CHAPTER VII.

In the year 1899 Haeckel published a new work, which he intended as a

kind of testament; for with the close of the nineteenth century the

author desired to put a finishing touch to his life-work.

In the Preface Haeckel states with very remarkable modesty that his

book cannot reasonably claim to present a complete solution of the

riddles of existence; that his answer to the great questions can

naturally be only subjective and only partly correct; that his

attainments in the different branches is very unequal and imperfect;

and that his book is really only a sketch book of studies of very

unequal value. In this way the author naturally gains at once the

confidence of his reader who is thus prepared to yield assent when the

author makes pretense to sincerity of conviction and an honest search

after truth. The reader's surprise at the contents of the book and at

the manner of its presentation is, however, only increased by this

ruse. All modesty has vanished, monistic doctrines are presented as

absolute truth, every divergent opinion is contemptuously branded as

heretical; in short, the book reveals a Darwinian orthodoxy of the

purest type, with all the signs of blind bigotry and odious intolerance

which the author imagines he discovers in his Christian adversaries. It

is difficult to see where, in view of such a contradiction between the

work and its Preface, there is room for an honest striving after truth.

Personally I do not wish to deny Haeckel all honesty of purpose, for it

is my endeavor to understand the _whole_ man. The one prominent

feature of the "Weltraetsel" is the fact that, owing to a very marked

deficiency in philosophical training, Haeckel has become so completely

absorbed in his system that he has lost all interest in everything else

and takes cognizance only of what suits his purpose. What he lacks

above all, is the ability to appreciate even the "honest" opinion of

others; hence, from the very outset he brings into the discussion that

bitterness of which he complains in others (in the Weltraetsel he once

makes this accusation against me). Notwithstanding all this, honest

conviction may be present, but if so, it is joined with total

blindness. But what is to be thought of his search after truth since he

completely ignores his adversaries? For instance, in spite of Loofs'

attacks, he continues to have his book reprinted without alteration,

without submitting it to revision. The "Reichsbote" is perfectly in the

right when it says: Haeckel, in fact, takes account only of what suits

his purpose.

As regards the contents of the "Weltraetsel," it is not my intention to

enter here upon a criticism of it but merely to discuss it as

illustrating the general status of the theory of Descent. It is to be

noted, in the first place, that it is really not a scientific book at

all; for of its 472 pages, the first or "Anthropological Part," with

which alone we are here concerned, occupies only 74 (from pages 27 to

100), even less than one-sixth of the whole, whereas the "Theological

Part" is almost twice as long. The book is, in fact, rather a

theologico-natural-philosophical treatise than a work of natural

science. The scientific part is, however, the foundation on which

Haeckel builds up his natural philosophy, and which he uses as the

starting point of his criticism of theology. Hence it is worth our

while to discuss it.

How then fares it with the anthropological basis of Haeckel's whole

system? As an attentive student of his age the naturalist-philosopher

of Jena must have perceived the true position of Darwinism, namely,

that the foremost naturalists of to-day have no more than an historical

interest in it. Since, in accordance with the well known tendency of

old men to persevere in the position they have once assumed and not

easily to accept innovations, Haeckel is still an incorrigibly orthodox

Darwinian, we should naturally expect him to embody in this testament

some new cogent evidence of the truth of Darwinism. But nothing of that

nature is to be found in the book.

The first chapter of the "Anthropological part" is taken up with a

"general history of nineteenth century culture," in itself a sign of

peculiar logical acumen, that he should include this and the "struggle

regarding world-views" in the "anthropological part" instead of

embodying it in a general introduction. The remaining chapters treat:

"Our Bodily Structure," "Our Life," "Our Embryonic-history," "Our

Family-history." It is not to be supposed, however, that any arguments

are here adduced, nothing but assertions; a large part of the chapter

is taken up with historical sketches, in which Haeckel again proves

himself utterly devoid of all appreciation of history and all sense of

justice. He attributes the decay of the natural sciences to the

"flourishing condition of Christianity" and dares to speak of the

unfavorable influence of Christianity on civilization. Apart from the

historical sketch, each chapter presents only the quintessence of

Darwinism, fairly bristling with assertions, which are boldly put forth

as incontrovertible truths. In view of the author's demand to have at

least his sincere love of truth recognized, we can but throw up our

hands out of sheer astonishment. To illustrate Haeckel's "love of

truth" let it suffice to observe that in the second chapter he asserts

that man is not only a true vertebrate, a true mammal, etc.--which

indeed is passable--but even a true ape (having "all the anatomical

characteristics of true apes"). With a wonderful elasticity he passes

over the differences. What, indeed, is to be said, when he states as a

"fact" that "physiologically compared (!), the sound-speech of apes is

the preparatory stage to articulate human speech." It is so simply

monstrous, that even Garner's famous book of ape-speech, cannot surpass

it. As a third illustration of Haeckel's method of argumentation, if we

are still justified in speaking of such a thing, we may mention his

assertion (p. 97) as a "certain historical fact," "That man is

descended directly from the ape, and indirectly from a long line of

lower vertebrates." If, in view of the results of research during the

last forty years any one can assert this as a "certain historical fact"

and can still wish to be credited with honest conviction and love of

truth, there remains, to adopt Haeckel's own expression, but one

explanation for this psychological enigma, namely, intellectual

_marasmus senilis_, which may very easily have set in with a man

of sixty-six, who himself complains (p. 7) of "divers warnings of

approaching age."

Thus, the anthropological part of the "Weltraetsel" contains nothing

new; always the same old story, the same threadbare assertions without

a shred of evidence to corroborate them.

The remaining parts also contain various scientific assertions, which

are proposed as facts without being such, but these parts do not

immediately pertain to our theme. Suffice it to say that, after reading

Haeckel's "Weltraetsel," one would be led to think that there is no

question of a "deathbed of Darwinism," but that on the contrary

Darwinism, as remodeled by Haeckel, is more in the ascendant to-day

than ever. Let us judge of its prestige by the reception accorded the

"Weltraetsel."

One unaltered edition after the other, thousand after thousand, the

book is given to the public. Hence it must meet with approval. It does

indeed meet with approval, but the question is, from whom? Immature

college and university students will doubtless receive it with

reverential awe, just as they received the "Natural History of

Creation" twenty-five years ago. Bebel accepts the book as an

infallible source of truth, and after him the social democrats and

free-church members will add it to the list of their "body and stomach

books," which alone will afford it a respectable clientele, at least in

number. In no one of my "deathbed articles," however, have I as yet

ever maintained that Darwinism was decadent in _these_ circles. I

know full well, that Darwinism has filtered down into that sphere and

there satisfies the anti-Christian and anti-religious demands of

thousands.

Nothing, however, really depends on these senseless blind adherents of

Haeckel's unproved assertions. We are now intent upon investigating how

the world of eminent thinkers and natural science regards the latest

product of Haeckel's fancy. That alone is of importance in ascertaining

the real status of Darwinism.

As regards, in the first place, the other parts of the book, it is well

known that all of them were vigorously attacked. Loofs in particular

exposed Haeckel's theology, according to its deserts, in the clear

light of truth, and convicted Haeckel of "ignorance" and "dishonesty;"

while the philosopher Paulsen made short work of the "Weltraetsel" from

his own standpoint, ("if a book could drip with superficiality, I

should predicate that of the 19th chapter"). Harnack also condemned the

theological section in the "Christliche Welt," and Troeltsch,

Hoenigswald, and Hohlfeld took Haeckel severely to task on philosophic

grounds. The naturalists have thus far maintained silence.

Scientific journals, and, I believe, only the more popular ones, pass a

varying judgment on the book according to the intellectual bent of

their book reviewers; but no one of the eminent and leading naturalists

has publicly expressed his opinion regarding it. They all maintain a

very significant silence, which speaks for itself. Now, however, just

at the proper time a book, _Die Descendenz-theorie_ has appeared

from the pen of the zoologist, Professor Fleischmann of Erlangen, in

which Haeckel is severely condemned. (See Chapter IX.)

The press-notices of the Weltraetsel, which are quoted in the book will

be considered presently. It appears that with reference to natural

science, only "laymen" discuss the book and approve of Haeckel's views.

This is a point of great importance since it proves satisfactorily that

men of science will have nothing to do with the "Weltraetsel." The

large number of replies would, however, not allow Haeckel's friends to

remain silent. The most extensive defense forthcoming was a pamphlet

published by a certain Heinrich Schmidt of Jena. It cannot be gathered

from his book (Der Kampf um die Weltraetsel, Bonn, E. Strauss 1900) to

what profession the author belongs, hence I am unable to judge whence

he derives the right to treat Haeckel's opponents in summary a manner.

It is significant to note what class of men, according to Schmidt,

received the "Weltraetsel" with enthusiasm and joy. They are August

Specht, the free-church editor of "Menschentum" and of the "Freien

Glocken," Julius Hart, Professor Keller-Zuerich, the philosopher and

"Neokantian" Professor Spitzer of Graz, the popular literateur W.

Boelsche, W. Ule, and a few unknown great men, Dr. Zimmer, Th.

Pappstein, R. Steiner, A. Haese; but stay, I came very near forgetting

the great pillar, Dodel of Zuerich. But where is there mention of the

professional colleagues of Haeckel whose testimonies could be taken

seriously? Under the heading "Literary Humbug," which evidently has

reference to the contents of his own work, Schmidt then meets numerous

objections. Here vigorous epithets are bandied about, as, for instance,

"absolute nonsense," "muddler," "foolish and senseless prattle," "idle

talk," etc.; and from Dodel he copies the words with which the latter

once sought to annihilate me: Job, verse 10, "Thou hast spoken like one

of the foolish women." And he ventures to express indignation at Loofs'

"invectives." As a compliment to Lasson he declares that he could

easily conceive of the possibility of an ape ascending the professor's

chair and speaking as intelligently as he (Lasson); which remark he

probably intended as a witticism. He informs his readers that the

criticism of Haeckel by men like Virchow, His, Semper, Haacke, Baer,

and Wigand have been examined by professional specialists and proved

practically worthless. This statement alone so clearly reveals

Schmidt's lack of critical faculty and judgment that by it he at once

forfeits his right to be taken seriously.

The whole book is nothing more than a collection of quotations from the

reviews of the "Weltraetsel," interspersed with characteristic

expressions like "idle talk," "nonsense," etc., as exemplified above. A

really pertinent reply and refutation of objections is entirely beyond

Schmidt's range; he waives the demand for a direct reply, for instance,

in the following amusing way (p. 28): "Two reasons, however, prevent me

from being more explicit: In the first place I do not like to dispute

with people who adduce variant readings and church-fathers as proofs

and can still remain serious. In the second place I would not like to

fall into the hands of a Loofs." In this manner it is indeed easy to

evade an argument, which for good reasons one is not able to pursue.

Loofs' criticism is so serious and destructive that it should be of the

utmost concern to Haeckel's friends to refute it. Since they are unable

to do so, they content themselves with references to Loofs' caustic

style, which he should indeed have avoided. There are, nevertheless,

cases in which one must employ trenchant phraseology, and Haeckel

himself has given an occasion for it; a dignified style is simply out

of the question in his case. Haeckel extricated himself with even

greater ease, by declaring that he had "neither time nor inclination"

for reply, and that a mutual understanding with Loofs was impossible

because their scientific views were entirely different. Could anything

be more suggestive of the words of Mephistopheles:

"But in each word must be a thought--

There is,--or we may so assume,--

Not always found, nor always sought.

While words--mere words supply its room.

Words answer well, when men enlist 'em,

In building up a favorite system."

There are two other points in Schmidt's book that are of interest to

us. The first of these is the manner in which the author treats the

Romanes incident. Romanes ranks, as is well known, among the first of

Haeckel's authorities. Hence it is a very painful fact that, but a

short time before the publication of the first edition of the

"Weltraetsel," my translation into German of Romanes' "Thoughts on

Religion" should have appeared. From this book it was evident that

Haeckel and his associates could no longer count this man among their

number since he--a life-long seeker after truth--had abandoned atheism

for theism, and died a believing Christian. Troeltsch and the

"Reichsbote" asked whether Haeckel had purposely concealed this fact,

and Schmidt now explains that Haeckel first became acquainted with the

"Thoughts on Religion" through him towards the end of January, 1900.

Unfortunately he does not add that since then a number of new editions

of the "Weltraetsel" have appeared, in which Haeckel could have

explained himself in an honorable manner. Schmidt has therefore not

been successful in his attempt to clear up this matter.

But how does he settle with Romanes? He says: "_We are assured_

that the thoughts were written down by the English naturalist George

John Romanes"; and again: "The thoughts are published by a Canon of

Westminster, Charles Gore, to whom _they are said_ to have been

handed over after the death of Romanes in the year 1894." Then he has

the audacity to place Romanes in quotation marks. And finally he

asserts that they would abide by Romanes' former works as their

authority, the more so, because these were not, like the "Thoughts,"

"published and glossed by a Canon only after his (Romanes') death." By

means of all this and of a comparison with the "Letters of the

Obscurantists" he wishes to create the suspicion that there might be

question here of forgery. Such an insinuation, (I employ Schmidt's own

words) "cannot be characterized otherwise than as contemptible." "Here

it is even worse than contemptible." I must beg my reader's pardon for

overstepping the bounds of reserve with these caustic words, although

they originated with Schmidt; but really the flush of anger rightfully

mounts to one's cheeks when a man, from the mere fact that he is a

disciple of the "great" Haeckel assumes the right to charge Canon Gore

and indirectly myself with forgery. It is really very significant that

these men should have to resort to such base and despicable expedients

to extricate themselves from their unpleasant predicament. Apart from

this, it was very amusing to me personally to think that for the sake

of my unworthy self, Schmidt should have borrowed from his lord and

master the epithet "pious," which Haeckel in his turn has drawn from

his cherished friend Dodel. In all probability they will continue to

hawk it about in order to bring me into disrepute with the rest of

their kind. The few remarks Schmidt still finds it proper to make

regarding the "Thoughts," betray his inability to understand the book.

But as I stated in the preface it was a difficult book to read and

understand. It is obviously not reading matter for shallow minds. I

refer Schmidt to the biography of Romanes, published by his wife, (The

Life and Letters of G. J. Romanes, London, Longmans, Green & Co.,

1898), where he will find Romanes' religious development described by a

well-informed hand. This development began as early as 1878, hence

during the time of his intimate friendship with Darwin. In this book on

pages 372 and 378 Schmidt will also find the words in which,

_before_ his death, Romanes begged that, if he were personally

unable to publish the "Thoughts," they should be given to his friend

Canon Gore after his own death. But why waste so many words on Mr.

Schmidt, for since all these things must be doubly disagreeable and

painful to him and Haeckel, he will very probably resort without delay

to personal insinuation and accuse Mrs. Romanes of forgery.

To us, however, who thoroughly appreciate the situation, it is a matter

of great moment that of one of the few really eminent naturalists, to

whom Haeckel thought to be able to lay full and exclusive claim, for

the last twenty years of his life should have been moving towards the

Christian faith in his eager search for truth and should die not a

monist, but a convinced Christian. Neither did he die an old man, to

whom the adherents of monism would certainly have the effrontery to

impute feeble-mindedness, but at the early age of forty-six years. Nor

was his a sudden deathbed conversion--an impression which Schmidt

attempts to create (p. 62) in order to be able with H. Heine to

relegate the conversion to the domain of pathology--but followed after

many years of diligent and honest study and research. The other point

of which we must treat here, is the manner in which, after the example

of Dr. Reh, Schmidt attempts in the "Umschau" to exonerate Haeckel in

the matter of the "History of the three cliches." To begin with, it is

at the very least dishonest on the part of Schmidt to say that, "in

default of scientific arguments, theological adversaries have for the

last thirty years been using it as the basis of their attacks." That is

untrue, the "theological adversaries" have not had knowledge of it for

that length of time. On the contrary Haeckel's own scientific

colleagues were the first to discover and publish the matter some time

in the seventies, and in consequence excluded Haeckel from their

circle. Why does Schmidt not mention here the names of Ruetimeyer, His,

and Semper? Furthermore Schmidt writes as if Haeckel had satisfied his

colleagues in the matter of his forgery by declaring soon after (1870)

that he had been "guilty of a very ill-considered act of folly." Why

does Schmidt not mention the fact that the weighty attacks of His (Our

Bodily Form and the Physiological Problem of its Origin, Leipzig, 1875)

dates from the year 1875, five years after Haeckel's forced, palliative

explanation? Besides, this incident of the three cliches is only one

instance; the other examples of Haeckel's sense of truthfulness are for

the most part entirely unknown to his "theological adversaries," who

have nowhere to my knowledge made use of them; but _all_ of them

have been brought to light and held up before Haeckel by naturalists,

namely, by Bastian (1874), Semper and Kossmann (1876 and 1877), Hensen

and Brandt (1891), and Hamann (1893). Does this in any way tend to

establish Schmidt's honesty? (Dr. Dennert has entered into a more

searching criticism of Haeckel in his book, _Die Wahrheit ueber

Haeckel_. 2 Aufl Halle a. S., 1902.)

In a word, the manner in which the "Weltraetsel" was received and in

which Haeckel has been defended by Schmidt, are valuable indications of

the decay of Darwinism. I repeat that I am speaking of course of the

leading scientific circles. Those who hold back are never lacking, and

one cannot be surprised that, in the case of Darwinism, their number is

considerable: for on the one hand, to understand it an extraordinarily

slight demand is made on one's mental capacity; and on the other hand

it is a very convenient and even a seemingly scientific means of

obviating the necessity of belief in God. These facts appeal very

strongly to the multitude.

In concluding this section, we shall quote a positive testimony to the

decay of Darwinism. On page 3 of his "Outlines of the History of the

Development of Man and of the Mammals" (Leipzig, W. Engelmann, 1897)

Prof. O. Schultze, Anatomist in Wuerzburg, says: "The idea entertained

by Darwin, that the development of species may be explained by a

natural choice--Selection--which operates through the struggle of

individuals for existence, cannot permanently satisfy the spirit of

inquiry. Even the factors of variability, heredity, and adaptation,

which are essential to the transformation of species, do not offer an

exact explanation."

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