CHAPTER XXIV.

FOUNDING OF THE FREE CONGO STATE.

The International Association seeks Recognition from Foreign Powers --

Treaty between England and Portugal -- Earl Granville -- Claims of

Portugal -- Concession of England -- Protest of the United States --

Opposition in England -- King Leopold Obtains the Assistance of the

German Chancellor and the Sympathies of the French Republic -- Prince

Bismarck Protests -- Letter to Baron de Courcel, French Ambassador at

Berlin -- The Baron’s Reply -- France and Germany in Accord -- Call

for a Conference of the Powers at Berlin -- Conference Assembles --

Prince Bismarck Opens the Conference with an Address Stating its

Object -- Mr. Stanley a Delegate -- Asked to give his Views -- Mr.

Stanley’s Suggestions -- Deliberations of the Conference -- Results of

the Conference -- Protocol Signed by all the Plenipotentiaries -- The

United States the first to Publicly Recognize the Flag of the Free

Congo State -- Honors to Mr. Stanley in Germany.

The expedition of the Upper Congo and the Bureau of the Association had

now performed their duties, but the Royal Founder of the State was

compelled, in order to insure its prosperity and continuity, as the work

advanced, to apply to the various Governments of Europe and America for

recognition, and for security and peaceful safeguards of its frontiers,

to make treaties with France and Portugal, which would delimit the

boundaries, and arrange with all of them for the preservation of

neutrality.

The Association was in possession of treaties made with over 450

independent African chiefs, whose rights would be conceded by all to

have been indisputable, since they held their lands by undisturbed

occupation, by long ages of succession, by real divine right. Of their

own free will, without coercion, but for substantial considerations,

reserving only a few easy conditions, they had transferred their rights

of sovereignty and of ownership to the Association. The time had arrived

when a sufficient number of these had been made to connect the several

miniature sovereignties into one concrete whole to present itself before

the world for general recognition of its right to govern, and hold these

in the name of an independent State, lawfully constituted according to

the spirit and tenor of international law.

In consequence of negotiations entered into between the British and

Portuguese Governments, beginning November, 1882, and ending February

25th, 1884, a treaty was finally concluded, by which the whole of the

southwest African coast between S. latitude 5° 12´ and S. latitude 5°

18´ was recognized by the British Government as Portuguese territory.

This included the lower Congo, of course, by which the territory of the

Association became excluded from the sea. The treaty was signed on the

26th of February, 1884, by Earl Granville on the part of Great Britain,

and by Senhor Miguel Martins d’ Antãs on behalf of the Government of

Portugal.

Earl Granville however declared, previous to the signature of the

treaty, that the acceptance by other Powers of the Anglo-Portuguese

treaty was indispensable before it came into operation, and that there

was reason to believe that this acceptance would be refused, which would

necessarily delay the ratification.

Heretofore the territory now proposed to be given up to Portugal, so

far as Great Britain was concerned, had been regarded as neutral; and

the treaty, thus concluded, marked a radical change in British

policy--for a long series of British Ministers had, during over half a

century, peremptorily declined to recognize the Portuguese claims.

When the Anglo-Portuguese treaty was published the European Powers,

especially France and Germany, emphatically protested against it, and in

England men of all shades of politics combined to denounce it,

principally through a fear that the restrictions imposed upon trade in

other colonies belonging to Portugal would be so severe as to render

commerce impossible in the Congo region.

The most signal protest came, however, from the United States

Government. The United States Senate also, on the 10th of April, 1884,

passed a resolution authorizing the President to recognize the

International African Association as a governing power on the Congo

River. This recognition gave birth to new life of the Association,

seriously menaced as its existence was by opposing interests and

ambitions, and the following of this example by the European Powers

subsequently affirmed and secured its place among sovereign States. This

act, the result of the well-considered judgment of the American

statesmen, was greatly criticised abroad, as was the participation of

the United States in the Berlin Conference, to which it directly led up,

by the press of America. It was an act well worthy of the Great

Republic, not only as taking the lead in publicly recognizing and

supporting the great work of African civilization in history, and in

promoting the extension of commerce, but of significant import in view

of its interest for the future weal of 7,000,000 people of African

descent within its borders.

The British Chambers of Commerce--notably those of Manchester,

Liverpool, and Glasgow--resolutely opposed the treaty concluded with

Portugal; but withal the strenuous opposition maintained to it in

commercial circles and in the House of Commons, had not the Royal

Founder of the Association obtained the assistance of the German

Chancellor and the sympathies of the French Government, it is doubtful

whether anything done in England would have succeeded in averting the

effectual seal being put upon enterprise in the Congo basin by this

treaty. Much more liberal terms would be needed to tempt Congress within

its borders than any provisions that the treaty contained. Some such

arrangement as that made by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, whereby

liberty of navigation was proclaimed to the great rivers of Europe, such

as the Rhine and the Danube, would be necessary; and now that an

association had absorbed unto itself hundreds of petty sovereignties

along a large portion of it, and France had proceeded in the same manner

to absorb other portions of the Congo banks, while Portugal pressed her

claims to territories washed by the great African river, it was

absolutely and imperatively incumbent on the Powers to step forward and

impose such obligations on the riveraine Powers as would not imperil or

strangle the commerce already thriving on the banks of the lower Congo.

On the 7th of June, 1884, Prince Bismarck, in a communication to Count

Munster, set forth his objections to the Anglo-Portuguese treaty, and

concluded with the following words:

“In the interests of German commerce, therefore, I cannot consent that a

coast of such importance, which has hitherto been free land, should be

subjected to the Portuguese colonial system.”

In West African trade, Great Britain stood almost alone at one time. Her

traders were busy on the Gambia, on the Roquelle, on the Gold Coast, at

Lagos in the oil rivers, at Gaboon and Kabinda, and the Glasgow and

Liverpool and Bristol merchants were represented by a host of agents,

who had planted themselves at various points along the 2900 miles of

coast; but of late years, through the apathy of the English merchants,

Germany, by her enterprise, had also established herself at various

places, and great houses like that of Woerman’s were looming upward,

overtopping all individual English firms, which could number their

factories by dozens and their agents by scores. Hamburg and Bremen were

outrivalling Liverpool and Glasgow. Hence Germany had solid and

substantial reasons for watching and jealously guarding her mercantile

interests; and France, aided by the energy and talents of Monsieur de

Brazza, in territories beyond and contiguous to the Gaboon colony,

naturally wished to establish herself beyond dispute in the districts

acquired by the devotion and intelligence of her agents. German

_savants_ had explored territories unclaimed by any Power; German

merchants were honestly established at certain places on the West

African coast; out of the most intelligent and enterprising of the sons

of Germany twenty-four geographical societies had been formed, and a

dozen colonial associations, besides African societies, were being

constituted in Germany. Already Bascian, Gussfeldt, Peschuel Loesche,

Buchner, Von Mechow, Pogge, Weissman, had been equipped by a German

African Society, and it was preparing to despatch more. These facts were

published in the reviews and magazines. There was no secrecy in the

movement. All was honest and above-board, and all the world was told of

the modest effort Germany was making to expand its colonial strength.

Like the great statesman that he is, Prince Bismarck bent his genius to

the creation of a sound system of colonial policy--not rashly, though to

those without the orbit of his genius it might be supposed to be

eccentric.

On the 13th of September he wrote to Baron de Courcel, French Ambassador

at Berlin:

“Like France, the German Government will observe a friendly attitude

towards the Belgian enterprises on the banks of the Congo, owing to the

desire entertained by the two Governments to secure to their countrymen

freedom of trade throughout the whole of the future Congo States, and in

districts which France holds on the river, and which she proposes to

assimilate to the liberal system which that State is expected to

establish. These advantages will continue to be enjoyed by German

subjects, and will be guaranteed to them in the event of France being

called upon to exercise the right of preference accorded by the King of

the Belgians in the contingency of the acquisitions made by the Congo

Company being alienated!”

Baron de Courcel, in reply, stated that he had not failed to convey to

his Government Prince Bismarck’s note, which in its substance was

similar to the views they had exchanged at Varzin; also, that the French

Republic was completely in accord with the Imperial Government of

Germany about the desirability of arriving at a mutual understanding

respecting the delimitation of territory over the west coast of Africa,

especially where the German possessions border on those of the French.

He likewise acknowledged that the friendly accord between the two

Governments was connected with principles of the highest importance to

trade in Africa, of which the chief are those which must govern the

freedom of trade in the basin of the Congo. He also assented to the idea

that whereas the African International Association, which had

established a number of stations on the Congo, declares itself ready to

admit that principle over all the territory under its control, France

should grant freedom of trade over that which she now owns, or may

hereafter own on the Congo, and that France declared her willingness to

permit this freedom to continue in the event of her reaping the benefit

of the arrangements touched upon by the Prince, which assures to France

the right of preference in case of alienation of the territories

acquired by the Association. He defined freedom of commerce to mean free

access to all flags, and the interdiction of all monopoly or

differential duties; but not excluding the establishment of taxes to

compensate for useful expenditure incurred in the interests of commerce.

While freely extending these beneficial concessions to commercial

enterprise in the Congo basin, Baron de Courcel stated that France was

not willing that Gaboon, Guinea or Senegal should share them; but solely

the Congo and the Niger.

Prince Bismarck then, with the acquiescence of France, extended an

invitation through the representatives of the different nations to a

Conference to be held at Berlin on the 15th of November following. The

sittings of this Conference were held in the German Chancellor’s palace

on Wilhelmstrasse, in the same room where the Berlin Conference sat in

1878.

When the members of the Conference had assembled, Prince Bismarck rose

to formally open it, and in a short address he declared that the

Conference had met for the solution of three main objects, to wit:

1. The free navigation, with freedom of trade on the river Congo.

2. The free navigation of the river Niger.

3. The formalities to be observed for valid annexation of territory in

future on the African continent.

To this conference Mr. Stanley had been appointed technical delegate for

the United States, and was introduced by the American Minister in highly

complimentary terms. On the expression of views by the several

delegates, Mr. Stanley, when called upon in the order on the roll, arose

and said:

“To define the geographical basin of the Congo, whether explored or

unexplored, is a very easy matter, since every school-boy knows that a

river basin, geographically speaking, includes all that territory

drained by the river and its affluents, large and small. The Congo,

unlike many other large rivers, has no fluvial delta. It issues into the

Atlantic Ocean in one united stream between Shark’s Point on the south

and Banana Point on the north, with a breadth of seven miles and an

unknown depth. Soundings have been obtained over 1300 feet deep. The

Niger has a fluvial delta extending over 180 miles of coast line. The

Nile and the Mississippi have deltas extending over a considerable

breadth of coast line; but when you ask me as to what I should consider

as the commercial basin of the Congo, I am bound to answer you that the

main river and its most important affluents running into it from the

north and south and from the northeast and northwest, east and west,

southeast and southwest, constitute means by which trade ascending the

river and its affluents can influence a much larger amount of territory

than is comprised within the geographical basin.

“For all practical purposes the geographical basin of the Congo might be

permitted to stand for the commercial basin of the Congo as well. When

we begin to consider the commercial outlets from this basin of the Congo

we must bear in mind that they extend, as a commercial delta to a

commercial basin, from St. Paul de Loanda, to the south of the mouth of

the Congo, as far north and including the Ogowai River. Whereas much of

the littoral through which the commercial delta debouches is already

occupied, we find that the breadth of what may be considered as the free

commercial delta of the commercial basin of the Congo extends along the

coast line from 1° 25´ S. latitude to near 7° 50´ S. latitude 385

geographical miles, for the following reason: At Stanley Pool, 325 miles

up the Congo from the sea, we encounter fleets of trading canoes which

have descended the main river from as far up as the Equator, from the

affluents Mohindu, or Black River, and the Kwango, or Kwa, who wait

patiently months at a time for the caravans from Loango, the Kwilu,

Landana, Kabinda, Zombo, Funta, Kinzas, Kinsembo, Ambrizette and other

places on the coast, which bring European goods from the coast to

Stanley Pool to exchange for the produce of the upper Congo, notably

ivory, rubber and camwood powder; and after a time, having exchanged

their goods, march back with such produce of the upper Congo as will

repay transportation to the European traders settled along the free

coast line of 385 geographical miles just mentioned. These various

channels of trade, formed by uninstructed barbarism, may then well be

compared to a commercial delta. To define the commercial basin of the

Congo by boundaries is very simple after the above remarks, and I will

describe them as follows: Commencing from the Atlantic Ocean, I should

follow the line of 1° 25´ S. latitude east as far as 13° 13´ longitude

east of Greenwich, and along that meridian north until the water-shed of

the Niger-Binué is reached, thence easterly along the water-shed

separating the waters flowing into the Congo from those flowing into the

Shari, and continuing east along the water-parting between the waters of

the Congo and those of the Nile and southerly and easterly along the

water-shed between the waters flowing into the Tanganyika and those

flowing into the affluents of Lake Victoria, and still clinging to the

water-shed to the east of the Tanganyika southerly until the

water-parting between the waters flowing into the Zambesi and those

flowing into the Congo is reached; thence along that water-shed westerly

until the headwaters of the main tributary of the Kwango, or Kwa, is

reached, whence the line shown runs along the left bank of the river

Kwango, or Kwa, to 7° 50´ S. latitude; thence straight to the Loge

River, and thence along the left bank of that river westerly to the

Atlantic Ocean. By this delimitation you will have comprised the

geographical or commercial basin and its present commercial delta.”

Being asked by Baron de Courcel as to what might be the estimated value

of the trade in the Congo basin, Mr. Stanley replied:

“The lower Congo and the immediate free littoral make a shore line 388

miles in length. This mileage produces a present trade of £2,800,000

annually. The upper Congo is much more fertile, and, as it has a river

shore of 10,000 miles, it ought to produce, if equally developed, a

trade worth £70,000,000 annually. Or, if we reckon it in this manner,

from the river Gambia to Loanda, along a coast line of 2900 miles in

length, there are employed forty-five steamers and eighty sailing

vessels every year. The Congo basin, with river banks over three times

longer, ought to employ, if equally developed and equally exploited,

three times that number, or say 135 steamers and 240 sailing vessels.”

In answer to Hon. M. Kasson, U. S. Minister, when asked to explain if a

further extension of the free commercial territory to the eastward would

not be advantageous to commerce, Mr. Stanley proceeded to state, after

briefly referring to his overland journey across the continent in the

years 1874, 1875, 1876 and 1877, with some of its incidents, his reasons

why the free commercial territory across Central Africa should be

comprised within certain limits, which he then also briefly defined. And

in conclusion said:

“I respectfully submit that the more unrestricted this spacious

commercial domain shall be the sooner it will be subjected to the

influences of Christianity, civilization and commerce. It bears within

itself all the products required by the necessities of Europe, and all

the elements that might be needed for its conversion from being an

unproductive waste to be a material and moral profit to humanity. Within

its bosom it contains nearly 80,000 square miles of lake water, the

second largest river and river-basin in the world, fertility that no

equatorial or tropical regions elsewhere can match, a population I

should estimate at ninety millions of people, great independent native

empires, kingdoms and republics, like Uganda, Ruanda, Unyoro, and the

pastoral plain country like the Masai land, gold and silver deposits,

abundant copper and iron mines, valuable forests producing priceless

timber, inexhaustible quantities of rubber, precious gums and spices,

pepper and coffee, cattle in countless herds, and people who are

amenable to the courtesies of life, provided they are protected from the

attacks of the lawless freebooter and the merciless wiles of the slave

traders. These facts, I respectfully submit, are sufficient to justify

me in suggesting that the more comprehensible yet simple limits just

described should form the boundaries of the free commercial territory of

Equatorial Africa, and that free, unrestricted means of access should

be secured to it, both from the east as well as the west.”

The deliberations of the Berlin Conference were finally closed on

February 26th, with the result that the International Association

received satisfactory recognition from the several nations represented,

and the limits of the respective colonial possessions of other nations

in Africa were fully defined and set forth. The protocol was duly signed

by all the plenipotentiaries, and published. Mr. Stanley in speaking of

the labors of the Conference and its results, said: “Two European Powers

emerge out of the elaborate discussions, protracted for such a long

period principally through the adroitness and skill of Baron de Courcel

and the concurrence of Prince Bismarck, with enormously increased

colonial possessions. France is now mistress of a West African territory

noble in its dimensions, equal to the best tropic lands for its

productions, rich in mineral resources, most promising for its future

commercial importance. In area it covers a superficies of 257,000 square

miles, equal to that of France and England combined, with access on the

eastern side to 5200 miles of river navigation; on the west is a coast

line nearly 800 miles, washed by the Atlantic Ocean. It contains within

its borders eight spacious river basins, and throughout all its broad

surface of 90,000,000 squares hectares, not one utterly destitute of

worth can be found.

“Portugal issues out of the Conference with a coast line 995 English

miles in length, 351,500 square statute miles in extent--a territory

larger than the combined areas of France, Belgium, Holland, and Great

Britain. On the lower Congo its river bank is 103 miles in length.”

The International Association in return surrendered its claims to 60,366

squares miles of territory to France, and to Portugal 45,400 square

miles, for which it also received 600 square miles of the north bank

between Boma and the sea, and recognition of its remaining territorial

rights from two powerful neighbors, Germany and England.

The territories surrendered by the Association have been consecrated to

free trade, which, along with those recognized as belonging to the

Association and which were pre-ordained for such uses, and those as yet

unclaimed by any Power, but still reserved for the same privileges, form

a domain equal to 1,600,000 square miles in extent, throughout which

most exceptional privileges have been secured by the cordial unanimity

of the riveraine of the United States and European Powers for commerce.

The merchant adventurer is fenced all about with guarantees against

spoliation, oppression, vexation and worry, and his Consul, the

representative of his Government, is charged with the jurisdiction of

his person and property. At the gateway to the free commercial realm the

Commissioner, with his colleagues, will have position, and will there

remain to protect his interests.

These officials constitute a court of law called the International

Commission, to whom he can always appeal for redress and protection.

Only on the exportation of the produce he has collected can a moderate

charge be made, sufficient to remunerate the riveraine Government for

its expenditure. The liquor traffic is placed under proper control,

slave-trading is prohibited, the missionary is entitled to special

protection, and scientific expeditions to special privileges.

The United States Government was the first to publicly acknowledge the

great civilizing work of King Leopold II. by recognizing the flag of the

International Association of the Congo as that of a friendly government.

This flag is a blue flag with a golden star in the centre.

Mr. Stanley while at Berlin, in attendance upon the sessions of the

Conference, was the recipient of very marked attentions from the

nobility, and had conferred upon him the rank of honorary membership in

the leading geographical and scientific societies of Germany. He

lectured in some of the most prominent cities upon the subject of

Central Africa, and was listened to by large and appreciative audiences,

who gave him most cordial and generous receptions.

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