series of electric-railway motors and locomotives that were actually
employed in hauling freight and passengers. The following year Mr.
Edison made a contract with Mr. Henry Villard, which stipulated that
the inventor was to construct an electric railway at least two miles
and a half in length, which was to be equipped with two locomotives
and three cars, one locomotive for freight and one for passengers, the
passenger locomotive to have a capacity of sixty miles an hour. It
was agreed that if the experiment with this railway proved successful
Mr. Villard was to reimburse Mr. Edison for the actual outlay, and to
install at least fifty miles of electric road in the wheat regions of
the Northwest.
The electric locomotives built by Mr. Edison were constructed along the
usual lines of steam locomotives, with cab, headlight, and cowcatcher,
the motive power being applied from the motors to the axle by means
of friction pulleys. This method was soon abandoned, as the pulleys
slipped a great deal before the locomotive actually started. A system
of belts which was substituted proved more satisfactory. The current
was conveyed to the motor through the track, and was supplied to
the road by underground cables connecting from the dynamo-room of
Mr. Edison's laboratory. The rails were insulated from the ties by
coatings of Japan varnish, and by placing them on pads made of muslin
impregnated with tar.
From the very first this road gave promise of success. The tireless
genius of Edison was constantly finding and correcting defects,
and there was every prospect that in a few months a practical and
economical electric railway would be an accomplished fact. Then came
the financial crash of the Northern Pacific Railway, involving the
fortune of Mr. Villard, and tying the hands of the inventor at Menlo
Park for the time being.
The year following, however, Mr. Field and Mr. Edison combined their
forces and formed a company for perfecting and constructing electric
locomotives and railways. In the same year an electric railway was put
in operation at the Chicago Railway Exposition, the chief promoters of
this enterprise being Messrs. Field, F. B. Rae, and C. O. Mailloux. In
the gallery of the building a circular track, something like a third
of a mile in length, was laid, and on this an electric locomotive
named _The Judge_ hauled a single car which carried over twenty-six
thousand passengers in the month of June. In the autumn of the same
year, _The Judge_ was used for hauling passengers on a track at the
Louisville Exposition. It was capable of attaining a speed of twelve
miles an hour, and its average speed was eight miles. It was twelve
feet long over all, weighed something like three tons, and, like
Edison's locomotive, was equipped with cowcatcher, headlight, and cab.
The current was taken from a surface, or feed rail, by means of bundles
of phosphor-bronze wire, so arranged that a good clean contact would
be made on each side of the rail whether the car was moving forward or
backward.
THIRD RAILS AND TROLLEYS
At the same time an Englishman named Leo Daft, then living in America,
was making some important experiments with motors for the purpose
of driving machinery, these motors being operated from central
power-stations located at distant points. Mr. Daft constructed an
electric locomotive, and in November, 1883, constructed what was known
as the Saratoga and Mount MacGregor Railroad. This railroad was twelve
miles in length and included many steep grades. The locomotive, which
hauled a regular passenger-car, received the current from a central
rail. The year following Mr. Daft built and equipped a small road on
one of the long piers of Coney Island, which carried something like
forty thousand passengers in one season. It was an improvement over
the Siemens electric railway established in Germany in 1881--which,
however, was the first road ever established.
The following year the inventor began the equipment of the Baltimore
Union Passenger Railway Company, a line that ran a distance of about
two miles and reached an elevation of one hundred and fifty feet
above the city of Baltimore. This road was put into regular operation
in 1886, and was the second electric street railway in America for
carrying on regular passenger service.
The Baltimore Union Railway had several novel and important features,
one of them being the equipment of part of the line with an
overhead-trolley service, the practical importance of which had been
demonstrated shortly before by Van Depoele. The projector, Mr. Daft,
also built several other lines in different parts of the country,
constantly improving upon his earlier efforts, sometimes using two
overhead trolley wires, with two trolley contacts, thus doing away with
the use of the track as a means of current supply, or for use as part
of the circuit. Although in recent years double overhead trolleys have
largely disappeared, some of them are still in use both in America and
in Europe.
Van Depoele was a Belgian who had come to America in 1869. Although
primarily a cabinet-maker, he had a great liking for the study of
electricity, and devoted all his spare time and money to efforts to
solve the problem of practical street-car propulsion. In 1883, at the
Industrial Exposition at Chicago, he operated a car by electricity,
using an overhead-trolley system somewhat similar to Daft's. By 1885,
he had made sufficient progress to construct a line one mile long for
carrying passengers from the railway station to the Annual Exhibition
grounds at Toronto, Canada. On a single track he operated three cars
and a motor, carrying an average of ten thousand passengers daily,
his train sometimes attaining a speed of thirty miles an hour. For
receiving the current he used an underrunning trolley and pole very
similar to the form now in common use, this being one of the first
instances of employing this particular method of receiving the current.
In this system an insulated track was used for returning the current.
Van Depoele's next venture was the equipment of an electric railway
at South Bend, Indiana, on which five separate cars were operated at
one time--a thing supposed by many to be impossible. The cars of this
road were equipped with motors placed under the cars instead of above
them, thus saving valuable seating-space. In place of the underrunning
trolley and pole, however, the current was taken from the overhead
wire by means of a flexible cable. Later Van Depoele invented an
underrunning trolley and pole, taking out the original patents. His
claims to priority were contested eventually, but they were sustained
by the United States courts.
At this time there were at least a score of inventors whose work added
something of importance to the solution of the problem of electric
traction. But without belittling others, it is probably only justice
to say that the work of Frank J. Sprague, a one-time lieutenant in
the United States Navy, marks the beginning of the modern era of
street railways. In 1888, after a period of struggle and a series of
disheartening disasters, Mr. Sprague and his associates opened an
electric line for the Union Passenger Railway of Richmond, Va., which
"forms a landmark in the history of this industrial development." Over
a line of road with grades at that time considered impossible, thirty
cars were put into use at the same time, the contract for the equipment
calling for its completion in ninety days. The success of this
enterprise, when on the opening day more electric cars were operated
than in all the rest of America together, settled forever the question
of the practicality of electric street railways, as well as many of
the questions of the practical application of the current, thanks to
Sprague's inventive genius.
This road was an overhead trolley-wire system, with an underrunning
trolley held in place by the now-familiar trolley pole. The number
of difficulties that had to be solved in perfecting this apparently
simple piece of apparatus is shown by the statement of Mr. Sprague that
"probably not less than fifty modifications of trolley wheels and poles
were used before what is known as the 'universal movement' type was
adopted."
In this connection the origin of the word "trolley" is interesting. It
seems to have been corrupted from the word "troller" by the workmen of
a Kansas City car-line. On this line an overhead wire was used, the
travelling carriage taking the current from the wire being known as
the "troller." The employees of the road, however, shortly corrupted
"troller" into "trolley"; and "trolley" it has remained ever since.
As in the case of Van Depoele, whose perfection of the underrunning
trolley was contested legally, Sprague's great contribution to electric
traction, the suspension of the motor directly upon the axle, had
finally to be sustained by the United States courts. Sprague's method
was to hang the motor under the car directly upon the axle, by an
extension or solid bearing attached directly to the motor. This plan
of constructing the motor, together with numerous other improvements,
principally in the direction of lightness, simplicity, and
adaptability, soon superseded all pre-existing methods of construction.
Thus Van Depoele's method of taking the current from the wire, and
Sprague's method of utilizing it in the propulsion of the car, must be
regarded as epoch-marking steps in the history of electric traction.
Sprague's invention demonstrated the validity of his contention, now
universally accepted, that motors should be placed under each car
instead of being used on locomotives.
STORAGE-BATTERY SYSTEMS
From the earliest attempts at solving the question of electric
traction, efforts were made to produce some form of storage battery
whereby the cars might be made independent of a distant generating
plant. The advantages of a self-contained vehicle are so obvious that
it is not surprising to find the inventors persistent in their attempts
at producing practical cars of this type. Such battery cars would not
require the dangerous, expensive, and cumbrous system of overhead
wires, or the more sightly but also more expensive system of conduits.
With such a system of cars the elaborate mains and feeders for bringing
the current to the track from the power-house, and for effecting the
return circuit, could be dispensed with. Moreover, the independent
action of such cars over a system where the power is furnished from a
single source, where the stoppage of the current stops every car along
the line, is inestimable.
Between the years 1880 and 1883 many storage-battery cars were built
and put in service both in European and American cities. Probably the
most important one of these lines was that which was built by the
Belgian, Mr. E. Julien, in New York city, in 1887-8. On the Fourth
Avenue road something like a dozen storage-battery cars were put in
operation for a considerable time, and later, improved modifications
of these cars were operated in Philadelphia under the direction of Mr.
Anthony Rackenzaun, of Vienna. But despite the apparent simplicity of
the storage-battery idea, innumerable difficulties were perpetually
presenting themselves in its practical application. Despite the
disheartening results, however, storage-battery cars were not entirely
abandoned in practice until 1903, New York city being the last to
surrender, as it had been about the last to adopt them.
But in February, 1910, the storage-battery street car again made
its appearance on trial in New York--not the old heavy type of
unsatisfactory car, but an entirely new and lighter creation of Thomas
A. Edison, who had been striving for years to solve the storage-battery
problem. This car, which had been tested on the Orange, New Jersey,
street-car line on January 20th, 1910, maintained a speed of fifteen
miles an hour in actual practice, and ran a distance of about one
hundred and fifty miles without re-charging the batteries.
There are some novel features about the car itself, but the
all-important one is the peculiar and novel storage battery which it
has taken Mr. Edison some nine years to perfect. In an imperfect form
this battery was given a trial in 1903, and much was expected of it
because it was not only lighter than the usual form of storage battery,
but it promised more permanency because an alkali was used in place of
an acid as an electrolyte.
In this battery the positive element, which consisted of nickel oxide
interspersed with layers of graphite, was packed in perforated nickel
tubes. The negative element was iron oxide, with potassium hydrate as
the electrolyte. This battery showed no bad effects from over-charging
or from being rapidly discharged, but it was found that the graphite
soon became oxidized and interfered with the working of the battery.
This defect was corrected by substituting chemically pure nickel for
the graphite, but another was soon discovered. Under the pressure
of the oxide of nickel the square tubes containing the nickel were
frequently injured so that the powdered nickel oxide was sifted down on
the pure nickel layers and insulated them.
The only solution of this difficulty seemed to be to pack the nickel
in strong round tubes four inches long and about the size of a lead
pencil, the sides of the tubes being finely perforated. But the expense
of producing such tubes by ordinary methods was prohibitive. A machine
was finally invented, however, which made the tubes economically
by using spirally wound ribbons of metal, the edges being fastened
together during the coiling process. By the use of these tubes the
battery was so far perfected that it was given extensive trials in
1908 on electric vehicles; and as these tests proved satisfactory,
Mr. Edison began the construction of a specially designed street
car equipped with two 5-horse-power 110-volt motors of very light
construction. The car weighs complete about five tons, and the
batteries are stored under the seats running along each side.
This car was tested continuously for three weeks on one of the New
York cross-town lines and performed its work so satisfactorily and
economically that the management of the line decided to give the
system a permanent trial. The regular daily run of this car averaged
something over sixty-six miles, but this by no means exhausted the
capacity of the batteries; and it is estimated that it could easily
have run at least one-quarter farther without re-charging. The
surprising feature of these tests was the low cost of running. The
total cost of electric power for the day's run was about thirty cents,
or 4.3 mills for each mile. The ordinary New York street car costs on
an average about five cents per mile for electrical energy; but on the
other hand, the carrying capacity of these cars is almost twice that of
the Edison car.
The actual cost of running the car, however, was only one of its many
advantages. The fact that no underground conduits have to be laid
or overhead wires erected and maintained makes the initial cost of
installing the line far less than by any other system. The reduction in
the cost of maintenance of the line is also an important item, as it is
estimated that the cost of repairs on conduit lines is about $15,000
annually per mile.
But the most convincing proof that Mr. Edison has really produced a
practical storage battery car lies in the fact that, after testing his
car for three weeks in actual traffic, the managers of the street-car
line ordered sixteen similar cars for operation over their road.
MONORAIL SYSTEMS
The introduction of electricity facilitated the construction of
monorail systems of roads, which had long been the dream of railroad
constructors, since this power could be applied with so much more
flexibility. The defects of the parallel rail system are apparent both
in construction of the roadbed and the operating of trains. It is
almost impossible to lay and maintain the rails in exact parallels,
and even more difficult to keep each rail at the proper height at all
points. Both these factors enter very largely into the determination
of the speed that a train can make over such tracks, any very
great variation from the parallel causing derailment, while slight
depressions or elevations of either rail cause violent and dangerous
rocking of the cars travelling at high speed.
In any monorail system the first of these difficulties, the deviation
of the rail from the parallel, is, of course, eliminated; and it is
found that on a single rail the elevations and depressions are not
serious obstacles. Moreover, the cost of construction of a single-rail
track must obviously be less than for a double-rail track, and the
power necessary to operate cars over such a track far less. But until
the invention of the gyrocar (which is referred to at length in the
following chapter) the methods of balancing the car on a single rail
presented difficulties which quite offset the advantages of the
monorail system. Some of these methods are unique and a few of them are
practical in actual operation.
In Germany a suspension monorail system is in operation, the cars being
suspended from an overhead track. But obviously such a system, which
requires elaborate and expensive steel trestle-work along every fork of
the road, is not adapted to the use of long-distance roads except in
thickly populated districts. A less expensive and highly satisfactory
system is the one invented by Mr. Howard Hansel Tunis and used at the
Jamestown Exhibition in 1907.
In this system the wheels, arranged in tandem, have double flanges
which keep them on the single-rail track, and the cars are prevented
from toppling over by overhead guides. These guides must be supported
on a frame-work, but as there is little tendency to sway on a
single-rail track, they can be relatively light structures. It is the
cost of these frames, however, that practically offsets the low cost
of road-bed construction, so that, everything considered, the mere
matter of initial cost has no very great advantage over the ordinary
double-rail road. But the cost of operating is considerably less than
the older type, and this road would undoubtedly come rapidly into
popularity but for the fact that such gyrocars as the ones invented
in England and Germany are self-sustaining on the rail, doing away
with the expensive overhead frame-work construction, and are likely to
become practical factors in the problem of transportation.
In 1909 an electric aerial monorail up the Wetterhorn in the Alps was
put into operation. On this line a car suspended on two cables, one
above the other and without supports except at the upper and lower
terminals, rises at an angle of forty-five degrees through a distance
of 1,250 feet. There are two sets of these cables, each carrying a car
so arranged as to work in alternate directions simultaneously, this
counter-balancing effecting a great saving in power. The power-plant
is located at the upper end of the ascent, and consists of winding
drums actuated by electricity which raise and lower the cars by means
of cables. On the cars themselves, therefore, there is no power, but
each car is equipped with brakes powerful enough to stop and hold it
notwithstanding the steepness of the incline.
There is nothing particularly novel in the principles involved in this
aerial road, but it is the first of its kind to be built for passenger
traffic. Similar less pretentious roads have been in use for freight
transportation for several years. But the success of this road means
the building of others on inaccessible mountain inclines where the
laying of ordinary roadbeds is out of the question, and the operating
of cog roads too expensive.
VII
THE GYROCAR
On the 8th of May, 1907, Mr. Louis Brennan exhibited, at a _soirée_ of
the Royal Society in London, a remarkable piece of mechanism, which
stirred the imagination of every beholder, and--next morning--as
reported by the newspapers, aroused the amazed interest of the world.
This invention consists of a car run on a single rail, standing erect
like a bicycle when in motion; but, unlike the bicycle, being equally
stable when at rest.
It is a car that could cross the gorge of Niagara on a tight-rope,
like Blondin himself, but with far greater security; a car that shows
many strange properties, seeming to defy not gravitation alone but the
simplest laws of motion. For example, if a weight is placed on one edge
of the car that side rises higher instead of being lowered.
If you push against the side with your hand, the mysterious
creature--you feel that it must be endowed with life--is actually felt
to push back as if resenting the affront.
Similarly, if the wind blows against the car, it veers over toward the
wind. If the track on which it runs--consisting of an ordinary gas-pipe
or of a cable of wire--is curved, even very sharply, the car follows
the curve without difficulty, and, in defiance of ordinary laws of
motion, actually leans inward as a bicycle rider leans under the same
circumstances, instead of being careened outward as one might expect.
A curious mechanism, surely, this new car, with its four wheels set in
line, bicycle fashion, running thus steadily. But strangest of all it
seemed when it poised and stood perfectly still on its tight-rope, as
no Blondin could ever do. As stably poised it stood there as if it had
two rails beneath it instead of a single wire; and there was nothing
about it to suggest an explanation of the miracle, except that there
came from within the car the murmur of whirling wheels.
The mysterious wheels in question would be found, if we could look
within the structure of the car, to be two in number, arranged quite
close together on each side of the centre of the car. They are two
small fly-wheels, in closed cases, revolving in opposite directions,
each propelled by an electric motor. These are the wonder-workers. They
constitute the two-lobed brain or, if you prefer, the double-chambered
heart of the strange organism. All the world has learned to call them
gyroscopes. The vehicle that they balance may conveniently be termed a
gyrocar--a name that has the sanction of the inventor himself.
Let it be understood once for all that a gyroscope is merely a body
whirling about an axis. A top such as every child plays with is a
gyroscope; a hoop such as every child rolls is a gyroscope; the
wheels of bicycles, carriages, or railway-cars are gyroscopes; and
the earth itself, whirling about its axis, is a gyroscope. You can
make a gyroscope of your own body if you choose to whirl about, like
a ballet-dancer. In a word, the gyroscope is the most common thing
imaginable. Indeed, if I wished to startle the reader with a seeming
paradox, I might say without transcending the bounds of truth that,
in the last analysis, there is probably nothing known to us in the
universe but an infinitude of gyroscopes--atoms and molecules at one
end of the scale; planets and suns at the other--all are whirling
bodies. Still there are gyroscopes and gyroscopes, as we shall see.
GYROSCOPIC ACTION EXPLAINED
Now a word about gyroscopic action. If you have rolled a hoop or spun a
top you have unwittingly learned some practical lessons on the subject
which, had you possessed Mr. Brennan's imagination and ingenuity, might
have enabled you to anticipate him in the invention of the gyrocar.
Harking back to the days when you rolled hoops, you will recall that
the child who most excelled in the art was the one that could make the
hoop go fastest. The hoop itself might be merely a wheel of wire, which
would fall over instantly if not in motion; but if given a push it
assumed an upright position and maintained it with security, so long as
it was impelled forward. It seemed able, so long as it whirled about,
to defy the ordinary laws of gravity. A bicycle in motion gives an even
more striking illustration of the same phenomenon. And best of all, a
spinning-top. Everyone knows how this familiar toy, which topples over
instantly when at rest and can in no wise be balanced on its point,
rises up triumphant when whirled about, and stands erect, poised in a
way that would seem simply miraculous to all of us, had we not all
spun tops at an age when the world was so full of wonders that we
failed to marvel at any of them.
All these familiar things illustrate one of the principles of
gyroscopic action which Mr. Brennan has put to account in developing
his wonderful car--the fact, namely, that every revolving body tends
to maintain its chief axis in a fixed direction, and resents--if I
may be permitted to use this expressive word--having that direction
changed. The same principle is illustrated on a stupendous scale by our
revolving earth, which maintains the same tilt year after year as it
whirls on its great journey, notwithstanding the fact that the sun and
the moon are tugging constantly at its protuberant equatorial region in
a way that would quickly change its direction if it were not spinning.
But note, please, that whereas the whirling body assumes a certain
rigidity in space as regards the direction in which its axle points,
the mere translation of the body itself through space in any direction
is not interfered with in the least, provided the axle is kept parallel
with its original position.
You may test this if you like in a very simple way. Remove one of the
wheels of your bicycle, and carry it about the room, holding it by the
axle while it is spinning rapidly. You will discover that it requires
no more force to carry it when spinning than when at rest, provided you
do not attempt to tip it from its plane of rotation, but that if you do
attempt so to tip it, the wheel seems positively to resist, exerting
a force of which it did not show a trace when at rest. A large top,
arranged within the kind of frames or hoops called gimbals, if you can
secure such a one, will show you the same phenomenon; it will resist
having its axis diverted from the direction it chanced to have when it
was set spinning.
If you ask why the spinning wheel exerts this power, it may not be
easy to give an answer. The simplest things are hardest to explain.
No man knows why and how gravitation acts; no one knows why a body at
rest tends always to remain at rest until some force is applied to
it; nor why when a body is once in motion it tends always to move on
at the same rate of speed until some counter-force stops it. Such are
the observed facts; they are facts that underlie all the principles of
mechanics; but they are matters of observation, not of explanation or
argument. And the fact that a revolving body tends to maintain its axis
in a fixed position is a fact of the same category.
So far as we can explain it at all, we may, perhaps, say that the
inertia which the matter composing the wheel shares with all other
matter is accentuated by the fact that its whirling particles all tend
at successive instants to fly in different directions under stress
of centrifugal force. At any given instant each individual particle
tending to fly off in a particular direction may be likened to a man
pulling at a rope in that direction.
If you imagine an infinite number of men circled about a pole to which
ropes are attached, and evenly distributed, each one pulling with
equal force, it will be clear that the joint effort of the multitude
would result in fixing the pole rigidly at the centre. The harder the
multitude pulled, so long as they remained evenly distributed about
the circle, the more rigid the pole would become. But if, on the
other hand, all the men were to stop pulling and slacken the ropes,
the pole would at once fall over. The pole, under such circumstances,
would represent the axis of the revolving wheel, which acquired
increased stability in exact proportion to the increased velocity of
its revolutions, and therefore of the increased force with which its
particles tend to fly off into space.
But be the explanation what it may, the fact that the axis of a
revolving wheel acquires stability and tends to maintain its fixed
position in space is indisputable; and it is this fact which determines
primarily the action of the little revolving wheels of the gyroscopes
that balance Mr. Brennan's car. There are certain very important
additional principles involved that I shall refer to in a moment, but
first let us glance at the car itself and see how the gyroscopes are
arranged. We shall find them fastened within the frame-work of the car,
at its longitudinal centre, in such a way that their axles are parallel
to the axles of the ordinary car-wheels when the car stands in a normal
position. Granted that the gyroscopes are thus transverse and normally
horizontal, and at right angles to the track, the exact location of the
mechanism within the car is immaterial. But the two gyroscopes must
revolve in opposite directions for a reason to be given presently.
[Illustration: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT IN TRANSPORTATION--THE DE WITT
CLINTON TRAIN AND THE GYRO-CAR.
The De Witt Clinton engine, with its archaic coaches, represents the
earliest type of railway transportation in America. The Gyro-car, two
views of which are given, is the working model of a single-rail vehicle
exhibited in England by Mr. Louis Brennan in 1907. It is balanced by an
ingenious gyroscopic mechanism, which its inventor believes will prove
equally successful when applied to vehicles on a commercial scale.]
MR. BRENNAN'S MODEL CAR
The Brennan car as at first exhibited was only a working-model about
six feet in length, and the gyroscopes that balanced it were about
five inches in diameter. It seems almost incredible that wheels so
small should be able to balance a car six feet in length, but it must
be understood that these small gyroscopes whirl at the rate of about
seven thousand revolutions per minute, and, of course, the gyroscopic
force is proportionate to the rate of revolution. If we recall that a
light hoop making perhaps fifty or a hundred revolutions per minute
acquires a considerable stability, we shall cease to wonder at the
rigidity of the axles of the wheels revolving at such enormous speed.
The model car accomplished the feat of carrying a passenger weighing
about one hundred and forty pounds across a little valley on a wire
cable, a voyage in some respects the most remarkable that any man has
thus far been privileged to make. The car has shown that it can go up
or down a sharp incline; but this, as a moment's reflection will show,
does not involve any change of direction of the gyroscopic axle, and
therefore involves only the ordinary laws of mechanics. It is all one
to the gyroscope whether the car moves on the level or up or down hill,
so long as it moves straight ahead.
Nor do the gyroscopes interfere in the least with the turning of the
car in passing round a curve, when the two of them are linked together,
as Mr. Brennan links them, so that any lateral change in the axis of
one is balanced by an opposite change of the axis of the other. With
the single gyroscope, such as Mr. Brennan used when he first began his
experiments, the car encounters difficulties at curves in the track.
But before we can understand how the two gyroscopes balance each other
in such a way as to make the Brennan car lean in while passing about
a curve, we must investigate more fully the action of the individual
gyroscopes. I have already said that there is another principle
involved as supplementary to the principle of the fixed axis; this we
must now investigate.
Perhaps it would be fairer to say that what we have to consider is
not a new principle but a complication as to the application of the
principle of gyroscopic action already put forward. In any event there
is an elementary fact about the gyroscope that I have not yet stated.
It is this: in order that the gyroscope may exercise its fundamental
property of holding its axis fixed, it must have that axis so adjusted
that it is free to oscillate or wabble. That sounds distinctly
paradoxical, but it is a very essential fact. If Mr. Brennan had merely
fixed two wheels rigidly in the frame of his car, they would have had
no appreciable effect in balancing it. Had nothing more than that been
necessary, some one would have invented a gyrocar long ago. But very
much more than that was necessary, as we shall see.
The complication of which I am speaking is illustrated by the action
of the simplest top, which likewise owes its stability to its wabble.
Your top does not rise merely because it spins, but because it wabbles
as it spins--wabbling being the familiar word for what the machinist
calls "precession." A freely spinning top, if in equilibrium, has no
inherency to rise up against gravitation, as your top may have led
you to suppose. Your top rises because it is not spinning freely in
equilibrium, its action being interfered with by the friction of the
point on which it rests; it is seeking a position of equilibrium,
which, owing to the location of its centre of gravity, will be found
when its spindle is erect. But a top supported at both ends and
properly balanced, does not tend to rise but only to maintain its
position.
HOW THE BRENNAN GYROSCOPES WORK
It is such a balanced top as this that we must call to our aid in
explaining the action of Mr. Brennan's gyroscopes. The explanation will
involve the use of a diagram perhaps rather unpleasantly suggestive of
the days when you studied geometry, and I fear I cannot hope to make
interesting reading of the explanation. But it will be worth your while
to follow it, that you may understand the action of one of the most
remarkable and ingenious of inventions. Figure 1 represents a kind of
top called a Foucault gyrostat. It is merely a top or gyroscope in
gimbal frames, such as I have already referred to. With certain slight
modifications, the diagram that represents it might also be a diagram
of one of the gyroscopes in Mr. Brennan's car. Indeed, it was such a
top as this that led Mr. Brennan to his discovery. Once while on a
visit to Cannes, he purchased a top like this of a street vender--and
the gyrocar is the outcome of the studies he made with it. This is also
the kind of top with which Foucault, after whom it is named, proved
that the earth revolves; but we shall come to that story in another
connection.
[Illustration: FIG. 1.]
Reverting to the diagram, the gyroscope or top proper is at the centre,
revolving on the axis _O A_. It is pivoted on the frame _B A C_,
which frame is in turn pivoted so that it can rotate on the axis _B
C_. Lastly, the outer frame _B D C E_ is pivoted on the axis _D E_.
Thus the apparatus as a whole is capable of revolving on each of its
three principal axes. But under ordinary conditions it is only the
inner wheel that is spinning. As this wheel is perfectly balanced, it
will maintain steadily any position that it chances to have when it
is set spinning, and the outer frames will remain stationary unless a
disturbing force is applied to them.
Suppose, now, that the wheel has been set spinning on its axis _O A_ in
the direction indicated by the arrow, while its axis is horizontal, as
represented in the diagram. The wheel will then tend to maintain its
position and resist any attempt to displace it. But its resistance will
be shown in a very peculiar way--whereby hangs our tale. If you apply a
steady downward pressure to the frame _B A C_ at point _A_, attempting
thus to deflect the axis of the spinning wheel of the gyroscope, the
frame will not tip down as you expect it to do (and as it would do if
the top were not spinning) but instead, it will move in a horizontal
plane along the arc _C A B_, the entire mechanism rotating on the axis
_D E_. This motion is equivalent to the wabble of the top, and it is
called "precession."
Please remember the word and its meaning, for we must use it repeatedly.
But now, curiously enough, if you were to apply a sidewise pressure at
_A_, pushing to the left (as we view the diagram) to help on the motion
of precession, the obstinate apparatus will cease altogether to move in
that direction and the point _A_ will begin to rise instead, the frame
_B A C_ rotating on its axis _B C_. This rise of the axis _O A_ will
take place even though the downward pressure is continued. You have
disturbed the equilibrium of the top--unbalanced it--and it must seek a
new position. Contrariwise, if you would have the point A moved to the
right, you must push it upward; if you would have it go down, you must
push it to the right.
This seems rather weird behavior, but if you will note the direction
of the arrow on the wheel you will see a certain method in it. It will
appear that in each case the force you apply has been carried round
a corner, as it were, by the whirling disc, and made to act at right
angles to the direction of its application. This change of direction
of a force applied is strictly comparable to the change effected by
the familiar device known as a pulley. With that device, to be sure,
a pull instead of a push is used, but this is a distinction without a
difference, for pushing and pulling are only opposite views of the same
thing.
Possibly this suggested explanation of the action of the gyrostat may
not seem very satisfactory, but the facts are perfectly clear, and
if you will bear them steadily in mind you will readily be able to
understand the Brennan gyroscope, as you otherwise cannot possibly
hope to do. You have only to recall that pushing down at _A_ causes
motion (called "precession") to the left, and pushing up at _A_, motion
to the right; and that in order to make _A_ either rise or fall, you
must "accelerate precession" by pushing to the left or to the right,
respectively. But you must understand further, that when, through the
application of any of these disturbing forces, you have forced the axis
_O A_ into a new position, it will tend to maintain that new position,
having no propensity whatever to return to its original position. It is
quite as stably in equilibrium with its axis pointing upward as when in
the position shown in the diagram. One position is quite like another
to it; but having accepted a position it resents any change whatsoever.
Now we are prepared to understand the Brennan gyroscope, which consists
essentially of two such gyrostats as that shown in our diagram _A_, set
into the frame of the car on the axis _D E_, their wheels revolving
in opposite directions and their outer frames so linked together that
when one turns in one direction on its axis _D E_, the other must turn
in the opposite direction. As the sole object of having two of the
gyroscopes is to facilitate the going around curves, we may for the
moment neglect the second one, and consider the action of only one of
the pair.
Our diagram 2, then, will represent one of Mr. Brennan's gyroscopes
in action. It is pivoted into the framework of the car on the axis _D
E_. If you examine it you will see that it is essentially the Foucault
gyrostat of our other diagram, with the axis _O A_ projected beyond the
frame to the point _F_.
In practice, the frame _B A C_ is made to carry the field-magnet of
an electric motor for spinning the wheel. But this in no wise affects
the principles of action. Mr. Brennan's invention consists of the
exceedingly ingenious way in which he applies these principles; and
to understand this we must follow our diagram closely. Looking at it,
you will see that the spindle _O F_ carries two rollers _R1_ and _R2_
which may come in contact under certain circumstances with the curved
segment marked _G1_, _G2_, _G3_, _G4_, which are strong segments of
the car-frame itself--the segments, indeed, upon which the force
of the gyroscope is expended in holding the car in equilibrium. It
must be understood further that the roller _R1_ is loosely fitted to
the spindle _O F_ and hence can whirl with it when pressed against
the segment _G1_ or _G3_; whereas the roller _R2_ is fitted about a
non-revolving extension of the frame _B A C_, and not to the spindle
itself. Bearing in mind that the gyroscope itself is perfectly balanced
and hence tends to maintain its axis _O F_ in a fixed direction, we
shall be able to understand what must happen when the car is tipped
from any cause whatever--as the shifting of its load, the pressure of
the wind, or the centrifugal action due to rounding a curve.
[Illustration: FIG. 2.]
Suppose, for example, that the car tips to the right. This will bring
the segment _G1_ in contact with the roller _R1_, and the roller will
instantly tend to run along it, as a car-wheel runs along the track,
because friction with the spindle causes it to revolve. But this, it
will be evident, is equivalent to pushing the spindle _F_ (or the frame
_A_) toward _B_--"accelerating the precession"--and we know that the
effect of such a push will be to cause the spindle (thanks to that
round-the-corner action) to rise, thus pushing up the segment _G1_, and
with it the car itself.
The thrust will cause the car to topple to the left and this will free
the roller _R2_, but a moment later it will bring the segment _G2_ in
contact with roller _R2_ which thus receives an upward thrust. But an
upward thrust, we recall, will not cause the spindle to move upward,
but off to the right toward _C_; and so, a moment later still the
roller _R2_ will pass beyond the end of the segment _G2_ and the roller
_R1_ will come in contact with the segment _G3_, along which it will
tend to roll, thus accelerating the precession to the right, and so
causing the spindle to push downward, bringing the car back to its old
position or beyond it; whereupon the segment _G4_ will be brought in
contact with _R2_, retarding the further oscillation of the car and
causing the spindle to move back again to the left.
This sequence of oscillations will be repeated over and over so long
as any disturbing force tends to throw the car out of equilibrium. In
other words, the gyroscope, when its balance is disturbed by a thrust
due to any unbalancing of the car, will begin to wabble and continue
to wabble until it finds a position where it is no longer disturbed,
and this new position will be attained only when the car as a whole is
perfectly balanced again.
In this new position of balance, the car (owing to a shift of its load
or to the force of the wind) may be tipped far over to one side, as
a man leans in carrying a weight on one shoulder, to get the centre
of gravity over the rail, and in that event the axis of the gyroscope
will be no longer horizontal. But that is quite immaterial. There is
no more merit in the horizontal position than in any other, as regards
the tendency to keep a fixed axis. If it is usually horizontal, this is
only because under normal conditions the car will be balanced at its
physical centre, just as ordinarily a man stands erect and does not
lean to one side in walking.
Reverting for a moment to our diagram and the explanation just given,
it will be understood that the two rollers R1 and R2 are never in
action at the same time, and that it is only the roller R1 that gives
the sidewise push that accelerates the precession (since R2 is not in
contact with the axle itself).
The function of R2 is to retard the precession and bring the axis
to its normal position at right angles to the rail on which the car
runs. There is nothing of mystery about the action of either which the
action of our gyrostat does not explain, but the mechanism by which the
different segments of the car are made to push against the spindle, and
so force it to balance the car in order that it may maintain its own
balance, is exceedingly ingenious. Mr. Brennan himself tells me that he
has improved methods of accomplishing these results, which are not yet
to be made public. The principle, however, is the same as that outlined
in the earlier patents which I have just described.
If you have taken the trouble to follow carefully the description just
given, you will be prepared to understand the anomalies of action of
the gyrocar; for example, why its side rises when a weight is placed
on it; why it leans toward the wind, and why it leans to the inner and
not to the outer side of the track in rounding a curve. The substance
of the explanation is that the greater the force brought to bear on
the roller R1 by the segment of the car that strikes against it, the
stronger its precession, and hence the more powerful its lift. The
oscillations and counter-oscillations thus brought about continue to
operate powerfully on the roller R1 so long as the weight of the car is
out of balance; and balance is restored only when the heavier side of
the car rises, bringing the centre of gravity over the track, just as a
man carrying a weight on the right shoulder leans toward the left, and
vice-versa. Thus, when the gyrocar has a heavy weight on one side, or
encounters a strong wind, it may lean far over, but still be perfectly
and securely balanced, the gyroscopes finally remaining quiescent in
their new position until some new disturbance is applied.
It remains to be said, however, that there is another element
introduced when the car rounds a curve. To understand this, we must
revert to the action of the Foucault gyrostat, as illustrated in
diagram 1. If you held such a gyrostat in your hand in the upright
position in which it is shown in the diagram, and whirled it about, the
axis _O A_ would of course maintain a fixed direction so long as the
gyrostat was free to revolve on the axis _D E_. But if you prevented
such revolution, as by clutching the spindle _E_ firmly, and then
whirled the gyrostat about at arm's length, the axis _O A_ would at
once be forced to take an upright position. If your hand whirled to
the right, the point _A_ would rise; if your hand whirled to the left,
the point _A_ would go down; the principle determining this motion in
either case being that the direction of whirl of the gyroscope must
correspond to the direction of curve given to the apparatus as a whole
by the motion of your arm.
Exactly the same principle applies to the Brennan gyroscope when the
car to which it is attached goes about a curve. The frame pivoted at
_D E_ revolves only within a limited arc, and then becomes fixed, and
so the axis _O F_ tends to tip upward when the car rounds a curve. If
only a single gyroscope were used, this would tend to make the car tip
in opposite directions, according to whether the car is going forward
or backward, and the tip might be dangerous in going about a curve, as
Mr. Brennan found to his cost in his earlier experiments. But when the
two gyroscopes, revolving in opposite directions, are linked together,
the action of one balances that of the other, and their joint effect is
always to make the car lean in at a curve, which is precisely what it
should do to ensure safety. Moreover, the two linked gyroscopes keep
their planes of revolution parallel to the rail, as is essential to
their proper action, and as a single gyroscope would not do.
The balancing action of the gyroscope seems no whit less remarkable
after it is explained. It should be said, however, that the force
exerted by the mechanism is not so tremendous as might at first
thought appear, for the gyroscopes are by no means called upon to
counteract the entire force of gravity brought to bear on the car.
They do not in any sense _lift_ the car; they only balance its two
sides, which when left to themselves are approximately of equal
weight. The car, as a whole, weighs down on the track just as heavily
with the gyroscopes in action as when they are still. Balancing is a
very different feat from lifting, as everyone is aware from personal
experience. Two men pushing against the opposite sides of a monorail
car could keep it balanced on the central rail though its weight vastly
exceeded anything they could lift.
THE EVOLUTION OF AN IDEA
It goes without saying that so elaborate a mechanism as Mr. Brennan's
gyroscope was not perfected in a day. Neither was it hit upon by
accident. It belongs in the category of inventions that were thought
out to meet a mechanical need. Mr. Brennan is an Irishman by birth,
but he was taken by his parents to Australia at the age of nine and
remained there throughout the years of his early manhood. Observation
of the condition of the roads in Australia, and of the enormous
retardation of development due to inadequate transportation facilities
led him to ponder over the possibilities of improvement in this
direction, as he was jolted about the country in a coach with leather
straps in lieu of springs. It became clear to him that a way must be
found to build railroads more cheaply. Furthermore, it was brought to
his attention through observation of the condition of the cattle that
were shipped from North Australia across the continent, that a railway
car that would enable the cattle to make the journey in comfort, and
thus arrive in marketable condition, would have enormous value for this
purpose alone.
For years, Mr. Brennan tells me, the problem haunted him, of how
to make a monorail car balance itself. He studied the action of
rope-walkers, and he attempted various crude methods of balancing a
car, which all came to nothing. He thought about the possibility of
using the gyroscope, and even purchased several elaborate gyrostats in
order to study gyroscopic action. As a friend of Sir Henry Bessemer, he
knew of that gentleman's experiments with the gyroscope in attempting
to make a steady room in a ship, but these also availed him nothing. It
was not until he purchased the toy top at Cannes, as already mentioned,
that he got hold of a really viable idea; and then, of course, almost
numberless experiments were necessary before an apparatus was devised
that could meet all the requirements.
At last, however, a model car, more than fulfilling all his fondest
hopes, was in actual operation. It remained to build a car of
commercial size. To aid him in thus completing his experiments,
Mr. Brennan received a grant of $30,000 from the India Society. He
believed that a car one hundred feet long and sixteen feet wide would
be balanced by gyroscopes three and a half feet in diameter, so
effectively that it would stand erect and rigid though fifty passengers
were clustered on one side of its spacious room.
The accuracy of this prediction was put to the test in November, 1909,
when Mr. Brennan exhibited the first gyrocar of commercial size. The
result was demonstrative and convincing. The large car, carrying forty
or fifty passengers, operated exactly as its inventor had foretold,
and the doubts of the most skeptical were set at rest. Photographs of
the car in actual operation, with its load of passengers, were sent
broadcast, and it became apparent that the introduction of the gyrocar
in competition with railway, trolley, and motor cars of the old type
would be only a matter of time.
When we come thus to consider the gyrocar as a vehicle in which all
of us may soon have an opportunity to ride, there is one practical
question that is sure to present itself to the mind of almost every
reader. What will be the effect should the electrical power that drives
the gyroscopes give out at a critical moment, as, for instance, when
the car is just crossing a gorge or river on a cable? Mr. Brennan's
ingenuity has anticipated this emergency. The gyroscopes that balance
his cars operate in a vacuum, and all the bearings are so well devised
as to give very little friction. The wheels will continue running for
a considerable time after the power is shut off. The large gyroscopes
of the commercial car, it is estimated, will perhaps require two hours
to attain the highest rate of rotation, but they will then continue
revolving at an effective speed for some hours, even if no further
power is applied to them.
It may be said, too, that the gyrocar is provided with lateral legs
that may be let down in case of emergency or when the car is not in
use, to avoid waste of energy in needless running of the gyroscope.
All in all, it would appear that the dangers of travel in a gyrocar
should be fewer than those that attend an ordinary double-track car;
and Mr. Brennan believes that it will be possible, with the aid of the
new mechanism, to attain a speed of one hundred and fifty, perhaps even
two hundred miles an hour with safety.
[Illustration: TWO VIEWS OF MR. LOUIS BRENNAN'S MONO-RAIL GYRO-CAR.
The gyroscopic mechanism for automatically balancing the car is
contained in the cab-like anterior portion. The platform of the car
maintains its equilibrium even when the forty passengers are crowded on
one side, as shown in the upper picture.]
VIII
THE GYROSCOPE AND OCEAN TRAVEL
It must not be supposed that Mr. Louis Brennan's remarkable monorail
car affords the first illustration of an attempt to make practical use
of the principles of gyroscopic action. The fact is quite otherwise.
The idea of giving steadiness to such instruments as telescopes and
compasses on shipboard with the aid of gyroscopes originated half a
century ago, and was put into fairly successful operation by Professor
Piazzi Smyth (in 1856). More than a century earlier than that (in
1744), an effort was made to aid the navigator, by the use of a
spinning-top with a polished upper surface, to give an artificial
horizon at sea, that observations might be made when the actual horizon
was hidden by clouds or fog. The inventor himself, Serson by name,
was sent out by the British Admiralty to test the apparatus, and was
lost in the wreck of the ship _Victory_. His top seemed not to have
commended itself to his compatriots, but it has been in use more or
less ever since, particularly among French navigators.
BESSEMER'S COSTLY EXPERIMENT
These first attempts to use the gyroscope at sea were of a technical
character, and could have no great popular interest. But about
twenty-five years ago an attempt was made to utilize the principle of
the spinning-top in a way that would directly concern the personal
comfort of a large number of voyagers. It was nothing less than the
effort to give stability to a room on a steamship, in order that the
fortunate occupant might avoid the evils of seasickness. The man who
stood sponsor for the idea, and who expended sums variously estimated
at from fifty thousand to more than a million dollars in the futile
attempt to carry it into execution, was the famous Sir Henry Bessemer,
famed for his revolutionary innovations in the steel industry. It would
appear that Bessemer's first intention was to make a movable room to be
balanced by mechanisms worked by hand. But after his project was under
way his attention was called to the possibility of utilizing gyroscopic
forces to the same end. As the story goes, he chanced to purchase a top
for sixpence, and that small beginning led him ultimately to expend
more than a million dollars in playing with larger tops. His expensive
toy passed into history as the "Bessemer chamber." It was actually
constructed on a Channel steamer; but the would-be inventor, practical
engineer though he was, did not find a way properly to apply the
principle, and his experiment ended in utter failure.
With this, the idea that the gyroscope-wheel could ever aid in
steadying a ship at sea seemed to be proved a mere vagary unworthy the
attention of engineers. But not all experimenters were disheartened,
and since the day of Sir Henry Bessemer's fiasco a number of workers
have given thought to the problem--with the object, however, of
applying the powers of the revolving wheel not merely to a single
room but to an entire ship. I have personal knowledge of at least one
inventor, quite unknown to fame, who believed that he had solved the
problem, but who died before he could put his invention to a practical
test. It remained for a German engineer, Dr. Otto Schlick, to put
before the world, first as a theory and then as a demonstration, the
practical utility of the revolving wheel in preventing a ship from
rolling.
DR. SCHLICK'S SUCCESSFUL EXPERIMENT
In the year 1904 Dr. Schlick elaborated his theory before the Society
of Naval Architects in London. His paper aroused much interest in
technical circles, but most of his hearers believed that it represented
a theory that would never be made a tangible reality. Fortunately,
however, Dr. Schlick was enabled to make a practical test, by
constructing a wheel and installing it on a small ship--a torpedo-boat
called the _Sea-bar_, discarded from the German navy. The vessel is one
hundred and sixteen feet in length and of a little over fifty-six tons'
displacement. The device employed consists of a fly-wheel one meter in
diameter, weighing just over eleven hundred pounds and operated by a
turbine mechanism capable of giving it a maximum velocity of sixteen
hundred revolutions per minute. This powerful fly-wheel was installed
in the hull of the _Sea-bar_ on a vertical axis, whereas the Brennan
gyroscope operates on a horizontal axis. So installed, the Schlick
gyroscope does not interfere in the least with the steering or with
the ordinary progression of the ship. Its sole design is to prevent the
ship from rolling.
The expectations of its inventor were fully realized. On a certain day
in July, 1906, with a sea so rough that the ship rolled through an
arc of thirty degrees, when the balance-wheel was not in revolution,
the arc of rolling was reduced to one degree when the great top was
set spinning and its secondary bearings released. In other words, it
practically abolished the rolling motion of the craft, causing its
decks to remain substantially level, while the ship as a whole heaved
up and down with the waves. These remarkable results, with more in
kind, were recorded in the paper which Sir William White read before
the Institution of Naval Architects in London in April, 1907. He
himself had witnessed tests of the Schlick gyroscope, and, in common
with his colleagues, he accepted the demonstrations as unequivocal.
Fully to understand the action of Dr. Schlick's invention, one must
know that it is not a mere wheel on the single pivot, but a wheel
adjusted in such a fashion that it can oscillate longitudinally while
revolving on its vertical axis. In other words, it is precisely as
if one of the two gyroscope-wheels used in the Brennan car (greatly
enlarged) were so placed that its main axis was vertical, its secondary
axis, or axis of oscillation, being horizontal and at right angles to
the ship's length. Thus, while spinning on its vertical axis the body
of the top is able to oscillate, pendulum-like, lengthwise of the ship.
In principle the action of this wheel is not different from that of an
ordinary top on your table which wabbles to the right or to the left
when you push its axis straight away from you. Yet to the untechnical
observer it seems as if the Schlick gyroscope were a living thing,
governed by almost human motives. If you apply a brake to prevent the
longitudinal oscillations of the gyroscope, the effect, even though the
fly-wheel still revolves at full speed, is precisely as if you pinioned
the arms of a strong man, so that he saw the futility of resistance
and made no struggle to free himself. Under such circumstances the
gyroscope--though it continues to spin as hard as ever--has no effect
whatever in preventing the rolling of the ship; it stands there, like
the strong man bound, expressing its discontent with an angry groan.
But if you release the brake so that the entire mechanism is free to
oscillate lengthwise of the ship, all is changed. It is as if you cut
the cords that bound the strong man's arms. Instantly the mechanism
springs into action. It will no longer allow itself to be swung with
each roll of the ship; it will resist and prove which is master. Its
mighty mass, pivoted on the lateral trunnions, lunges forward and
backward with terrific force, as if it would tear loose from its
bearings and dash the entire ship into pieces. It causes the ship to
pitch a trifle fore and aft as it does so; but meantime its axis stands
rigidly erect in the lateral plane, though the waves push against the
sides of the ship as before. The decks of the vessel, that were tipping
from side to side, so that loose objects slid from one rail to the
other, are now held rigidly at a level, scarcely permitted to deviate
to the extent of a violent tremor. The gyroscope has won the contest.
To maintain its victory it must continue its backward and forward
plunging; but from side to side its axis will not swerve.
DID GYROSCOPIC ACTION WRECK THE _VIPER_?
It was the failure to understand that a gyroscope-wheel, to work
effectively, must be given opportunity to oscillate in this secondary
fashion that led Sir Henry Bessemer to spend an enormous sum in a vain
effort to accomplish on a small scale what Dr. Schlick's gyroscope
accomplishes for the entire ship. Now it is clearly understood that
a marine gyroscope on an absolutely fixed shaft cannot exercise its
full action; but there is still a good deal of difference of opinion
among engineers as to just how much a spinning body must be permitted
to oscillate in order to make its gyroscopic effects noticeable. The
discussion that has taken place over the loss of the torpedo-boat
_Viper_ furnishes a case in point.
Some critics contend that the loss of the boat was due to the
gyroscopic action of its turbine engines. They believed that the
turbine at the stern of the little ship held that portion of the craft
in a rigid plane, while the anterior portion of the ship, caught in the
trough of a wave, broke away. That the ship broke in two is certain;
but competent engineers have denied that gyroscopic turbines could have
had any share in its destruction. According to their view, the turbines
of a ship are powerless to exert the gyroscopic action in question,
because their axes are fixed and they thus have not the opportunity for
secondary oscillation to which I have referred. Meanwhile there are
other equally competent mechanicians who believe that the vibration
or oscillation of the body of the ship itself may suffice, under
certain circumstances, to give the turbine precisely such freedom of
motion as will enable it to exercise a powerful gyroscopic effect.
Dr. Schlick himself contends, and seems with the aid of models to
demonstrate, that such a gyroscopic action is exercised by the wheels
of a side-wheel steamer, which revolve on a shaft no less fixed than
that of a turbine. If such is the case, there would seem to be no
reason why a turbine-engine may not at times exercise the power of a
tremendous gyroscope, such as it obviously constitutes. The question
must find practical solution at the hands of the naval architects of
the immediate future, as turbine engines are now in use in several of
the largest steamships afloat, and others are being installed in craft
of all descriptions.
THEORETICAL DANGERS OF THE GYROSCOPE
It should be said that engineers disagree as to the practical utility
of the Schlick gyroscope. No one questions that it steadies the ship,
but some critics think that its use may not be unattended with danger.
It has been suggested that under certain circumstances--for example,
the sudden disturbance of equilibrium due to a tremendous wave--the
gyroscope might increase the oscillation of the ship to a dangerous
extent, though ordinarily having the opposite effect.
The danger from this source is probably remote. There is, however,
another danger that cannot be overlooked, and which marine architects
must take into constant account. What we have already seen has made
it clear that the revolving wheel of the Schlick gyroscope, to be
effective, must bear an appreciable relation to the mass of the entire
ship. Such a weight, revolving at a terrific speed and oscillating
like a tremendous pendulum, obviously represents an enormous store
of energy. It was estimated by Professor Lambert that a gyroscope of
sufficient size to render even a Channel steamer stable would represent
energy equal to fifty thousand foot-pounds--making it comparable,
therefore, to an enormous projectile. Should such a gyroscope in action
break loose from its trunnions, it would go through the ship with all
the devastating effect of a monster cannon ball.
The possibility of such a catastrophe is perhaps the one thing that
will cause naval architects to go slowly in the adoption of the new
device. We can hardly suppose that the difficulties represented are
insuperable, but undoubtedly a long series of experiments will be
necessary before the Schlick gyroscope will come into general use.
The apparatus has been tested, however, on a German coast steamer. It
may not be very long before craft of the size of Channel steamers and
boats that go to Cuba and the Bermudas are equipped with the device.
Naturally enough, this prospect excites the liveliest popular interest.
Visions of pleasant ocean voyages come before the mind's eye of many a
voyager who hitherto has dreaded the sea.
But whatever the future of the gyroscope as applied to pleasure-craft,
there can be little doubt about its utility as applied to vessels of
war. It seems a safe enough prediction that all battle-ships will be
supplied with this mechanism in the not distant future. Amid the maze
of engines of destruction on war-vessels, one more will not appal
the builder; while the advantage of being able to fling a storm of
projectiles from a stable deck must be inestimable.
IX
NAVIGATING THE AIR
If it were possible to regard all medieval literature without more than
a grain of doubt, we must believe that aerial flight by human beings
was accomplished long before science had risen even to the dignity of
acquiring its name. Thus, it is recorded by a medieval historian that
during the reign of Charlemagne some mysterious persons having acquired
some knowledge of aerostatics from the astrologers, who were credited
with numerous supernatural powers, constructed a flying-machine, and
compelling a few peasants to enter it, sent them off on an aerial
voyage. Unfortunately for the unwilling voyagers, so the story runs,
they landed in the city of Lyons, where they were immediately seized
and condemned to death as sorcerers. But the wise bishop of the city,
doubting the story of their aerial journey, pardoned them and allowed
them to escape.
That such a fabulous tale could gain credence is explained by the
prevailing belief in the powers of the astrologers and sorcerers at
that time. People who could seriously believe that an alchemist could
create gold and prolong life and youth indefinitely, would find nothing
startling in the announcement that he could also perform the relatively
simple feat of flying--a thing that birds and bats accomplish with
such obvious facility. And nothing is more certain than that attempts
at aerial flight have been made at various times since the beginning of
history.
As with almost everything else in the matter of modern scientific
advancement, the mysterious writings of the monk, Roger Bacon, are
supposed to contain passages to show that the worthy friar had an
inkling of the secret of air navigation. But he himself admits that he
had only a theoretical knowledge of the subject, and had never seen a
flying-machine of any kind in actual flight.
Much more definite and tangible are the designs of possible
flying-machines still extant in the sketch-book of Leonardo da Vinci,
made in the fifteenth century. From Leonardo's sketches it appears that
the artist had conceived the idea of constructing jointed wings to be
worked with strings and pulleys, the motive power to be that of a man's
arms and legs. It appears also that later he had very definite ideas
as to the possibilities of an aerial screw, and he is believed to have
constructed one of these screws made on the same general plan as that
of the ordinary type of windmill in use at that time. But nothing of
practical importance came of any of Leonardo's experiments.
It is probable that his abandonment of the project of flying by means
of wings worked by muscular force was due to the discovery that the
strength of the muscles of even the strongest man was relatively slight
as compared with the corresponding muscle of birds. Leonardo was
peculiarly capable of discerning this discrepancy in strength, since
he himself was one of the strongest men of his time. It is said that
he could bend and straighten horseshoes with his hands. But in his
experiments with the aerial screw he probably discovered very soon that
even such muscular force as he was capable of exerting was entirely
inadequate; and there being no other mode of producing power at that
time, the idea of aerial navigation by this means was also abandoned.
About this time some imaginative persons, realizing the possibilities
of muscular development when begun in childhood and persistently
practiced, attempted the development of a race of men whose abnormally
strong pectoral muscles would enable them to use artificial wings for
flying. For this purpose a certain number of young boys were selected
and constantly drilled in exercises of flapping the arms, to which
broad sails were attached. These attempts were persisted in for several
years, and it is said that some of these boys became so expert that by
skipping along the surface of the ground and vigorously flapping their
wing-attachments, they could travel at incredible speed, although never
able actually to rise from the ground.
In 1678, a Frenchman named Besnier invented a flying-machine that is
credited with being more successful than any hitherto attempted. His
machine consisted of two bars of wood which were so hinged to a man's
shoulders that they could be worked up and down by movements of the
hands and feet. At the ends of these two bars were muslin wings made
like shutters, so arranged that they were opened by a downward stroke
and closed automatically by a reverse motion. The general appearance
presented by these wings was that of four book-covers fastened by
their backs to the ends of the bars, opening and closing alternately as
the bars were worked up and down.
The inventor began his experiments in a modest way. His first attempt
at flight was by jumping from a chair; next he tried a table; and
finally, emboldened by his success, he made flights from window-sills
and even house-tops. On one occasion he is said to have sailed from
his attic window over the roof of a neighboring cottage, alighting,
without injury, some distance beyond. It was even rumored at one time
that he would try to fly across the Seine, but if such a feat was ever
contemplated, it was never attempted.
Half a century later, however, the Marquis de Bacqueville actually made
such an attempt with a machine somewhat similar to that of Besnier. The
marquis had practiced in private with his machine with such encouraging
results that he felt confident the feat was not an impossible one--in
fact, that he was sure of accomplishing it. He therefore announced
publicly that at a certain time the attempt would be made, and on the
appointed day an immense crowd of people gathered on the banks of the
river to witness the spectacle. Starting from a building some little
distance away from the stream, the marquis made good progress at first,
but just as he reached the river-bank his machine collapsed and he was
tumbled out, alighting on a barge moored at the edge of the stream.
Fortunately, the only injury he sustained was a broken leg; but this
single attempt seems to have satisfied his aeronautic ambitions.
Until this time all attempts made at aerial flight had been those in
imitation of birds; but during the early part of the eighteenth century
the idea of the balloon was developed. This was the result of the
numerous important discoveries made about that time as to the qualities
of the atmosphere, and also several other "airs," as gases were called,
such as their expansion and contraction under different conditions of
temperature.
In 1766 the English philosopher, Henry Cavendish, discovered that
hydrogen gas has only about one-seventh the weight of an equal bulk
of air, this scientific discovery pointing naturally to balloon
construction, since obviously if such a light gas were confined in a
suitable receptacle, the device would rise to a certain height through
the heavier atmosphere, as a cork rises through water. At the same
time the experiments of the chemist, Dr. Joseph Black, and those of
his younger contemporary, Doctor Priestly, were directed along the
same lines, all of them pointing to the possibility of constructing an
aerostat with buoyancy and lifting-power, and Priestly's _Experiments
Relating to the Different Kinds of Air_ is said to have been directly
responsible for stimulating the efforts of Stephen and Joseph
Montgolfier, the French paper manufacturers, who finally invented and
sent up the first balloon.
Even before Montgolfier's invention, Tiberius Cavallo, an Italian
living in England, had demonstrated the possibility of making
toy-balloons. But the balloons of Cavallo were small affairs made
of bladders or paper bags filled with hydrogen gas. One of these
materials being too heavy and the other too porous for successful
balloon construction, the performances of these toy-balloons were not
conclusively demonstrative.
THE BALLOON INVENTED
Throughout the entire spring of 1783, all Auvergne, in France, was kept
in breathless expectancy by constant rumors that the two Montgolfiers
had really solved the problem of aerial flight, and would soon be seen
soaring over the country in a strange birdlike machine. Rumor pictured
this machine in various forms and sizes, but in point of fact there was
really very little secrecy on the part of the inventors themselves, who
frankly explained the principle of the balloon they were constructing.
It was hardly to be expected, however, that most persons would believe
the plain truth that so simple a device as a bag filled with hot air
would do what had long been considered impossible.
Spring advanced and lapsed into summer, however, and as no
flying-machine made its appearance, public clamor became so loud that
the Montgolfiers felt they could postpone their demonstration no
longer, although the balloon they were working on was not completed to
their entire satisfaction. Nevertheless, they fixed on the definite
date of June 5, (1783) as the day and Annonay as the place for making
the trial, and their faith in their invention was shown by the fact
that special invitations were sent to the leading persons in the
vicinity, and a general invitation extended to the world at large.
But in place of some complicated and birdlike machine, as rumor had
pictured the flying-machine, the multitude that gathered about the
starting-point found only an immense cloth bag about thirty-five feet
in diameter, without machinery or wings, and capable of containing some
twenty-two thousand cubic feet of air, which the Montgolfier brothers
and their assistants were inflating with heated air. As the bag filled,
one of the brothers announced with all seriousness, that as soon as it
was completely filled it would "rise to the clouds," carrying with it a
frame weighing some three hundred pounds.
This announcement was not received with the same seriousness with
which it was given. The idea of expecting anyone to believe that an
ordinary cloth bag would fly excited the risibilities even of the
more serious members of the crowd. Nevertheless, as the great globe
filled it became evident to the spectators that it was tugging at the
restraining ropes in efforts to rise, in a most extraordinary manner;
and when, at a signal from the inventors, the ropes were cast off and
the monster shot skyward, the crowd's smiles were turned to expressions
of gaping astonishment. Straight into the air the monster mounted,
and then, wafted by a gentle breeze, it continued to soar and rise
until in ten minutes it had reached an altitude of six thousand feet,
sailing easily in a horizontal direction for a short distance, then
gradually descending and alighting some eight thousand feet from the
starting-point.
The news of this triumph travelled quickly to Paris, and the Parisians
clamored to see the wonderful performance repeated in the capital. The
king and court were as interested as the savants and the populace, and
an order was sent at once by his Majesty, bidding the brothers bring
their balloon to the city.
In the meantime, however, a savant named Charles had started the
construction of a balloon that was to be filled with hydrogen gas
instead of heated air. This was a much more expensive undertaking, as
a thousand pounds of iron filings and five hundred pounds of sulphuric
acid were necessary to manufacture a sufficient quantity of gas to
fill the varnished silk bag. But by the 23rd of August everything
was in readiness for the filling process, and the following day this
first gas-balloon rose from the Champs de Mars to a distance of three
thousand feet and disappeared into the clouds. Three-quarters of an
hour later it descended in a field near the little village of Gonesse,
to the great consternation of the inhabitants of the neighborhood,
who supposed it to be some monster bird, animal, or flying dragon.
Arming themselves with scythes and pitchforks, therefore, but keeping
at a safe distance, the boldest of the peasants sallied out and
surrounded the field in which the creature had alighted. As it made no
offensive movement, however, one bold huntsman armed with his trusty
fowling-piece, crept cautiously within range and fired, tearing a
hole in the monster's side and causing it to writhe and collapse,
giving off what appeared to be a foul-smelling, poisonous gas in its
death-struggles. When finally it lay flat and still the villagers
became emboldened, and rushing upon it cut and tore it to shreds,
ending the performance by tying the fragments to a horse's tail and
sending the animal scurrying across the fields.
In anticipation of some such demonstration as this, the French
Government had sent out a proclamation on the day of the ascent.
"Anyone who should see in the sky a globe, resembling the moon in an
eclipse," the proclamation ran, "should be aware that far from being
an alarming phenomenon, it is only a machine, made of taffeta, or
light canvas covered with paper, that cannot possibly cause any harm,
and will some day prove serviceable to the wants of society." But
apparently none of the villagers of Gonesse had seen this proclamation.
The success of these balloon ascensions sent a wave of enthusiastic
interest in aeronautics all over France. The novelty and possibilities
of ballooning appealed to the French temperament, just as the
possibilities of submarine navigation and automobiling did a century
later. As a result, France became at once the centre of ballooning, the
whole nation being eagerly absorbed in the subject of navigating the
air. In the theatre of action, the Montgolfiers continued to occupy the
centre of the stage, and at all times showed themselves worthy of the
leading rôle. Pursuant to the order of the king, M. Montgolfier had
come to the capital, and on September 19th, before Louis XVI and his
queen and the court at Versailles, sent up another hot-air balloon, or
"Montgolfier," as this kind of balloon had come to be called.
A novel and important feature of this exhibition, however, was the
substitution of living animals for sand-bags or other ballast, as used
heretofore. In a wicker cage a cock, a duck, and a sheep were fastened,
and these were carried some fifteen hundred feet into the air,
descending uninjured, two miles from the starting-point, a few minutes
later. The cage was broken open in the descent, but its occupants
escaped injury, and the sheep was found quietly grazing when the rescue
party arrived.
The successful voyage of these caged animals stimulated the balloonists
to attempt the crucial test of sending up a balloon carrying a human
passenger. But from this perilous undertaking the boldest spirits
recoiled, even the Montgolfiers refusing to venture. In those days,
however, there was always a means of securing human beings, willing
or otherwise, for any undertaking. Where gold would not tempt, it
needed but a word of the monarch to commute the death-sentence of some
criminal, placing him at the disposal of the scientists for a better
or worse fate than the gallows, as the case might be. And so when
Louis XVI heard of the plight of the balloon-makers, he came to their
assistance with the offer of two condemned prisoners to be sent on the
first aerial voyage. This offer had an unexpected effect. The pride of
a certain high-minded aeronaut named Rozier, who had hitherto refused
to risk his life, was touched at the thought of criminals performing an
act that all honest men refused. "What! are vile criminals to have the
glory of being the first to ascend into the air?" he exclaimed. "No,
no, that must not be." And forthwith he offered his own services for
the hazardous undertaking.
The royal decree was accordingly repealed, to the chagrin of the
criminals, no doubt, and preparations made for the momentous attempt.
Montgolfier was engaged to construct a large balloon, and on the 15th
of October, 1783, the trial was made in a garden in the Faubourg St.
Antoine. Let no one suppose, however, that this first man-carrying
balloon was cut loose from the earth and sent skyward to shift for
itself, as might be gathered from the reluctance of persons to make the
ascent. On the contrary, the balloon was held by strong cables, and
allowed to rise only to a height of eighty feet--to the level of some
of the lower windows of a modern sky-scraper--the aeronaut keeping it
afloat for about five minutes by burning wool and straw in a grate made
for the purpose.
Those who have witnessed the reckless manner in which the modern
balloonist mounts thousands of feet into the air, seated on a trapeze
or clinging to flying rings attached to an old balloon, patched and
frequently rotten, may be inclined to sneer at the brave Rozier.
But it should be remembered that in 1783 people had not learned
nineteenth-century contempt for altitude. Furthermore, no one could
tell what might be the effect upon the human system of ascending to a
great height when away from a building or other terrestrial object.
Fainting, hemorrhages, heart-failure, and death had been predicted,
and could not be practically refuted. In short, it was an absolutely
new and untried field; and it required far greater courage on the
part of Rozier to mount eighty feet in a captive balloon than for a
modern aeronaut to sail thousands of feet skyward. In proof of this is
Rozier's subsequent record of ascents in free balloons, and dangerous
voyages, in the last of which he lost his life.
To France, therefore, belongs the honor of inventing the balloon and
being first to test it with a human passenger. On this last point,
however, France only eclipsed America by a few days. For while the
craze for balloon-making was at its height in France during the summer
of 1783, a somewhat similar craze on a small scale had started in some
of the American cities. Two members of the Philosophical Academy of
Philadelphia, Rittenhouse and Hopkins, constructed a peculiar balloon
having forty-seven small bags inflated with hydrogen attached to a car.
On November 28th, six weeks after Rozier's ascent, this balloon was
sent up, with James Wilcox, a carpenter of Philadelphia, as passenger.
Everything was going well with the voyager until he suddenly discovered
that the wind was wafting him toward the Schuylkill River, which so
alarmed him that in attempting to descend quickly he punctured the bags
so freely that he came to the ground with considerable force, escaping,
however, with a dislocated wrist.
Meanwhile, in Europe, a new danger to balloonists had arisen.
Fanaticism was rife, particularly in the vicinity of Paris, and many
members of the cloth were tireless in denouncing this "tampering
with God's laws by invading the inviolability of the firmament."
Fortunately, the king took a broader view, and his soldiers were
supplied freely for protecting balloonists and their property; but even
with this protection both were roughly handled at times.
By this time England had become aroused; balloon-making became popular
across the Channel, and some new records for time and distance were
soon made. One balloon sent up in London landed in Sussex, forty-eight
miles away, making the voyage in two hours and a half. A few days later
a small balloon sent up in Kent was blown across the Channel and landed
in Flanders. But neither of these balloons carried passengers.
As yet there had been few serious attempts at constructing dirigible
balloons, but now Jean-Pierre Blanchard opened a new era of experiments
by combining an ordinary balloon for obtaining the lifting power
with wings and rudder. In this balloon there was also placed an
umbrella-shaped sail interposed horizontally between the car and the
body of the balloon, which was to act as a sort of parachute in case of
accident. On the first voyage in this balloon Blanchard was to have had
for companion a Benedictine monk; but as the machine began to rise from
the ground the monk was seized with fear, turned deadly pale, crossed
himself, and seemed about to collapse. Fortunately at this moment a
leak was discovered in the balloon and it was accordingly lowered for
repairs. When these were completed the aeronaut decided to dispense
with the company of the monk, who was only too willing to gratify his
wish. But just as the car was again ready to start, a stripling student
from the Military Academy forced his way through the crowd, jumped
into the car, and announced his intention of making the ascent. Being
ordered from the car by Blanchard, he declared that he had the king's
license, and when asked to produce it he drew his sword, declaring that
this was the license he referred to. By this time the crowd had lost
patience; some one seized the young man unceremoniously by the collar,
hauled him from the car, and turned him over to the police.
A few years later particular attention was called to this incident by a
rumor, which finally grew into a fixed belief in France, that the young
military student in question was none other than the youthful Napoleon
Bonaparte, then a student at the Academy. Throughout the entire reign
of the emperor this was the general belief, and if it was denied at all
by Napoleon, the denial was not made with due emphasis. At St. Helena,
however, the captive emperor finally stated definitely that he was not
the hero of this escapade, who is now known to have been a student by
the name of Chambon.
Nothing of importance came of Blanchard's first attempt at guiding
a balloon with rudder and wings, except perhaps to emphasize the
fact that wings of an oarlike type were useless for propulsion; but
nevertheless Blanchard soon prepared a somewhat similar balloon in
which he proposed to steer himself across the English Channel. Before
this time, as will be remembered, several balloons had crossed the
Channel, but none of them had carried passengers. On this voyage
Blanchard proposed to make the attempt, taking with him as companion
an American physician named Jeffries. On January 7, 1785, these two
embarked from the cliffs of Dover, a strong wind at the time setting
toward the French coast. Before their journey was half completed they
discovered that an insufficient amount of ballast had been shipped,
and that the balloon was gradually descending at a rate which would
land them in the Channel several miles from shore. To avert this
calamity they were obliged to throw out everything in the car--books,
provisions, anchors, ropes, the "wings" that were intended for guiding,
and also most of their garments. They were, indeed, about to cut loose
the car itself, and climb into the shrouds, when suddenly the balloon,
caught by a fresh current of air, began to rise, and was wafted to a
safe landing place. This was the most daring exploit as yet performed
by the aeronauts.
Although at least fifty different persons had made more or less
extended aerial voyages during the two years that had intervened since
the invention of the first balloon, no one of them had been seriously
injured. Indeed, this apparently most dangerous undertaking had been
relegated to the grade of commonplace in popular opinion, owing to
these fortunate results. But the world was soon to learn that its first
estimates of the dangers of ballooning had not been exaggerated.
Since the invention of the Montgolfier balloon two distinct schools
of balloonists had arisen, one of which favored the hot-air, and the
other the hydrogen balloon. By the advocates of the hot-air balloon it
was claimed that the relatively small expense, and the fact that the
balloonist could descend at any time and renew his supply of fuel, made
this the most desirable type, at least for long-distance voyages. By
the advocates of the hydrogen balloon it was shown that the hot-air
balloon must be constructed much larger to obtain the same amount of
lifting power, could be maintained in the air for a comparatively short
time at most, and was in constant danger from the fire that must be
kept burning in the grate. In reply to this last charge the hot-air
advocates pointed out that a tiny spark of electricity, which would not
affect the hot-air balloon, might explode the hydrogen balloon, thus
introducing an element of danger quite as great as that of the fire in
the hot-air balloons.
As an outcome of these disputes, Pilatre de Rozier, the first man
ever to make an ascent, proposed to attempt to cross the Channel in a
new-type balloon, a combination of hot-air and hydrogen machine, which
was supposed to represent the good qualities of both types. Several
months were consumed in constructing it, and when finally completed he
and a companion attempted to cross the Channel, as had been done by
Blanchard and Jeffries a short time previously. All went well at first
and the balloon was several miles on its journey when suddenly the
wind changed, the balloon was blown back over the heads of the anxious
watchers below, and when a short distance inland, suddenly burst into
flames. At first it descended with an oscillating movement, and then,
freed from the restraining silk and canvas, it shot downward, striking
the earth with terrible force, the two occupants being killed. Thus the
man to make the first ascent in a balloon was also the first to lose
his life. Rozier himself seems to have expected some such ending to his
voyages, and just before making his last ascent he remarked to a friend
that, whatever the outcome, "one had lived long enough when one had
added something to humanity."
The fate of Rozier and his companion being known, and the awful
dangers of balloon ascensions thus forcibly brought home, there was a
popular outcry against such attempts and efforts were made to pass
laws forbidding them. But no such demand or suggestion came from the
balloonists themselves. They could point to the fact that, while as yet
the balloon had been of no importance commercially, it had at least
been turned to some account in the field of science, which was simply
a stepping-stone to commercial advancement. It had been the means
of settling forever the question of temperature and rarefaction at
different altitudes, besides numerous less important although no less
interesting subjects.
While it was true that many of the experiments of the aeronauts had
added largely to human knowledge, some of them were both dangerous
and foolhardy. An exhibition of this kind of folly was given by the
Frenchman, Testu-Bressy, who, wishing to test his theory that large
animals would bleed from the nose at a much lower elevation than man,
despite the thicker consistency of their blood, made an ascent mounted
on the back of a horse. On this occasion the aeronaut did not, even
take the simple precaution of tying the horse's feet to the car; and
what seems most remarkable, the animal made the journey without moving
or showing any sign of fear.
[Illustration: AN INTERNATIONAL BALLOON RACE.
This view was taken before the start of an international balloon race
near Berlin. The balloons are of the ordinary non-dirigible type.]
The time was at hand, however, when Montgolfier, who had always
maintained that the true usefulness of the balloon would be in warfare,
was given the opportunity of seeing his contention verified. On the
breaking out of the French Revolution, balloon corps were at once
pressed into the service of the army. Napoleon Bonaparte carried with
him some balloons on his Egyptian campaign, partly for the purpose
of making observations, and partly to impress the Arabs with
the superiority of Christian armies. A school of aeronautics was
established at Meudon, and some fifty young men, sworn to secrecy,
assigned to it. Balloons were constructed, tested, and distributed
among the different divisions of the army, and one of these was used
for reconnoitering the position of the Austrian forces just before
the battle of Fleurus. In the course of the day two ascents were made
in this balloon, which was held captive by several thousand feet of
cable. The second ascent drew the fire of the enemy's cannon, but the
range was too great and no harm was done. Meanwhile the French general,
Jourdain, was furnished most valuable information by these aerial
voyages.
The Revolutionary wars were also responsible, indirectly, for the
invention of the parachute. It will be recalled that even as early as
the fifteenth century, Leonardo da Vinci had conceived the idea of a
kind of parachute; and that Blanchard had a spread-canvas arrangement
to produce a similar effect attached to some of his balloons. It was
not until 1799, however, that the folding umbrella-like parachute was
invented, the inventor, Garnerin, having developed the idea in trying
to devise some means of escape from the fortress of Buda, Hungary,
where he was being kept prisoner after one of the battles in the North
between the Revolutionary forces and the Austrians and Prussians.
Although he did not actually effect his escape in this dramatic
manner, he finally proved that he had not dreamed in vain during his
imprisonment by demonstrating the entire practicality of the parachute.
Garnerin's first practical test of his invention was made in October,
1797, when he ascended to the height of six thousand feet in a balloon
to which was attached a parachute of the ordinary umbrella type still
used. At that altitude he cut loose the balloon which rushed upward
until it exploded, while the parachute, dropping rapidly at first,
finally settled slowly and gently to the earth, without injury to the
inventor.
PROGRESS IN MECHANICAL FLIGHT
The attempts at navigating a balloon having proved thus far so
unsuccessful, many inventors now returned to the idea of producing a
flying-machine which was independent of the inflated balloon. It was
evident that the resistance presented by the great surface necessary
in a balloon of sufficient size to have the required lifting power was
such that no known efforts of propulsion could overcome this resistance
even in the face of a slight breeze, to say nothing of a strong wind.
The balloon was by no means abandoned, however, and two definite
schools of aeronauts gradually came into existence, each having ardent
advocates.
As early as 1784, the aeronaut Gérard had proposed a flying-machine
which was to be made with body, wings, and steering apparatus, in
which propulsion was to be accomplished by the use of escaping gas and
gun-cotton. The inventor himself was so sanguine of the results, and so
many contemporary inventors were of the same opinion, that when this
machine proved to be an utter failure, the blow to the advocates of
the flying-machine was so great that they did not rally from it for
something like a quarter of a century. In 1809, however, a Viennese
watchmaker named Degen revived interest in attempts at mechanical
flight by inventing a flying-machine which consisted essentially of two
parachutes. These were worked by hand, and the inventor was said to
have been able to rise to a height of over fifty feet from the ground
"moving in any desired direction."
These claims were not borne out in fact, but they stimulated an
interest in the possibilities of mechanical flight, and in the
parachute, which had never come into popular favor despite its
successful use by the inventor, Garnerin. Hopes were again entertained
that a modification of this device might be utilized in solving the
problem of aerial flight, and in 1837 an aeronaut, Henry Cocking,
invented a new type in which he proposed to descend from a balloon.
The parachute of Garnerin, as we know, had been constructed like a
huge umbrella, whereas Cocking's parachute had the general appearance
of an umbrella held upside down. An unusual interest was aroused in
the prospective experiment from the fact that a great majority of
scientists did not consider that this parachute was constructed on
correct scientific principles, and predicted that the aeronaut would
be killed when he attempted to use it. Before the day of the trial
arrived numerous articles had been published, presenting arguments
for and against Cocking's device, and on the very day itself one of
the newspapers contained a long article by a leading authority on
aerostatics, reviewing the numerous reasons why the attempt would
surely prove a failure.