LETTER XVIII.

Paris, August, 1805.

MY LORD:--The amiable and accomplished Amelia Frederique, Princess

Dowager of the late Electoral Prince, Charles Louis of Baden, born a

Princess of Hesse-Darmstadt, has procured the Electoral House of Baden

the singular honour of giving consorts to three reigning and Sovereign

Princes,--to an Emperor of Russia, to a King of Sweden, and to the

Elector of Bavaria. Such a distinction, and such alliances, called the

attention of those at the head of our Revolution; who, after attempting

in vain to blow up hereditary thrones by the aid of sans-culotte

incendiaries, seated sans-culottes upon thrones, that they might degrade

what was not yet ripe for destruction.

Charles Frederick, the reigning Elector of Baden, is now near fourscore

years of age. At this period of life if any passions remain, avarice is

more common than ambition; because treasures may be hoarded without

bustle, while activity is absolutely necessary to push forward to the

goal of distinction. Having bestowed a new King on Tuscany, Bonaparte

and Talleyrand also resolved to confer new Electors on Germany. A more

advantageous fraternity could not be established between the innovators

here and their opposers in other countries, than by incorporating the

grandfather-in-law of so many Sovereigns with their own revolutionary

brotherhood; to humble him by a new rank, and to disgrace him by

indemnities obtained from their hands. An intrigue between our Minister,

Talleyrand, and the Baden Minister, Edelsheim, transformed the oldest

Margrave of Germany into its youngest Elector, and extended his dominions

by the spoils obtained at the expense of the rightful owners. The

invasion of the Baden territory in time of peace, and the seizure of the

Duc d’Enghien, though under the protection of the laws of nations and

hospitality, must have soon convinced Baron Edelsheim what return his

friend Talleyrand expected, and that Bonaparte thought he had a natural

right to insult by his attacks those he had dishonoured by his

connections.

The Minister, Baron Edelsheim, is half an illuminato, half a philosopher,

half a politician, and half a revolutionist. He was, long before he was

admitted into the council chamber of his Prince, half an atheist, half an

intriguer, and half a spy, in the pay of Frederick the Great of Prussia.

His entry upon the stage at Berlin, and particularly the first parts he

was destined to act, was curious and extraordinary; whether he acquitted

himself better in this capacity than he has since in his political one is

not known. He was afterwards sent to this capital to execute a

commission, of which he acquitted himself very ill; exposing himself

rashly, without profit or service to his employer. Frederick II.,

dreading the tediousness of a proposed congress at Augsburg, wished to

send a private emissary to sound the King of France. For this purpose he

chose Edelsheim as a person least liable to suspicion. The project of

Frederick was to idemnify the King of Poland for his first losses by

robbing the ecclesiastical Princes of Germany. This, Louis XV. totally

rejected; and Edelsheim returned with his answer to the Prussian Monarch,

then at Freyburg. From thence he afterwards departed for London, made

his communications, and was once again sent back to Paris, on pretence

that he had left some of his travelling trunks there; and the Bailli de

Foulay, the Ambassador of the Knights of Malta, being persuaded that the

Cabinet of Versailles was effectually desirous of peace, was, as he had

been before, the mediator. The Bailli was deceived. The Duc de

Choiseul, the then Prime Minister, indecently enough threw Edelsheim into

the Bastille, in order to search or seize his papers, which, however,

were secured elsewhere. Edelsheim was released on the morrow, but

obliged to depart the kingdom by the way of Turin, as related by

Frederick II. in his “History of the Seven Years’ War.” On his return he

was disgraced, and continued so until 1778; when he again was used as

emissary to various Courts of Germany. In 1786 the Elector of Baden sent

him to Berlin, on the ascension of Frederick William II., as a

complimentary envoy. This Monarch, when he saw him, could not forbear

laughing at the high wisdom of the Court that selected such a personage

for such an embassy, and of his own sagacity in accepting it. He quitted

the capital of Prussia as he came there, with an opinion of himself that

the royal smiles of contempt had neither altered nor diminished.

You see, by this account, that Edelsheim has long been a partisan of the

pillage of Germany called indemnities; and long habituated to affronts,

as well as to plots. To all his other half qualities, half modesty can

hardly be added, when he calls himself, or suffers himself to be called,

“the Talleyrand of Carlsrhue.” He accompanied his Prince last year to

Mentz; where this old Sovereign was not treated by Bonaparte in the most

decorous or decent manner, being obliged to wait for hours in his

antechamber, and afterwards stand during the levees, or in the

drawing-rooms of Napoleon or of his wife, without the offer of a chair,

or an invitation to sit down. It was here where, by a secret treaty,

Bonaparte became the Sovereign of Baden, if sovereignty consists in the

disposal of the financial and military resources of a State; and they

were agreed to be assigned over to him whenever he should deem it proper

or necessary to invade the German Empire, in return for his protection

against the Emperor of Germany, who can have no more interest than intent

to attack a country so distant from his hereditary dominions, and whose

Sovereign is, besides, the grandfather of the consort of his nearest and

best ally.

Talleyrand often amused himself at Mentz with playing on the vanity and

affected consequence of Edelsheim, who was delighted if at any time our

Minister took him aside, or whispered to him as in confidence. One

morning, at the assembly of the Elector Arch-Chancellor, where Edelsheim

was creeping and cringing about him as usual, he laid hold of his arm and

walked with him to the upper part of the room. In a quarter of an hour

they both joined the company, Edelsheim unusually puffed up with vanity.

“I will lay and bet, gentlemen,” said Talleyrand, “that you cannot, with

all your united wits, guess the grand subject of my conversation with the

good Baron Edelsheim.” Without waiting for an answer, he continued: “As

the Baron is a much older and more experienced traveller than myself, I

asked him which, of all the countries he had visited, could boast the

prettiest and kindest women. His reply was really very instructive, and

it would be a great pity if justice were not done to his merit by its

publicity.”

Here the Baron, red as a turkey-cock and trembling with anger,

interrupted. “His Excellency,” said he, “is to-night in a humour to

joke; what we spoke of had nothing to do with women.”

“Nor with men, either,” retorted Talleyrand, going away.

This anecdote, Baron Dahlberg, the Minister of the Elector of Baden to

our Court, had the ingenuity to relate at Madame Chapui’s as an evidence

of Edelsheim’s intimacy with Talleyrand; only he left out the latter

part, and forgot to mention the bad grace with which this impertinence of

Talleyrand was received; but this defect of memory Count von Beust, the

envoy of the Elector Arch-Chancellor, kindly supplied.

Baron Edelsheim is a great amateur of knighthoods. On days of great

festivities his face is, as it were, illuminated with the lustre of his

stars; and the crosses on his coat conceal almost its original colour.

Every petty Prince of Germany has dubbed him a chevalier; but Emperors

and Kings have not been so unanimous in distinguishing his desert, or in

satisfying his desires.

At Mentz no Prince or Minister fawned more assiduously upon Bonaparte

than this hero of chivalry. It could not escape notice, but need not

have alarmed our great man, as was the case. The prefect of the palace

was ordered to give authentic information concerning Edelsheim’s moral

and political character. He applied to the police commissary, who,

within twenty hours, signed a declaration affirming that Edelsheim was

the most inoffensive and least dangerous of all imbecile creatures that

ever entered the Cabinet of a Prince; that he had never drawn a sword,

worn a dagger, or fired a pistol in his life; that the inquiries about

his real character were sneered at in every part of the Electorate, as

nowhere they allowed him common sense, much less a character; all blamed

his presumption, but none defended his capacity.

After the perusal of this report, Bonaparte asked Talleyrand: “What can

Edelsheim mean by his troublesome assiduities? Does he want any

indemnities, or does he wish me to make him a German Prince? Can he have

the impudence to hope that I shall appoint him a tribune, a legislator,

or a Senator in France, or that I shall give him a place in my Council of

State?”

“No such thing,” answered the Minister; “did not Your Majesty condescend

to notice at the last fete that this eclipsed moon was encompassed in a

firmanent of stars. You would, Sire, make him the happiest of mortals

were you to nominate him a member of your Legion of Honour.”

“Does he want nothing else?” said Napoleon, as if relieved at once of an

oppressive burden. “Write to my chancellor of the Legion of Honour,

Lacepede, to send him a patent, and do you inform him of this favour.”

It is reported at Carlsruhe, the capital of Baden, that Baron Edelsheim

has composed his own epitaph, in which he claims immortality, because

under his Ministry the Margravate of Baden was elevated into an

Electorate!!!

Memoirs of the Court of St. Cloud (Being secret letters from a gentleman at Paris to a nobleman in London) — Complete · 第 39 / 107 题