_Napoleon's Amatory Correspondence with Josephine--His Court at
Montebello--Negotiations and Pleasure mingled
there--Genoa--Revolutionary spirit of the Genoese--They rise in
insurrection, but are quelled by the Government, and the French
plundered and imprisoned--Buonaparte interferes, and appoints
the Outlines of a new Government--Sardinia--Naples--The
Cispadane, Transpadane, and Emilian Republics, united under the
name of the Cisalpine Republic--The Valteline--The Grisons--The
Valteline united to Lombardy--Great improvement of Italy, and
the Italian Character, from these changes--Difficulties in the
way of Pacification betwixt France and Austria--The Directory
and Napoleon take different Views--Treaty of Campo
Formio--Buonaparte takes leave of the Army of Italy, to act as
French Plenipotentiary at Rastadt._
When peace returns, it brings back the domestic affections, and affords
the means of indulging them. Buonaparte was yet a bridegroom, though he
had now been two years married, and upwards. A part of his
correspondence with his bride has been preserved, and gives a curious
picture of a temperament as fiery in love as in war. The language of the
conqueror, who was disposing of states at his pleasure, and defeating
the most celebrated commanders of the time, is as enthusiastic as that
of an Arcadian. We cannot suppress the truth, that (in passages which we
certainly shall not quote) it carries a tone of indelicacy, which,
notwithstanding the intimacy of the married state, an English husband
would not use, nor an English wife consider as the becoming expression
of connubial affection. There seems no doubt, however, that the
attachment which these letters indicate was perfectly sincere, and on
one occasion at least, it was chivalrously expressed;--"Wurmser shall
buy dearly the tears which he makes you shed."[290]
It appears from this correspondence that Josephine had rejoined her
husband, under the guardianship of Junot, when he returned from Paris,
after having executed his mission of delivering to the Directory, and
representatives of the French people, the banners and colours taken
from Beaulieu. In December, 1796, Josephine was at Genoa, where she was
received with studied magnificence, by those in that ancient state who
adhered to the French interest, and where, to the scandal of the rigid
Catholics, the company continued assembled, at a ball given by M. de
Serva, till a late hour on Friday morning, despite the presence of a
senator having in his pocket, but not venturing to enforce, a decree of
the senate for the better observation of the fast day upon the occasion.
These, however, were probably only occasional visits; but after the
signature of the treaty of Leoben, and during the various negotiations
which took place before it was finally adjusted, as ratified at Campo
Formio, Josephine lived in domestic society with her husband, at the
beautiful seat, or rather palace, of Montebello.
This villa, celebrated from the important negotiations of which it was
the scene, is situated a few leagues from Milan, on a gently sloping
hill, which commands an extensive prospect over the fertile plains of
Lombardy. The ladies of the highest rank, as well as those celebrated
for beauty and accomplishments,--all, in short, who could add charms to
society,--were daily paying their homage to Josephine, who received them
with a felicity of address which seemed as if she had been born for
exercising the high courtesies that devolved upon the wife of so
distinguished a person as Napoleon.
[Sidenote: COURT AT MONTEBELLO.]
Negotiations proceeded amid gaiety and pleasure. The various ministers
and envoys of Austria, of the Pope, of the Kings of Naples and Sardinia,
of the Duke of Parma, of the Swiss Cantons, of several of the Princes of
Germany,--the throng of generals, of persons in authority, of deputies
of towns,--with the daily arrival and despatch of numerous couriers, the
bustle of important business, mingled with fêtes and entertainments,
with balls and with hunting parties,--gave the picture of a splendid
court, and the assemblage was called accordingly, by the Italians, the
Court of Montebello. It was such in point of importance; for the
deliberations agitated there were to regulate the political relations of
Germany, and decide the fate of the King of Sardinia, of Switzerland, of
Venice, of Genoa: all destined to hear from the voice of Napoleon, the
terms on which their national existence was to be prolonged or
terminated.
Montebello was not less the abode of pleasure. The sovereigns of this
diplomatic and military court made excursions to the lago Maggiore, to
lago di Como, to the Borromean islands, and occupied at pleasure the
villas which surround those delicious regions. Every town, every
village, desired to distinguish itself by some peculiar mark of homage
and respect to him, whom they then named the Liberator of Italy.[291]
These expressions are in a great measure those of Napoleon himself, who
seems to have looked back on this period of his life with warmer
recollections of pleasurable enjoyment than he had experienced on any
other occasion.
It was probably the happiest time of his life. Honour, beyond that of a
crowned head, was his own, and had the full relish of novelty to a mind
which two or three years before was pining in obscurity. Power was his,
and he had not experienced its cares and risks; high hopes were formed
of him by all around, and he had not yet disappointed them. He was in
the flower of youth, and married to the woman of his heart. Above all,
he had the glow of Hope, which was marshalling him even to more exalted
dominion; and he had not yet become aware that possession brings
satiety, and that all earthly desires and wishes terminate, when fully
attained, in vanity and vexation of spirit.
The various objects which occupied Buonaparte's mind during this busy
yet pleasing interval, were the affairs of Genoa, of Sardinia, of
Naples, of the Cisalpine republic, of the Grisons, and lastly, and by
far the most important of them, the definitive treaty with Austria,
which involved the annihilation of Venice as an independent state.
[Sidenote: GENOA.]
Genoa, the proud rival of Venice, had never attained the same permanent
importance with that sister republic; but her nobility, who still
administered her government according to the model assigned them by
Andrew Doria, preserved more national spirit, and a more warlike
disposition. The neighbourhood of France, and the prevalence of her
opinions, had stirred up among the citizens of the middling class a
party, taking the name of Morandists, from a club so termed,[292] whose
object it was to break down the oligarchy, and revolutionize the
government. The nobles were naturally opposed to this, and a large body
of the populace much employed by them, and strict Catholics, were, ready
to second them in their defence.
The establishment of two Italian democracies upon the Po, made the
Genoese revolutionists conceive the time was arrived when their own
state ought to pass through a similar ordeal of regeneration. They
mustered their strength, and petitioned the doge for the abolition of
the government as it existed, and the adoption of a democratic model.
The doge condescended so far to their demand, as to name a committee of
nine persons, five of them of plebeian birth, to consider and report on
the means of infusing a more popular spirit into the constitution.[293]
The three chief Inquisitors of State, or Censors, as the actual rulers
of the oligarchy were entitled, opposed the spirit of religious
enthusiasm to that of democratic zeal. They employed the pulpit and the
confessional as the means of warning good Catholics against the change
demanded by the Morandists--they exposed the Holy Sacrament, and made
processions and public prayers, as if threatened with a descent of the
Algerines.
[Sidenote: May 22.]
Meanwhile, the Morandists took up arms, displayed the French colours,
and conceiving their enterprise was on the point of success, seized the
gate of the arsenal and that of the harbour. But their triumph was
short. Ten thousand armed labourers started as from out of the earth,
under the command of their syndics, or municipal officers, with cries of
"Viva Maria!" and declared for the aristocracy. The insurgents, totally
defeated, were compelled to shut themselves up in their houses, where
they were assailed by the stronger party, and finally routed. The French
residing in Genoa were maltreated by the prevailing party, their houses
pillaged, and they themselves dragged to prison.
The last circumstance gave Buonaparte an ostensible right to interfere,
which he would probably have done even had no such violence been
committed. He sent his aide-de-camp La Valette to Genoa, with the threat
of instantly moving against the city a division of his army, unless the
prisoners were set at liberty, the aristocratic party disarmed, and such
alterations, or rather such a complete change of government adopted, as
should be agreeable to the French commander-in-chief. Against this there
was no appeal. The inquisitors were laid under arrest, for having
defended, with the assistance of their fellow-citizens, the existing
institutions of the state; and the doge, with two other magistrates of
the first rank, went to learn at Montebello, the headquarters of
Napoleon, what was to be the future fate of the City, proudly called of
_Palaces_.[294] They received the outlines of such a democracy as
Napoleon conceived suitable for them; and he appears to have been
unusually favourable to the state, which, according to the French
affectation of doing every thing upon a classical model, now underwent
revolutionary baptism, and was called the Ligurian Republic. It was
stipulated, that the French who had suffered should be indemnified; but
no contributions were exacted for the use of the French army, nor did
the collections and cabinets of Genoa pay any tribute to the Parisian
Museum.[295]
[Sidenote: Nov. 11.]
Shortly after, the democratic party having gone so far as to exclude the
nobles from the government, and from all offices of trust, called down
by doing so a severe admonition from Buonaparte. He _discharged_ them
to offend the prejudices, or insult the feelings of the more scrupulous
Catholics, declaring farther, that to exclude those of noble birth from
public functions, is a revolting piece of injustice, and, in fact, as
criminal as the worst of the errors of the patricians.[296] Buonaparte
says, he felt a partiality for Genoa; and the comparative liberality
with which he treated the state on this occasion, furnishes a good proof
that he did so.
The King of Sardinia had been prostrated at the feet of France by the
armistice of Cherasco, which concluded Napoleon's first campaign; and
that sagacious leader had been long desirous that the Directory should
raise the royal supplicant (for he could be termed little else) into
some semblance of regal dignity, so as to make his power available as an
ally. Nay, General Clarke had, 5th April, 1797, subscribed, with the
representative of his Sardinian Majesty, a treaty offensive and
defensive, by which Napoleon expected to add to the army under his
command four thousand Sardinian or Piedmontese infantry, and five
hundred cavalry; and he reckoned much on this contingent, in case of the
war being renewed with Austria. But the Directory shifted and evaded his
solicitations, and declined confirming this treaty, probably because
they considered the army under his command as already sufficiently
strong, being, as the soldiers were, so devoted to their leader. At
length, however, the treaty was ratified, but too late to serve
Buonaparte's object.
Naples, whose conduct had been vacillating and insincere, as events
seemed to promise victory or threaten defeat to the French general,
experienced, notwithstanding, when he was in the height of triumph, the
benefit of his powerful intercession with the government, and retained
the full advantage secured to her by the treaty of Paris of 10th
October, 1796.
A most important subject of consideration remained after the
pacification of Italy, respecting the mode in which the new republics
were to be governed, and the extent of territory which should be
assigned to them. On this subject, there had been long discussions; and
as there was much animosity and ancient grudge betwixt some of the
Italian cities and provinces, it was no very easy matter to convince
them, that their true interest lay in as many of them being united under
one energetic and active government as should render them a power of
some importance, instead of being divided as heretofore into petty
states, which could not offer effectual resistance even to invasion on
the part of a power of the second class, much more if attacked by France
or Austria.
The formation of a compact and independent state in the north of Italy,
was what Napoleon had much at heart. But the Cispadane and Transpadane
republics were alike averse to a union, and that of Romagna had declined
on its part a junction with the Cispadane commonwealth, and set up for a
puny and feeble independence, under the title of the Emilian Republic.
Buonaparte was enabled to overcome these grudgings and heart-burnings,
by pointing out to them the General Republic, which it was now his
system to create, as being destined to form the kernel of a state which
should be enlarged from time to time as opportunities offered, until it
should include all Italy under one single government. This flattering
prospect, in assigning to Italy, though at some distant date, the
probability of forming one great country, united in itself, and
independent of the rest of Europe, instead of being, as now, parcelled
out into petty states, naturally overcame all the local dislikes and
predilections which might have prevented the union of the Cispadane,
Transpadane, and Emilian republics into one, and that important measure
was resolved upon accordingly.
[Sidenote: CISALPINE REPUBLIC.]
The Cisalpine republic was the name fixed upon to designate the united
commonwealth. The French would more willingly have named it, with
respect to Paris, the Transalpine republic; but that would have been
innovating upon the ancient title which Rome has to be the central
point, with reference to which, all other parts of Italy assume their
local description. It would have destroyed all classical propriety, and
have confused historical recollections, if, what had hitherto been
called the Ultramontane side of the Alps, had, to gratify Parisian
vanity, been termed the Hither side of the same chain of mountains.
The constitution assigned to the Cisalpine republic, was the same which
the French had last of all adopted, in what they called the year five,
having a Directory of executive administrators, and two Councils. They
were installed upon the 30th of June, 1797. Four members of the
Directory were named by Buonaparte, and the addition of a fifth was
promised with all convenient speed. On the 14th of July following, a
review was made of thirty thousand national guards. The fortresses of
Lombardy, and the other districts, were delivered up to the local
authorities, and the French army, retiring from the territories of the
new republic, took up cantonments in the Venetian states. Proclamation
had already been made, that the states belonging to the Cisalpine
republic having been acquired by France by the right of conquest, she
had used her privilege to form them into their present free and
independent government, which, already recognised by the Emperor and the
Directory, could not fail to be acknowledged within a short time by all
the other powers of Europe.[297]
[Sidenote: TREATY OF CAMPO-FORMIO.]
Buonaparte soon after showed that he was serious in his design of
enlarging the Cisalpine republic, as opportunity could be made to serve.
There are three valleys, termed the Valteline districts, which run down
from the Swiss mountains towards the lake of Como. The natives of the
Valteline are about one hundred and sixty thousand souls. They speak
Italian, and are chiefly of the Catholic persuasion. These valleys were
at this period the subjects of the Swiss Cantons, called the Grisons,
not being a part of their league, or enjoying any of their privileges,
but standing towards the Swiss community, generally and individually, in
the rank of vassals to sovereigns. This situation of thraldom and
dependence was hard to endure, and dishonourable in itself; and we
cannot be surprised that, when the nations around them were called upon
to enjoy liberty and independence, the inhabitants of the Valteline
should have driven their Swiss garrisons out of their valleys, adopted
the symbol of Italian freedom, and carried their complaints against the
oppression of their German and Protestant masters to the feet of
Buonaparte.
The inhabitants of the Valteline unquestionably had a right to assert
their natural liberty, which is incapable of suffering prescription; but
it is not equally clear how the French could, according to the law of
nations, claim any title to interfere between them and the Grisons, with
whom, as well as with the whole Swiss Union, they were in profound
peace. This scruple seems to have struck Buonaparte's own mind.[298] He
pretended, however, to assume that the Milanese government had a right
to interfere, and his mediation was so far recognised, that the Grisons
pleaded before him in answer to their contumacious vassals. Buonaparte
gave his opinion, by advising the canton of the Grisons, which consists
of three leagues, to admit their Valteline subjects to a share of their
franchises, in the character of a fourth association. The moderation of
the proposal may be admitted to excuse the irregularity of the
interference.
The representatives of the Grey League, were, notwithstanding,
profoundly hurt at a proposal which went to make their vassals their
brother-freemen, and to establish the equality of the Italian serf, who
drank of the Adda, with the free-born Switzer, who quaffed the waters of
the Rhine. As they turned a deaf ear to his proposal, deserted his
tribunal, and endeavoured to find support at Bern, Paris, Vienna, and
elsewhere, Napoleon resolved to proceed against them in default of
appearance; and declaring, that as the Grisons had failed to appear
before him, or to comply with his injunctions, by admitting the people
of the Valteline to be parties to their league, he therefore adjudged
the state, or district, of the Valteline, in time coming, to belong to,
and be part of, the Cisalpine republic. The Grisons in vain humbled
themselves when it was too late, and protested their readiness to plead
before a mediator too powerful to be declined under any ground known in
law; and the Valteline territory was adjudged [October 10] inalienably
annexed to and united with Lombardy; of which, doubtless, it forms, from
manners and contiguity, a natural portion.[299]
The existence of a state having free institutions, however imperfect,
seemed to work an almost instant amelioration on the character of the
people of the north of Italy. The effeminacy and trifling habits which
resigned all the period of youth to intrigue and amusement, began to
give place to firmer and more manly virtues--to the desire of honourable
minds to distinguish themselves in arts and arms.[300] Buonaparte had
himself said, that twenty years would be necessary to work a radical
change on the national character of the Italians; but even already those
seeds were sown, among a people hitherto frivolous because excluded from
public business, and timorous because they were not permitted the use of
arms, which afterwards made the Italians of the north equal the French
themselves in braving the terrors of war, besides producing several
civil characters of eminence.
Amid those subordinate discussions, as they might be termed, in
comparison to the negotiations betwixt Austria and France, these two
high contracting parties found great difficulty in agreeing as to the
pacific superstructure which they should build upon the foundation which
had been laid by the preliminaries exchanged at Leoben. Nay, it seemed
as if some of the principal stipulations, which had been there agreed
upon as the corner-stones of their treaty, were even already beginning
to be unsettled.
It will be remembered, that, in exchange for the cession of Flanders,
and of all the countries on the left side of the Rhine, including the
strong city of Mayence, which she was to yield up to France in
perpetuity, Austria stipulated an indemnification on some other
frontier. The original project bore, that the Lombardic republic, since
termed the Cisalpine, should have all the territories extending from
Piedmont to the river Oglio. Those to the eastward of that river were to
be ceded to Austria as an equivalent for the cession of Belgium, and the
left bank of the Rhine. The Oglio, rising in the Alps, descends through
the fertile districts of Brescia and Cremasco, and falls into the Po
near Borgo-forte, enclosing Mantua on its left bank, which strong
fortress, the citadel of Italy, was, by this allocation, to be restored
to Austria. There were farther compensations assigned to the Emperor,
by the preliminaries of Leoben. Venice was to be deprived of her
territories on the mainland, which were to be confiscated to augment the
indemnity destined for the empire; and this, although Venice, as far as
Buonaparte yet knew, had been faithful to the neutrality she had
adopted. To redeem this piece of injustice, another was to be
perpetrated. The state of Venice was to receive the legations of
Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna, in lieu of the dominions which she was to
cede to Austria; and these legations, it must not be forgotten, were the
principal materials of the Cispadane republic, founded by Buonaparte
himself. These, however, with their population, which he had led to hope
for a free popular government, he was now about to turn over to the
dominion of Venice, the most jealous oligarchy in the world, which was
not likely to forgive those who had been forward in expressing a desire
of freedom. This was the first concoction of the treaty of Leoben, from
which it appears that the negotiators of the two great powers regarded
the secondary and weaker states, whether ancient or of modern erection,
merely as make-weights, to be thrown into either scale, as might be
necessary to adjust the balance.
It is true, the infant Cispadane republic escaped the fate to which its
patron and founder was about to resign it; for after this arrangement
had been provisionally adjusted, news came of the insurrection of
Venice, the attack upon the French through her whole territory, and the
massacre at Verona. This aggression placed the ancient republic, so far
as France was concerned, in the light of a hostile power, and entitled
Buonaparte to deal with her as a conquered one, perhaps to divide, or
altogether to annihilate her. But, on the other hand, he had received
their submission, ratified the establishment of their new popular
constitution, and possessed himself of the city, under pretence of
assigning it a free government, according to the general hope which he
had held out to Italy at large. The right of conquest was limited by the
terms on which surrender had been accepted. Austria, on the other hand,
was the more deeply bound to have protected the ancient republic, for it
was in her cause that Venice so rashly assumed arms; but such is the
gratitude of nations, such the faith of politicians, that she appears,
from the beginning, to have had no scruple in profiting by the spoils of
an ally, who had received a death-wound in her cause.
By the time the negotiators met for finally discussing the
preliminaries, the Directory of France, either to thwart Buonaparte,
whose superiority became too visible, or because they actually
entertained the fears they expressed, were determined that Mantua, which
had been taken with such difficulty, should remain the bulwark of the
Cisalpine republic, instead of returning to be once more that of the
Austrian territories in Italy. The Imperial plenipotentiaries insisted,
on the other hand, that Mantua was absolutely necessary to the safety of
their Italian possessions, and became more so from the peculiar
character of their new neighbour, the Cisalpine republic, whose example
was likely to be so perilous to the adjacent dependencies of an ancient
monarchy. To get over this difficulty, the French general proposed that
the remaining dominions of Venice should be also divided betwixt Austria
and France, the latter obtaining possession of the Albanian territories
and the Ionian islands belonging to the republic, of which the high
contracting powers signed the death-warrant; while Istria, Dalmatia,
Venice herself, and all her other dominions, should be appropriated to
Austria. The latter power, through her minister, consented to this
arrangement with as little scruple, as to the former appropriation of
her forlorn ally's possessions on the Terra Firma.
But as fast as obstacles were removed on one side, they appeared to
start up on another, and a sort of pause ensued in the deliberations,
which neither party seemed to wish to push to a close. In fact, both
Napoleon, plenipotentiary for France, and Count Cobentzel,[301] a man of
great diplomatic skill and address, who took the principal management on
the part of Austria, were sufficiently aware that the French government,
long disunited, was in the act of approaching to a crisis. This
accordingly took place, under circumstances to be hereafter noticed, on
the eighteenth of Fructidor, creating, by a new revolutionary movement,
a total change of administration. When this revolution was accomplished,
the Directory, who accomplished it, feeling themselves more strong,
appeared to lay aside the idea of peace, and showed a strong disposition
to push their advantages to the utmost.
Buonaparte was opposed to this. He knew that if war was resumed, the
difficulties of the campaign would be thrown on him, and the blame also,
if the results were not happy. He was determined, therefore, in virtue
of his full powers, to bring the matter to a conclusion, whether the
Directory would or not. For this purpose he confronted Cobentzel, who
still saw his game in gaining delay, with the sternness of a military
envoy. On the 16th October, the conferences were renewed upon the former
grounds, and Cobentzel went over the whole subject of the
indemnifications--insisting that Mantua, and the line of the Adige,
should be granted to the Emperor; threatening to bring down the Russians
in case the war should be renewed; and insinuating that Buonaparte
sacrificed the desire of peace to his military fame, and desired a
renewal of the war. Napoleon, with stern but restrained indignation,
took from a bracket an ornamental piece of china, on which Cobentzel set
some value, as being a present from the Empress Catherine. "The truce,"
he said, "is then ended, and war declared. But beware--before the end of
autumn, I will break your empire into as many fragments as this
potsherd."[302] He dashed the piece of china against the hearth, and
withdrew abruptly. Again we are reminded of the Argantes of Tasso.[303]
The Austrian plenipotentiaries no longer hesitated to submit to all
Napoleon's demands, rather than again see him commence his tremendous
career of irresistible invasion. The treaty of Campo Formio therefore
was signed on the following day; not the less promptly, perhaps, that
the affairs at Paris appeared so doubtful as to invite an ambitious and
aspiring man like Napoleon to approach the scene where honours and power
were distributed, and where jarring factions seemed to await the
influence of a character so distinguished and so determined.
The fate of Venice, more from her ancient history than either the value
of her institutions, which were execrable, or the importance of her late
existence, still dwells somewhat on the memory. The ancient republic
fell "as a fool dieth." The aristocrats cursed the selfishness of
Austria, by whom they were swallowed up, though they had perilled
themselves in her cause. The republicans hastened to escape from
Austrian domination, grinding their teeth with rage, and cursing no less
the egotistic policy of the French, who, making a convenient pretext of
their interest, had pretended to assign them a free constitution, and
then resigned them to become the vassals of a despotic government.
The French secretary of legation, who had played a remarkably active
part during the Revolution, hazarded a remonstrance to Buonaparte on the
surrender of Venice to Austria, instead of its being formed into a free
democracy, or united with the Cisalpine republic.[304] Buonaparte
laughed to scorn a man, whose views were still fixed on diffusing and
propagating the principles of Jacobinism. "I have received your letter,"
was the stern and contemptuous reply, "and cannot comprehend it. The
Republic of France is not bound by any treaty, to sacrifice its
interests and advantages to the Committee of Public Safety in Venice, or
to any other class of individuals. France does not make war in behalf
and for the benefit of others.[305] I know it costs nothing for a few
chattering declaimers, whom I might better describe as madmen, to talk
of a universal republic--I wish they would try a winter campaign. The
Venetian republic exists no longer. Effeminate, corrupted, treacherous,
and hypocritical, the Venetians are unfit for liberty. If she has the
spirit to appreciate, or courage to assert it, the time is not
unfavourable--let her stand up for it."[306] Thus, with insult added to
misery, and great contempt thrown by Napoleon on the friends of liberty
all over the world, the fate of Venice was closed. The most remarkable
incident of the final transfer to the Austrians was, that the aged Doge
Marini dropt down senseless as he was about to take the oath of
allegiance to the Imperial commissioner, and died shortly after.
[Sidenote: CONGRESS OF RASTADT.]
[Sidenote: Nov. 12.]
Napoleon Buonaparte had now finished for the present his career of
destiny in Italy, which country first saw his rising talents, and was
always a subject of peculiar interest to him. He took an affecting leave
of the soldiers,[307] who could scarce hope ever to see him replaced by
a general of merits so transcendent, and made a moderate and judicious
address to the Cisalpine republic. Finally, he departed, to return
through Switzerland to Rastadt, where a congress was sitting for the
settlement and pacification of the German empire, and where he was to
act as a plenipotentiary on the part of France.[308]
On the journey he was observed to be moody and deeply contemplative. The
separation from a hundred thousand men whom he might call his own, and
the uncertainty of the future destinies to which he might be summoned,
are enough to account for this, without supposing, as some have done,
that he already had distinctly formed any of those projects of ambition
which Time opened to him. Doubtless, however, his ardent ambition showed
him remote and undefined visions of greatness. He could not but be
sensible that he returned to the capital of France in a situation which
scarce admitted of any mediocrity. He must either be raised to a yet
more distinguished height, or altogether broken down, levelled with the
mass of subjects, and consigned to comparative obscurity. There was no
middle station for the Conqueror and Liberator of Italy.
FOOTNOTES:
[290] For some curious extracts from this Correspondence, see Appendix,
No. IV.
[291] Montholon, tom. iv., p. 147.
[292] The club held their meetings at the house of an apothecary, named
_Morando_. Botta describes him as "un uomo precipitoso, e di estremi
pensieri, e che credeva, che ogni cosa fosse licita per arrivare a
quella libertà, ch'ei si figurava in mente."--_Storia_, tom. ii., p.
364.
[293] Montholon, tom. iv., p. 152.
[294] "On the 6th of June, the deputies from the Senate signed a
convention at Montebello, which put an end to Doria's constitution, and
established the democratical government of Genoa. The people burned the
Golden Book, and broke the statue of Doria to pieces. This outrage on
the memory of that great man displeased Napoleon, who required the
provisional government to restore it."--MONTHOLON, tom. iv., p. 157.
[295] Montholon, tom. iv., p. 155; Jomini, tom. x., p. 169; Botta, tom.
ii., p. 371.
[296] "The Council of Five Hundred at Paris was at this time debating on
a motion made by Siêyes, tending to expel all the nobles from France, on
giving them the value of their property. This advice, given by Napoleon
to the Republic of Genoa, appeared to be addressed, in fact, to the
French Republic, which at all events profited by it; for this terrific
plan was abandoned."--MONTHOLON, tom. iv., p. 164.
[297] Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 121; Montholon, tom. iv., p. 179;
Jomini, tom. x., p. 364.
[298] Montholon, tom. iv., p. 187.
[299] Montholon, tom. iv., p. 185; Botta, tom. ii., p. 461.
[300] "Instead of passing their time at the feet of women, the young
Italians now frequented the riding and fencing schools, and fields of
exercise. In the comedies and street farces, there had always been an
Italian, represented as a very cowardly though witty fellow, and a kind
of bullying captain,--sometimes a Frenchman, but more frequently a
German--a very powerful, brave, and brutal character, who never failed
to conclude with caning the Italian to the great satisfaction of the
applauding spectators. But such allusions were now no longer endured by
the populace; authors now brought brave Italians on the stage, putting
foreigners to flight, and defending their honour and their
rights."--NAPOLEON, _Montholon_, tom. iv., p. 185.
[301] "Count Cobentzel was a native of Brussels; a very agreeable man in
company, and distinguished by studied politeness; but positive and
intractable in business. There was a want of propriety and precision in
his mode of expressing himself, of which he was sensible; and he
endeavoured to compensate for this by talking loud and using imperious
gestures."--NAPOLEON, _Montholon_, tom. iv., p. 239.
[302] Montholon, tom. iv., p. 251.
[303]
Spiegò quel crudo il seno, e'l manto scosse,
Ed a guerra mortal, disse, vi sfido:
E'l disse in atto si feroce ed empio
Che parve aprir di Giano il chiuso tempio.
_La Gerusalemme Liberata, Canto II._--S.
His lap he open'd and spread forth his cloke,
To mortal wars, he saies, I you defie--
And this he uttered with fell rage and hate
And seem'd of Janus' church t' undoe the gate.
FAIRFAX.
[304] See this remonstrance in Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 393.
[305] The language of injustice is alike in similar instances. When
Edward I., in the course of over-running Scotland, was reminded of the
claims of the candidate for the throne, in whose cause he had pretended
to take arms, he answered in the very words of Buonaparte,--"Have we
nothing else to do but to conquer kingdoms for other people?"--S.
[306] Daru, tom. vi., p. 60; Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 394.
[307] "Soldiers! I set out to-morrow for Rastadt. Separated from the
army, I shall sigh for the moment of my rejoining it, and braving fresh
dangers. Whatever post government may assign to the soldiers of the army
of Italy, they will always be the worthy supporters of liberty, and of
the glory of the French name. Soldiers! when you talk of the princes you
have conquered, of the nations you have set free, and the battles you
have fought in two campaigns, say, 'in the next two campaigns we shall
do still more!'"
[308] Montholon, tom. iv., p. 258.