“Yes, Master Postern,” said I, “he does so; and that same ‘very old

drawing,’ is nothing less than a most fair and interesting view of the

Western side, as it appeared about the time of Elizabeth, or James I.,

delicately drawn with a pen, slightly shaded, coloured, and gilded,

but all faded by time, and nearly worn out by having been folded in

two, from the continual friction of the surfaces. It measures about

24-1/4 inches, by 4-3/8 inches; and is now contained in the portfolio

marked ‘_London and Westminster_, 1. 246, 247. C.’ As the Bridge is

represented with the Northern end in a perfectly entire state, it must

have been drawn anterior to the great conflagration which destroyed it

in 1632-33; though it was probably to commemorate that event, that some

rude and barbarous hand has disfigured it with those numerous streaks

of red, which Bagford and Gough supposed to represent flames. From

the minute and careful manner in which it is drawn, it may certainly

be esteemed as peculiarly authentic; and, therefore, I proceed to

notice to you, that it, very probably, contains a representation of

the four Mills, which you have already mentioned as being set up near

this place. At the Southern end, below the Traitors’ Gate, is a kind of

long shed, formed of shingles, or thin boards, erected on three of the

sterlings, and covering, as the Citizens proposed, four water wheels,

which edifice is, doubtless, intended to represent the ANCIENT CORN

MILLS AT LONDON BRIDGE.

[Illustration]

“Now, Mr. Barnaby, as this building stands out so far from the Bridge

itself as to leave a considerable space between them, though enclosed

on all sides, a sort of water-square open at the top, it appears to me

an evident proof that it represents those very Mills. In the roof of

the building are three sets of windows; and an open stage, or floor,

appears a short distance below it. At the North end, also, of this most

interesting prospect, against the first sterling, is a high square

building, like a tower, having a low wooden gallery in front of it;

and a single water-wheel turning beneath it; which are, most probably,

intended for the WATERWORKS AND TOWER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

[Illustration]

“With regard to the other principal features of the Pepysian view, I

shall remark to you only, that the Western side of the Nonesuch House

is delineated in the richest and most delicate manner, all its carvings

and columns being minutely drawn and touched with gold; whilst a whole

grove of heads and quarters raised upon staves stands upon the top of

the Traitors’ Gate beyond it; and so much then for a brief description

of this ancient prospect of London Bridge.”

“I am much your debtor, most worthy Master Geoffrey,” said Mr. Postern,

as I concluded, “I, truly, am greatly your debtor, for these curious

notices of a view, at once so rare, so interesting, and so antique:

and, touching the Water-house, or Tower, to which you have alluded,

although we have not any certain information of the time when it was

erected, yet from the circumstance of its appearing with a name in John

Norden’s very scarce view of London Bridge, which I shall presently

mention, it may be supposed to have been set up in the time of

Elizabeth, and was, perhaps, as old as the Water-works themselves. In

the first edition of Stow’s ‘_Survey_,’ by Strype, London, 1720, volume

i., book ii., page 174, there is a passage relating to the Water-house,

which does not appear either in the original edition of 1598, nor in

the last ancient one of 1633; and therefore may be very justly supposed

to refer to the wooden building erected _after_ the Great Fire; when it

will most properly be noticed.

“I must here again refer to the Account-rolls of the Bridge Keepers,

for the memoranda of some past years’ revenues and expenditure, to

inform you that in the year 1562 the rental was £1071. 6_s._ The

salaries, and allowance for horsekeeping, to William Draper and Robert

Essington, the Wardens, were the same as those paid in 1556; but the

liveries were increased to £3. 6_s._ 8_d._ each. The whole amount for

the year being £64. In 1565,--says the same authority,--the allowance

to each Bridge-Master for fees, livery, &c. was £33.: and the rental

of the estates amounted to £1168. 8_s._ 5-1/2_d._: while in 1590,

the Bridge rental was £1369. 7_s._ 2_d._; and Robert Aske and James

Conneld, the Wardens, paid the two Bridge-Masters for their Year’s fee,

£50. each, with £3. each for their horses and liveries; making the

whole charge £106.

“In the year 1591, a most singular instance of drought occurred in

the vicinity of our history, as you may read in Stow’s ‘_Annals_,’

page 765, where he states, that on ‘Wednesday, the sixth of September,

the wind West-and-by-South, as it had beene for the space of two days

before, very boysterous, the riuer of Thamis was so voyd of water, by

forcing out the fresh and keeping backe the sault, that men in diuers

places might goe 200 paces ouer, and then fling a stone to the land. A

Collier, on a mare, rode from the North side to the South, and backe

againe, on either side of London Bridge, but not without danger of

drowning both wayes.’

“The year 1594 was particularly remarkable for a dearth of corn,

occasioned, as Stow tells us, it was supposed,--see his ‘_Annals_,’

page 769,--by the English Merchants having exported it too largely.

The summer had been extremely wet; for not only much rain fell in

May; but, in the following two months, it commonly rained every day,

or night, until the 25th of July, the Feast of St. James, and two

days after, without intermission. Notwithstanding these floods a fair

harvest followed in August, but the price of grain rose to 5_s._ for a

bushel of Rye, whilst Wheat was sold from 6_s._ to 8_s._ the bushel,

and increased even still higher. In consequence of this, Sir John

Spencer, the Lord Mayor, procured it to be ordered, that the several

Companies of the City should presently provide themselves with certain

proportions of wheat and rye, to be laid up in the public granaries

at the Bridge House. In December, however, the greatest part of their

stores was yet wanting, and the Lord Mayor, therefore, issued a new

order on the 13th of that month, directing that the whole quantity

should be laid up in the Bridge-House before the 8th of the ensuing

January; since corn was then being imported into England. At this

period, Elizabeth was, most probably, preparing those twenty-six

vessels, which she despatched, the following year, to Spanish America,

under Sir John Hawkins; since, in his capacity of Treasurer of the

Navy, he demanded of the Lord Mayor the Bridge-House, granaries,

ovens, &c. for the use of the Queen’s Navy, and baking biscuits for

the fleet. Cecil, Lord Burleigh, who was then Lord Treasurer, being a

great patron and protector of the City; to him the Lord Mayor addressed

a remonstrance against Sir John Hawkins, stating all the foregoing

circumstances, that the City would be deprived of its provision, if he

lent the granaries; that the Companies would neglect to lay up the corn

they were enjoined to do, and that grain must either be bought from

the Badgers, or Meal-sellers, or else the Merchants be discouraged from

importing any more. He added also, that the ovens in the Bridge-House

were required for baking bread for the City poor, at reduced rates;

and he concluded by representing that the Queen had not only granaries

about Tower Hill, Whitehall, and Westminster, but that Winchester House

was also in her possession, in which large quantities of corn might be

deposited. This honest and spirited conduct of the Lord Mayor produced,

on the part of Admiral Hawkins, the reply ‘that he should hear more to

his further dislike,’ as well as some letters from the Privy Council

in censure of his proceedings. Upon which he again addressed the Lord

Treasurer, entreated his favour and protection, and petitioned that the

granaries might still be employed for the use of the City, lest the

dearth of corn should yet increase, or the poor of London should be

distressed for provision: adding that, as the City was then unprovided,

his Lordship would hold him excused from resigning the Bridge House,

and submitting himself to his good pleasure. With these answers,

Hawkins was probably forced to be content, as we meet with no farther

correspondence upon this subject.

“With these particulars, then, terminate our annals of London Bridge

for the sixteenth century; but before we pass on to the opening of the

following one, let me mention to you the views of this edifice which we

possess, illustrative of the period we have now arrived at, and give

you a general idea of its appearance, whilst it yet remained in its

greatest state of splendour.

“One of the most ancient representations of London Bridge is contained

in that painting of the procession of King Edward VI. from the Tower,

to his Coronation at Westminster, February the 19th, 1547; the original

of which was executed to decorate a part of the Great Dining Room of

Cowdray Hall, Sussex, the seat of Viscount Montague, where it was

destroyed by fire in 1793. An engraving of this interesting picture

was, however, published by the Society of Antiquaries in May, 1797;

and the Bridge is there represented at the left hand of the engraving,

containing four or five buildings erected on the side, in the centre

of which rises a spire, perhaps meant for the Chapel of St. Thomas;

and at the Southern end appears the gate. This, however, is but an

oblique view, and by no means to be depended upon for its accuracy;

though, at the same time, the plate contains numerous other interesting

features of antiquity, which render it invaluable to all the admirers

of London in the olden times. The next most ancient prints of this

edifice are those maps and plans of London which include the Bridge;

such as that contained in the ‘_Civitates Orbis Terrarum_,’ by George

Braun and Francis Hohenberg, volume i., Cologne, 1523, folio, signature

A:--the famous map of Radulphus Aggas, published about 1588; and some

others of less note, of which you have a tolerably accurate account

in Richard Gough’s ‘_British Topography_,’ volume i., pages 743-760.

These plans, however, although exceedingly interesting, are, from their

great extent, less pleasing than a view, as it regards particulars;

for the buildings are sometimes so rudely and minutely sketched, as to

convey no perfect idea to the minds of such as desire to contemplate

old London in all its original quaintness and antique beauty.

“But, perhaps, the rarest and most curious prospect of London Bridge

in the reign of Elizabeth, is that engraven by John Norden, of which

an impression rests in Mrs. Sutherland’s sumptuously-illustrated copy

of Lord Clarendon’s History of the Rebellion, in 31 volumes imperial

folio, comprising 5800 prints and original drawings. Norden, you will

recollect, was Surveyor to Henry, Prince of Wales, and died about

1626; and his view of London Bridge was, most probably, published two

years before, for, though it is without date, it bears the arms of,

and is dedicated to, Sir John Gore, Lord Mayor in 1624. The dedication

states, however, that Norden had ‘described it in the time of Queene

Elizabeth, but that the plate had bene neare these 20 yeares imbezeled

and detained by a person till of late vnknowne.’ The view of the

Bridge is taken from the Eastern side, and the edifice is represented

horizontally, from South to North; though it is singularly enough

stated to be from East to West: it measures 20-1/2 inches by 10-5/8,

and is engraved in a border surmounted by the arms and supporters of

James I., having its name written upon a scroll. At each end of the

print is a naked boy flying; the one bearing a shield with the City

Arms, and the other those of the person to whom it is dedicated. With

respect to the Bridge itself, it is filled with buildings, in which the

Traitors’ Gate with the heads, the Nonesuch House, and the Chapel of

St. Thomas, are particularly visible; whilst above the houses, at the

North end, is seen the top of ‘_The Water Worke_.’ From the windows

of several of the houses, buckets are being let down by long ropes

into the water, which is seen rushing through the arches with great

impetuosity, although there is no fall. On the right appears a boat

overturned, its oars floating about, one man drowning, and two others

being saved by another boat; whilst two or three more vessels, &c. are

seen in different parts of the picture. Along the lower part of the

water are engraven the words ‘_Tame Isis Flvvius vulgo Temms_;’ and

below the print are the Dedication, and ‘_The description of London

Bridge_,’ in letter-press in three columns, surrounded by a border

of metal flowers, and signed John Norden. As this account is, of

course, very short, and is chiefly taken from Stow, it gives us but

little information; though, perhaps, the concluding paragraphs may

not be unworthy of your attention.--‘It were superfluous to relate

vnto such as well know, and duely do consider the forme and beauty

of this famous Bridge: but to intimate it to the apprehension of

strangers, I haue deliniated the same to the eye, how it is adorned

with sumptuous buildings, and statelie and beautifull houses on either

side, inhabited by wealthy Citizens, and furnished with all manner of

trades, comparable in it selfe to a little Citie, whose buildings are

so artificially contriued, and so firmely combined, as it seemeth more

than an ordinary streete, for it is as one continuall vaute or roofe,

except certaine voyde places, reserued from buildings, for the retire

of passengers from the danger of carres, carts, and droues of cattell,

vsually passing that way. This description representeth vnto the eye

the true forme of this famous pyle, as neare as arte--in this kinde

of deliniation,--can be demonstrated: the number and forme of euery

arch, and all the buildings; their true height, breadth, and distance

of euery particular, from the East towards the West: as for the other

side it like wise appeareth in my prospectiue description of the Citie;

the vaults, sellers, and places in the bowels as it were of the same

Bridge,--which are many and admirable,--excepted, which arte cannot

discouer to the outward view. The situation, arte, and workmanship,

in and about the Bridge, are affirmed by obseruing trauailers in all

respects to exceede all the Bridges of the world. And, therefore, I

thought it fit to represent it to the view of the world, that it may

know, that if one part of this Citie be so famous, how much more the

whole: which, for state and Christian gouernment, may well challenge

place before any Citie in Christendome. And therefore I present

vnto you this simple modell of one of the wonders of the world.’ So

concludes the descriptive eulogy of Master Norden. And now, Sir, having

mentioned to you the great rarity of this print of London Bridge, and

that if another impression of it were to appear, it would probably

produce the respectable price of ten, or fifteen guineas; I must add

that there has been an excellent fac-simile of it published by Mr.

William Scott, of Great May’s Buildings, St. Martin’s Lane, for the

more moderate sum of 10_s._ 6_d._, which no genuine lover of London, or

London Bridge, should hesitate to procure.

“The last view of this edifice which I shall at present notice to

you, is one copied by Thomas Wood, Engraved by J. Pye, and dedicated

to Brass Crosby, Esq., Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and Common Council

of the City of London; and it represents the ‘_South View of the said

City and part of Southwarke, as it appeared about the year 1599_.’ I

am half inclined to believe, however, that this prospect is made up

from Hollar’s View, published in 1657; as it is certainly taken from

the same point. The Bridge rises obliquely on the right hand: at the

South end of it appears the Southwark Gate, and beyond it is placed

the rich tower which I have already described to you; whilst a series

of buildings, forming two distinct groups, with spaces between them,

finish the picture, which has the old Church of St. Magnus for its

Northern boundary. Even at this period, probably, some of the Arches

of London Bridge had received those names by which they were so long

afterwards known, though they were first inserted in Stow’s ‘_Survey_,’

by Richard Bloome, one of the last of his Continuators before Strype;

but his account of these locks I shall speak of in the next century,

and I will now only observe that such were the features of LONDON

BRIDGE IN THE YEAR 1599.

[Illustration]

“‘Thanks be praised!’ Master Barnaby,” said I, as my indefatigable

historian arrived at this period, “‘thanks be praised!’ as the

Countryman says in the Play, ‘I thought we would never ha’ got hither,

for we’ve had a power of crosses upo’ the road.’ If you do not make

the better speed through the next two centuries, mine honest friend,

you will scarcely allow me time to conclude your narrative by a brief

account of the New Bridge, and the grand ceremonial of its foundation:

here’s your health, however, and if contributing to one’s repose, be

a praiseworthy action, why, truly, I’m much your debtor, good Mr.

Postern.”

“Rest you merry, Sir,” replied he of the sack tankard; “I see that

you’re one of the humourists of Old London; and, methinks, you ought

to be somewhat grateful to me for furnishing you with occasion to be

witty; but, to speak more seriously, I pray you to recollect that I

have conducted you through a period of more than six hundred years,

and that too in a history of which the materials are to be sought

for, and extracted, from a vast multitude of very opposite sources.

And even when we have found them, you know, my good Mr. Barbican,

that they resemble those grains of gold which the wandering Bohemians

recover from the sand; of little or no value till collected into a

mass, and even then surprising by their insignificance. Surely, he is

to be pitied, who becomes the historian of a subject equally ancient,

interesting, hopeless, and unknown.”

“A very good reason,” answered I, “for not becoming one at all, Master

Barnaby; Odzooks! do men write your thick folios, only because they

know nothing of the matter? But you have no such excuse, for you quote

me a dozen authors to tell of one event; and then there’s such ‘fending

and proving’ about a handful of years, that where subjects are lacking,

’fore George! you seem to me to create them.”

“Well, Sir, well,” resumed the mild old man, “your wit becomes you; but

as we may never meet again, I would fain pour into your bosom all the

little knowledge which I possess upon this point; and so we will pass

on to the Chronicles of London Bridge in the seventeenth century.

“The inhuman cruelties which Queen Mary, Bishop Bonner, and others of

their faith, practised upon the Protestants, may reasonably be supposed

to have so embittered their minds, as to have excited in them no

slight feelings of revenge, when, in their turn, they came into power.

Indeed, it is difficult to imagine any other cause for the severities

which they practised, or for the laws which were enacted to authorise

them. The principal of these Statutes, you may remember, were five:

one in the 27th of Elizabeth, 1585, chapter ii., entitled ‘_An Act

against Jesuits, Seminary Priests, and other such like disobedient

persons_;’ and a second passed in her 35th year, 1593, chapter ii.,

and called ‘_An Act for restraining Popish Recusants to some certain

place of abode_.’ Under King James I., were introduced three others

strengthening and confirming the former, the first of which was made

in the 1st year of his reign, 1604, chapter iv., being ‘_An Act for

the due execution of the Statutes against Jesuits, Seminary Priests,

Recusants, &c._’: and in his third year, 1606, were passed two others,

see chapters iv. and v., namely, ‘_An Act for the better discovering

and repressing of Popish Recusants_;’ and ‘_An Act to prevent and avoid

dangers which grow by Popish Recusants_.’ History, Master Barbican,

blushes to record what cruelties were perpetrated under the sanction

of those laws; and I should have omitted all notice of them, but that

they are so interwoven with several anecdotes of London Bridge. My

authority is a work, entitled ‘_The Catholic Book of Martyrs, or a true

British Martyrology commencing with the Reformation_;’ by the Right

Rev. Richard Challoner, Bishop of Debora; of which the new edition of

1825 is a singularly curious book. He states from Stow, in volume ii.,

page 9, that in 1578, February 3rd, John Nelson, a Priest, was executed

at Tyburn, for denying the Queen’s supremacy, and that his head was

erected on London Bridge; whilst, on page 74, is a similar relation

of another Priest named James Fenn; but I proceed to notice a much

more remarkable instance. In the year 1605, Father Henry Garnet, the

Principal of the English Jesuits, was taken up and imprisoned in the

Tower, for being a party concerned in the famous Gunpowder Plot: after

many examinations, he acknowledged that Father Greenway, a Jesuit, had

communicated it to him under the seal of confession from Catesby, the

Chief of the conspirators. Both the Priests were struck with horror at

the design, and vainly endeavoured to prevent its execution. Greenway

fled beyond the seas, but Father Garnet was taken, condemned, and

executed in St. Paul’s Church Yard, on the 3rd of May, the Anniversary

of the Invention, or Finding of the Holy Cross by the Empress Helena,

the Mother of Constantine. ‘His head,’ says Bishop Challoner, in

his ‘_Catholic Book of Martyrs_,’ volume iii., page ii., ‘was fixed

on London Bridge, and it was much remarked, that his countenance,

which was always venerable, retained, for above twenty days, the same

lively colour which it had during life, which drew all London to the

spectacle, and was interpreted as a testimony of his innocence; as was

also an image of him wonderfully formed on an ear of straw, on which a

drop of his blood had fallen.’ Dr. Challoner gives his authorities for

this narrative at its commencement.

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