LETTER XVIII.

PARIS, September, 1805.

MY LORD:--Portugal has suffered more from the degraded state of Spain,

under the administration of the Prince of Peace, than we have yet gained

by it in France. Engaged by her, in 1793, in a war against its

inclination and interest, it was not only deserted afterwards, but

sacrificed. But for the dictates of the Court of Madrid, supported,

perhaps, by some secret influence of the Court of St. James, the Court of

Lisbon would have preserved its neutrality, and, though not a well-wisher

of the French Republic, never have been counted among her avowed enemies.

In the peace of 1795, and in the subsequent treaty of 1796, which

transformed the family compact of the French and Spanish Bourbons into a

national alliance between France and Spain, there was no question about

Portugal. In 1797, indeed, our Government condescended to receive a

Portuguese plenipotentiary, but merely for the purpose of plundering his

country of some millions of money, and to insult it by shutting up its

representative as a State prisoner in the Temple. Of this violation of

the laws of civilized nations, Spain never complained, nor had Portugal

any means to avenge it. After four years of negotiation, and an

expenditure of thirty millions, the imbecile Spanish premier supported

demands made by our Government, which, if assented to, would have left

Her Most Faithful Majesty without any territory in Europe, and without

any place of refuge in America. Circumstances not permitting your

country to send any but pecuniary succours, Portugal would have become an

easy prey to the united Spanish and French forces, had the marauders

agreed about the partition of the spoil. Their disunion, the consequence

of their avidity, saved it from ruin, but not from pillage. A province

was ceded to Spain, the banks and the navigation of a river to France,

and fifty millions to the private purse of the Bonaparte family.

It might have been supposed that such renunciations, and such offerings,

would have satiated ambition, as well as cupidity; but, though the

Cabinet of Lisbon was in peace with the Cabinet of St. Cloud, the

pretensions and encroachments of the latter left the former no rest.

While pocketing tributes it required commercial monopolies, and when its

commerce was favoured, it demanded seaports to ensure the security of its

trade. Its pretensions rose in proportion to the condescensions of the

State it, oppressed. With the money and the value of the diamonds which

Portugal has paid in loans, in contributions, in requisitions, in

donations, in tributes, and in presents, it might have supported, during

ten years, an army of one hundred thousand men; and could it then have

been worse situated than it has been since, and is still at this moment?

But the manner of extorting, and the individuals employed to extort, were

more humiliating to its dignity and independence than the extortions

themselves were injurious to its resources. The first revolutionary

Ambassador Bonaparte sent thither evinced both his ingratitude and his

contempt.

Few of our many upstart generals have more illiberal sentiments, and more

vulgar and insolent manners, than General Lasnes. The son of a publican

and a smuggler, he was a smuggler himself in his youth, and afterwards a

postilion, a dragoon, a deserter, a coiner, a Jacobin, and a terrorist;

and he has, with all the meanness and brutality of these different

trades, a kind of native impertinence and audacity which shocks and

disgusts. He seems to say, “I am a villain. I know that I am so, and I

am proud of being so. To obtain the rank I possess I have respected no

human laws, and I bid defiance to all Divine vengeance. I might be

murdered or hanged, but it is impossible to degrade me. On a gibbet or

in the palace of a Prince, seized by the executioner or dining with

Sovereigns, I am, I will, and I must, always remain the same. Infamy

cannot debase me, nor is it in the power of grandeur to exalt me.”

General, Ambassador, Field-marshal, First Consul, or Emperor, Lasnes will

always be the same polluted, but daring individual; a stranger to remorse

and repentance, as well as to honour and virtue. Where Bonaparte sends a

banditto of such a stamp, he has resolved on destruction.

A kind of temporary disgrace was said to have occasioned Lasnes’s first

mission to Portugal. When commander of the consular guard, in 1802, he

had appropriated to himself a sum of money from the regimental chest,

and, as a punishment, was exiled as an Ambassador, as he said himself.

His resentment against Bonaparte he took care to pour out on the Regent

of Portugal. Without inquiring or caring about the etiquette of the

Court of Lisbon, he brought the sans-culotte etiquette of the Court of

the Tuileries with him, and determined to fraternize with a foreign and

legitimate Sovereign, as he had done with his own sans-culotte friend and

First Consul; and, what is the more surprising, he carried his point. The

Prince Regent not only admitted him to the royal table, but stood sponsor

to his child by a wife who had been two years his mistress before he was

divorced from his first spouse, and with whom the Prince’s consort, a

Bourbon Princess and a daughter of a King, was also obliged to associate.

Avaricious as well as unprincipled, he pursued, as an Ambassador, his

former business of a smuggler, and, instead of being ashamed of a

discovery, proclaimed it publicly, deserted his post, was not reprimanded

in France, but was, without apology, received back again in Portugal. His

conduct afterwards could not be surprising. He only insisted that some

faithful and able Ministers should be removed, and others appointed in

their place, more complaisant and less honest.

New plans of Bonaparte, however, delivered Portugal from this plague; but

what did it obtain in return?--another grenadier Ambassador, less brutal

but more cunning, as abandoned but more dissimulating.

Gendral Junot is the son of a corn-chandler near the corn-market of this

capital, and was a shopman to his father in 1789. Having committed some

pilfering, he was turned out of the parental dwelling, and therefore

lodged himself as an inmate of the Jacobin Club. In 1792, he entered, as

a soldier, in a regiment of the army marching against the county of Nice;

and, in 1793, he served before Toulon, where he became acquainted with

Bonaparte, whom he, in January, 1794, assisted in despatching the

unfortunate Toulonese; and with whom, also, in the autumn of the same

year, he, therefore, was arrested as a terrorist.

In 1796, when commander-in-chief, Bonaparte made Junot his aide-de-camp;

and in that capacity he accompanied him, in 1798, to Egypt. There, as

well as in Italy, he fought bravely, but had no particular opportunity of

distinguishing himself. He was not one of those select few whom Napoleon

brought with him to Europe in 1799, but returned first to France in 1801,

when he was nominated a general of division and commander of this

capital, a place he resigned last year to General Murat.

His despotic and cruel behaviour while commander of Paris made him not

much regretted. Fouche lost in him, indeed, an able support, but none of

us here ever experienced from him justice, much less protection. As with

all other of our modern public functionaries, without money nothing was

obtained from him. It required as much for not doing any harm as if, in

renouncing his usual vexatious oppressions, he had conferred benefits. He

was much suspected of being, with Fouche, the patron of a gang of street

robbers and housebreakers, who, in the winter of 1803, infested this

capital, and who, when finally discovered, were screened from justice and

suffered to escape punishment.

I will tell you what I personally have seen of him. Happening one

evening to enter the rooms at Frascati, where the gambling-tables are

kept, I observed him, undressed, out of regimentals, in company with at

young man, who afterwards avowed himself an aide-de-camp of this general,

and who was playing with rouleaux of louis d’or, supposed to contain

fifty each, at Rouge et Noir. As long as he lost, which he did several

times, he took up the rouleau on the table, and gave another from his

pocket. At last he won, when he asked the bankers to look at their loss,

and count the money in his rouleau before they paid him. On opening it,

they found it contained one hundred bank-notes of one thousand livres

each--folded in a manner to resemble the form and size of louis d’or. The

bankers refused to pay, and applied to the company whether they were not

in the right to do so, after so many rouleaux had been changed by the

person who now required such an unusual sum in such an unusual manner.

Before any answer could be given, Junot interfered, asking the bankers

whether they knew who he was. Upon their answering in the negative, he

said: “I am General Junot, the commander of Paris, and this officer who

has won the money is my aide-de-camp; and I insist upon your paying him

this instant, if you do not wish to have your bank confiscated and your

persons arrested.” They refused to part with money which they protested

was not their own, and most of the individuals present joined them in

their resistance. “You are altogether a set of scoundrels and sharpers,”

interrupted Junot; “your business shall soon be done.”

So saying, he seized all the money on the table, and a kind of

boxing-match ensued between him and the bankers, in which he, being a

tall and strong man, got the better of them. The tumult, however,

brought in the guard, whom he ordered, as their chief, to carry to prison

sixteen persons he pointed out. Fortunately, I was not of the number--I

say fortunately, for I have heard that most of them remained in prison

six months before this delicate affair was cleared up and settled. In

the meantime, Junot not only pocketed all the money he pretended was due

to his aide-de-camp, but the whole sum contained in the bank, which was

double that amount. It was believed by every one present that this was

an affair arranged between him and his aide-de-camp beforehand to pillage

the bank. What a commander, what a general, and what an Ambassador!

Fitte, the secretary of our Embassy to Portugal, was formerly an Abbe,

and must be well remembered in your country, where he passed some years

as an emigrant, but was, in fact, a spy of Talleyrand. I am told that,

by his intrigues, he even succeeded in swindling your Ministers out of a

sum of money by some plausible schemes he proposed to them. He is, as

well as all other apostate priests, a very dangerous man, and an immoral

and unprincipled wretch. During the time of Robespierre he is said to

have caused the murder of his elder brother and younger sister; the

former he denounced to appropriate to himself his wealth, and the latter

he accused of fanaticism, because she refused to cohabit with him. He

daily boasts of the great protection and great friendship of Talleyrand.

‘Qualis rex, talis grex’.

Memoirs of the Court of St. Cloud (Being secret letters from a gentleman at Paris to a nobleman in London) — Complete · 第 87 / 107 题