system.

So, the biological evolutionist must admit that he cannot trace the

evolution of organisms in terms of the concepts which suffice for

inanimate systems. In so doing he does not dogmatically say that the

activity of organisms _cannot_ be described in terms of mechanism, he

only says that it has not been done; he only says that neither physics

nor physiology is at present within sight of deducing the laws of motion

of organic corpuscles from the laws of motion of other corpuscles.

There is no reason why he should stand aloof from the theory that

inorganic and organic evolution are continuous, in other words from the

theory of the spontaneous generation of living matter at an appropriate

time in the Earth's history--a theory which is suggested by many facts.

If that is a legitimate theory it increases our respect for what we call

the inanimate, but it does not make our biological evolutionism any

easier, nor are we any nearer explaining life. The organism remains what

it is, a living creature with a behaviour which we are unable to

redescribe in terms of mechanism. And inanimate matter remains what it

is, except that we should be able to say definitely that it had once

given origin to living matter and might conceivably do so again. There

would be no gain in adding to the properties of matter a mysterious

"capacity-of-sharing-in-the-spontaneous-generation-of-life."

Let us state the position once more. When one of the higher animals, in

the course of its development, reaches a certain, or rather uncertain,

degree of differentiation, its functioning becomes behaviour; its

activities are such that we cannot interpret them without using

psychical terms, such as awareness or intelligence. This expression of

fuller life is associated with the increased development of the nervous

system, and we have no knowledge of any psychical life apart from

nervous metabolism. Yet we remain quite unable to think of any way by

which the metabolism of nerve-cells gives rise to what we know in

ourselves as sensations or perceptions, ideas or feelings. Therefore

while we see no reason to doubt the continuity of the individual

development, we recognise as fact of experience that the merely sentient

embryo becomes a thoughtful child, whose behaviour cannot be formulated

in terms of our present biological or our present mechanical categories.

And as it is with the individual development, so it is with the

evolution of organisms; when they exhibit a certain, or rather

uncertain, degree of differentiation they behave in a way which we

cannot interpret without using psychical terms. We know of very simple

forms whose whole behaviour seems to be summed up in one reflex action,

at least if there is more we cannot detect it; we know of other

unicellular animals whose behaviour is such that we are forced to say

that they seem to pursue the method of trial and error; and from that

level we know of a long inclined plane leading up to very alert

intelligence. Again we see no reason to doubt the continuity of the

process, though we recognise that at a certain level of organisation the

biological categories of metabolism and the like are no longer

sufficient to formulate the facts. How it is that the activity of the

nervous system does express itself in such a way, that we must use a new

set of terms--psychical ones--to cover the facts of behaviour, no one

has at present any conception. A living creature behaves in such a way

that we cannot interpret what it does in terms of the motions of the

organic corpuscles which compose it. We do not know how to formulate in

physical terms its growth, its development, its power of effective

response, its co-ordination of activities. Therefore we introduce a

special series of biological concepts, without denying that a greater

unity of formulation may some day be attained either by a further

simplification of the biological concepts or by some change in the

physical concepts, such as, indeed, seems coming about at present.

But again, a living creature behaves in such a way that our biological

concepts are insufficient to formulate its behaviour. We do not know how

to interpret what it does without psychological concepts of thinking,

feeling, and willing. It is possible that here, too, a greater unity of

formulation may some day be attained either by a further simplification

of the psychological concepts or by some change in the biological

concepts. But sufficient unto the day is the science thereof.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] Quoted from Prof. W. H. Hudson's _Introduction to the Philosophy of

Herbert Spencer_.

[11] See Karl Pearson. _The Grammar of Science_, p. 329.

Herbert Spencer · 第 13 / 16 章