by name, though they be of the _Gentiles_. So in _Exod._ cap. 22.27.
_Thou shalt not revile the Gods._ Heb. אלהום, that is _Gods_, or God,
as _Philo Iudæus in libro de Monarchiâ_, doth interpret, and not Judges,
as _Onkelus_ and _Ionathan_ translate in their _Chald._ Paraphr. Where
_Philo_ addes this reason, which is, lest they hearing their own Gods
blasphemed, should in a revengefull way of retaliation, blaspheme the
true God of Israel. And we have examples enough, how the idolatrous
heathen used to revile, and defame each others Gods, both in _Cicero_,
and _Iuvenal_.
And in that sense _Flavius Josephus_ in his book written against
_Apion_, saith these words: “As it is our practise to observe our own,
and not to accuse, or revile others; so neither may we deride, or
blaspheme those, which others account to be Gods. Our Law-giver plainly
forbad us that, by reason of that compellation, Gods.” According to
this, by our own religion, we dare not do that which _Buxtorsius_
chargeth us with. And upon this account the Talmudists tell us, that we
ought to honour, and reverence, not onely the Kings of Israel, but all
kings, princes, and governours, in generall, forasmuch as the holy
Scripture gives them the stile of gods, in respect of the dignity of
their office.
2. The time wherein these, as also the other prayers were composed, and
ordered, was in the dayes of _Ezras_, who, with 120 men, amongst whom
were three Prophets, _Haggai_, _Zechary_, _Malachy_, composed them, as
we have it in the _Talmud_. Wherefore he cannot say, that there is any
thing intended against honour, or reverence of Christ, who was not born
till many yeares after.
Moreover, the _Iewes_, since that calumny was first raised, (though that
was spoken of the Gentiles, and their vain gods, _humbling themselves to
things of no worth, and vanity_) because they desire to decline, and
avoid the least occasion of scandall, and offence, have left off to
print that line, and do not in some books print any part thereof. As
_John Hoornbeek_ also witnesses, in his fore-mentioned _Prolegomena_,
and _William Dorstius_, in his observations upon _R. David Gawz_, p.
269. and _Buxtorf_ in his book of _Abbreviatures_. And perhaps it will
be worthy our observation, that all these three witnesses say, that it
was first made known to them, by one _Antonius Margarita_, who was a
_Iew_, converted to the Christian faith. That this part of the prayer
was intended _Contra idola Papatus_, against the _Popish idols_, which
they therefore, as by a necessary consequence, interpret, as against
_Christ_; but how justly, let the unprejudiced and unbiased reader
judge.
3. If this be so, how can it be thought, that in their _Synagogues_,
they name him with scornfull spitting, (farre be it from us.) The Nation
of the _Iewes_ is _wise, and ingenius_. So said the Lord, _Deut._ cap.
4.6. _The Nations shall say, surely this is a wise, and an understanding
people._ Therefore, how can it be supposed, that they should be so
bruitish in a strange land, when their Religion dependeth not upon it?
Certainly, it is much contrary to the precept we spake of, to shew any
resemblance of scorn. There was never any such thing done, (as it is
well known) in _Italy_, and _Holland_, where ordinarily the _Synagogues_
are full of _Christians_; which with great attention, stand considering,
and weighing all their actions, and motions. And truly they should have
found great occasion to find fault withall, if that were so. But never
was any man heard thus to calumniate us, where ever we dwell and
inhabite, which is a reason sufficiently valid, to clear us. Wherefore,
I suppose, that I have sufficiently informed you, concerning our
prayers, in which we purpose nothing, but to praise God, and to ask
spirituall, and temporall blessings, and by our service, and worship,
implore the divine benevolence, protection, and defence.
THE FIFTH SECTION.
But forasmuch as it is reported, that we draw, and seduce others to our
religion, _&c._
1. Never unto this day, in any part hath this been suspected, where the
_Iewes_ are dispersed; nor can it find place here. Truly, I have held
friendship with many great men, and the wisest, and most eminent of all
_Europe_; and also they came to see me, from many places, at my house,
and I had many friendly discourses with them, yet did not this give
occasion to make us suspected of any such things. Yea, _Gaspar Barleus_,
the _Virgill_ of our time, and many others, have written many verses in
my commendations, which I mention not, for vain glory (farre be it) but
for vindication of my innocent repute.
2. By our rituall books we are clear of this seducing. For if any man
offer to become a _Iew_, of what Nation soever he be, before we receive
him, and admit him as a member of our Synagogue, we are bound to
consider, whether he be moved by necessity to do it, or if it be not for
that he is in love with some of our nation, or for any other worldly
respect. And when we find no reason to suspect him, we have yet another
obligation upon us, which is, to let him know the penalties he subjects
himself unto, if he breaketh the Sabbath, or eateth bloud, or fat, which
is forbidden _Levit._ 3.17. or disannulleth any precept of the Law, as
may be seen in the _Targum_ upon _Ruth_. And if he shew himself
constant, and zealous, then is he admitted and protected. Wherefore we
do not seduce any one, but contrarily, avoid disputing with men,
concerning religion, not for want of charity, but that we may as farre
as it is possible, avoid scandall, and hate; and for this cause we
refuse to circumcise them that come to us, because we will give no
offence. Yea, I have known some, that for this cause have circumcised
themselves. And if _Ferdinand_ and _Isabella_, King and Queen of
_Castile_ did make an order to expell the _Iewes_, because they seduced
many Christians, and some of the Nobility to become _Iewes_, this was
but a pretence, and colour for their tyranny, and onely, as it is well
known, having no other thing to object against us. Truly, I do much
commend that opinion, not onely of _Osorius, de rebus Immanuelis_, but
of our _Flavius Iosephus_, the most famous of all Historians, which he
relates in his history of his own Life.
“At that time (saith he) there came unto me, two Noble men, of the
_Trachomites_, subjects of the king; bringing with them horsemen, with
arms, and money. These, when the _Iewes_ would compell to be
circumcised, if they would live amongst them; I would not suffer them to
trouble them; maintaining that every man ought to serve God, of his own
free will, and not be forced thereto by others. For, should we do this
thing (saith he) it might make them repent, that ever they fled unto us.
And so perswading the multitude, I did abundantly afford unto these men,
their food, according to their diet.”
Truly, this was an action worthy of a noble, and wise man, and worthy of
imitation, for defending common liberty, leaving the judgement, and
determination to God alone. The _Spanish Inquisitions_, with all their
torments, and cruelties, cannot make any _Iew_, that falls into their
power, become a _Christian_. For unreasonable beasts are taught by
blowes, but men are taught by reason. Nor are men perswaded to other
opinions, by torments, but rather, on the contrary, they become more
firm, and constant in their Tenet.
THE SIXTH SECTION.
Having thus discussed the main exceptions, I will now proceed to smaller
matters, though lesse pertaining to my faculty, that is to businesse of
_Merchandise_. Some say, that if the _Iewes_ come to dwell here, they
will draw unto themselves the whole Negotiation, to the great damage of
the naturall Inhabitants. I answer, that it hath been my opinion
alwayes, (with submission to better judgements) that it can be no
prejudice at all to the English Nation: because, principally in
transporting their goods, they would gain much, by reason of the publick
payments of customes, excise, _&c._
Moreover, they would alwayes bring profit to the people of the land, as
well in buying of commodities, which they would transport to other
places, as in those they would trade in here. And if by accident, any
particular person should lose by it, by bringing down the price of such
a commodity, being dispersed into many hands; yet by that means the
Commonwealth would gain in buying cheaper, and procuring it at a lesser
rate.
Yea, great emolument would grow to the naturall Inhabitants, as well in
the sale of all provision, as in all things else that concern the
ornaments of the body. Yea, and the native Mechanicks also would gain by
it, (there being rarely found among us, any man that useth any such
art.)
2. Adde to this, that as our nation hath sailed into almost all parts of
the world, so they are alwayes herein profitable to a nation, in a
readinesse to give their opinions, in favour of the people amongst whom
they live. Beside that, all strangers do bring in new merchandises,
together with the knowledge of those forreign Countries wherein they
were born.
And this is so farre from damnifying the natives, that it conduces much
to their advantage; because they bring from their countryes new
commodities, with new knowledge. For the great Work-Master, and
_Creatour_ of all things, to the end, to make commerce in the earth,
gave not to every place all things, but hath parted his benefits amongst
them; by which way, he hath made them all wanting the help of others.
This may be seen in _England_, which being one of the most plentifull
countries that are in the world, yet wanteth divers things for
_shipping_; as also, wine, oyl, figs, almonds, raisins, and all the
drougs of _India_, things so necessary for the _life of man_. And
besides, they want many other commodities, which are abundant in other
countries, with more knowledge of them; though it be true, that in my
opinion, there is not in the world, a more understanding people, for
most Navigations, and more capable of all Negotiation, then the
_English_ Nation are.
3. Farther, there may be companies made of the natives, and strangers,
(where they are more acquainted) or else Factors. All which, if I be not
deceived, will amount to the profit of the natives. For which, many
reasons may be brought, though I cannot comprehend them, having alwayes
lived a sedentary life, applying my self to my studies, which are farre
remote from things of that nature.
4. Nor can it be justly objected against our Nation, that they are
deceivers; because the generality cannot in any rationall way, be
condemned for some particulars. I cannot excuse them all, nor do I
think, but there may be some deceivers amongst them, as well as amongst
all other nations and people, because poverty bringeth basenesse along
with it.
5. But if we look to that which we ought by our Religion, the morall
precept of the Decalogue, _Thou shalt not steal_, it belongs in common
to all _Iewes_, towards all _Gentiles_. As may be seen in Rab. _Moses_
of _Egypt_, Tract, _Geneba_, cap. 1. and _Gazela_, cap. 1. _It is a
sinne_, (saith he) _to rob any man, though he be a Gentile_. Nor can
that be alledged out of the sacred History, concerning the jewells and
houshold stuff, of which the _Israelites_ spoiled the _Egyptians_, as I
have heard it sometimes alledged by some, to some men; because that was
a particular dispensation, and a divine precept for that time. So it is
recorded in the _Talmud_, in the _Tract of the Sanhedrim_, cap. 11. that
in the time of _Alexander_ the great, those of _Alexandria_ accused the
_Iewes_ for being thieves, and they demanded restitution of their goods.
But _Guebia Ben Pesria_ answered them, our Fathers went down into
_Egypt_ but seventy souls, there they grew a numerous nation, above
60000. and served them in base offices, for the space of 210 yeares,
according to this, pay us for our labour, and make the accounts even,
and you shall see you are yet much in our debt. The reason satisfied
_Alexander_, and he acquitted them.
6. By consequence, the _Iewes_ are bound not to defraud, nor abuse in
their accounts, negotiation, or reckonings, any man whatsoever, as it
may be seen expresly in R. _Moses_ of _Egypt_, and R. _Moseh de Kosi_ in
_Samag._
7. Yea, they farther say, that by restitutions, there is a result to the
praise of God, and the sacred Law, whence that holy, and wise man, R.
_Simeon Ben Satah_, having bought an asse of a Gentile, the head stall
whereof was a jewell of great value, which the owner knew not of,
afterwards he found it, and freely, and for nothing, he restored it to
the seller, that knew not of it, saying, I bought the asse, but not the
jewell. Whence there did accrue honour to God, and his Law, and to the
nation of the _Iewes_, as _Midras Raba_ reports in _Parasot Hekel_.
8. After the same manner they command, that the oath which they shall
make to any other nation, must be with truth, and justice, and must be
kept in every particular. And for proof thereof, they quote the history
of _Zedekias_, whom God punished, and deprived of his kingdome, because
he kept not his word, and _oath_, made to _Nebuchadnezzar, in the name
of God_, though he were a _Gentile_, as it is said, 2 of _Chronicles_,
cap. 36.13. _And he also rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar, who made him
swear by God._
9. These are the laws and obligations which the _Iewes_ hold. So that
the Law that forbids the _Iewes_ to _kill_ any _Gentiles_, forbids them
also to _steal_ from them. Yet every one must look to it, for the world
is full of fraud in all Nations. I remember a pretty story of what
passed in _Morocco_, in the Court of the king of _Mauritania_. There was
a _Iew_ that had a sort of false stones, _&c._—He making a truck with a
_Portugal_ Christian, for some Verdigrease that he had, which was much
sofisticated, (as they are wont to do there) being all falsified with
Earth; one of the _Portugals_ friends laughed at him, saying, the _Iew_
fitted thee well; he answered, If the _Iew_ hath stoned me, I have
buried him. And so they ordinarily mock one another.
This I can affirm, that many of the _Iewes_, because they would not
break with other mens goods, were very poor at _Amsterdam_, lived very
poorly, and those that did break with other mens goods by necessity,
became so much the more miserable, that they were forced to live on
almes.
And whereas in the time of K. _Edward_ I. the _Iewes_ were accused of
clipping the Kings coin; it appears that this accusation drew its
originall mainly from the suspicion and hatred the Christians bare
against the _Iewes_, as appeares in the story, as it is set forth by Mr.
_Prynne, In his second part of a Short Demurrer to the Iewes_ &c. p. 82.
where quoting _Claus._ 7. _E._ I. _n._ 7. _De fine recipiendo à Iudæis_,
brings in the King, writing to his Judges in Latine, in these words.
_Rex dilectis, & fidelibus suis_ Stephano de Pentecester, Waltero de
Helyn. _&_ Th. de Cobham _Iusticiariis ad placita transgressionis monetæ
audienda, salutem. Quia omnes_ Judæi _nuper rectati, & per certam
suspicionem indictati de retonsura monetæ nostræ, & inde convicti cum
ultimo supplicio puniuntur; & quidam eorum eadem occasione, omnia bona,
& catalla sua satisfecerunt, & in prisona nostra liberabantur, in eadem
ad voluntatem nostram detinendi. Et cum accepimus, quod plures
Christiani ob ODIVM_ Judæorum, _propter discrepantiam fidei Christianæ,
& ritus_ Judæorum, _& diversa gratia minus per ipsos_ Judæos
_Christianis hactenus illata, postquam_ Judæos _nondum rectatos in
indictatos de transgressione monetæ, per levas, & voluntarias
accusationes accusare, & indictare de die in diem nituntur, & proponunt,
imponendas eis ad terrorem ipsorum, quod de ejusmodi transgressione
culpabiles existunt super ipsos_ Judæos _faciendæ, & sic per minas
hujusmodi accusationis, ipsis_ Judæos _metu incutiant, & pecuniam
extorqueant ab eisdem; Ita quod ipsi_ Judæi _super hoc, ad legem suam
sæpe ponuntur in vitæ suæ periculum manifestum. Volumus quod omnes_
Judæi _qui ante primum diem_ Maii _proximo præterit, indictati, vel per
certam suspicionem rectati non fuerunt de transgressione monetæ
predictæ, & qui facere voluerint finem juxta discretionem Vestram, ad
opus nostrum facere pro sic, quod non occasiorentur, &c. hujusmodi
transgressionibus factis ante primum diem_ Maii _propter novas
accusationes Christianorum post eundem diem inde factas non molestentur,
sed pacem inde habeant in futurum. Proviso, quod_ Judæi _indictati, vel
per certam suspicionem, rectati de hujusmodi transgressione ante
prædictum diem_ Maii, _Indicium subeant coram vobis, juxta formam prius
inde ordinatam & provisam. Et ideo vobis maneamus, quod fines hujusmodi
capiatis, & præmissa fieri, & observari faciatis in forma prædicto.
Teste Rege apud_ Cantuar. 8. _die_ Maii.
THE SEVENTH SECTION.
And now by this time, I presume (most noble Sir) I may have given
abundant satisfaction, (so farre as the nature of an epistle will
permit) to all your objections, without giving just ground of offence,
or scandall to any. And forasmuch as you are further desirous to know
somewhat, concerning the state of this my expedition, and negotiation at
present, I shall now onely say, and that briefly, that the communication
and correspondence I have held, for some yeares since, with some eminent
persons of _England_, was the first originall of my undertaking this
design. For I alwayes found by them, a great probability of obtaining
what I now request; whilst they affirmed, that at this time the minds of
men stood very well affected towards us; and that our entrance into this
Island, would be very acceptable, and well-pleasing unto them. And from
this beginning sprang up in me a semblable affection, and desire of
obtaining this purpose. For, for seven yeares on this behalf, I have
endeavoured, and sollicited it, by letters, and other means, without any
intervall. For I conceived, that our universall dispersion was a
necessary circumstance, to be fulfilled, before all that shall be
accomplished which the Lord hath promised to the people of the _Iewes_,
concerning their restauration, and their returning again into their own
land, according to those words _Dan._ 12.7. _When he shall have
accomplished to scatter the power of the holy people, all these things
shall be finished._ As also, that this our scattering, by little, and
little, should be amongst all people, from the _one end of the earth
even unto the other_; as it is written _Deut._ 28.64. I conceived that
by the _end of the earth_ might be understood this _Island_. And I knew
not, but that the Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have
design’d, and made choice of me, for the bringing about this work. With
these proposalls therefore, I applyed my self, in all zealous affection
to the _English Nation_, congratulating their glorious liberty which at
this day they enjoy, together with their prosperous peace. And I
entituled my book named _The hope of Israel_, to the first Parliament,
and the Council of State. And withall declared my intentions. In order
to which they sent me a very favourable passe-port. Afterwards I
directed my self to the second, and they also sent me another. But at
that juncture of time my coming was not presently performed, for that my
kindred and friends, considering the checquered, and interwoven
vicissitudes, and turns of things here below, embracing me, with
pressing importunity, earnestly requested me not to part from them, and
would not give over, till their love constrained me to promise, that I
would yet a while stay with them. But notwithstanding all this, I could
not be at quiet in my mind, (I know not but that it might be through
some particular divine providence) till I had anew made my humble
addresses to his Highnesse the Lord Protector (whom God preserve.) And
finding that my coming over would not be altogether unwelcome to him,
with those great hopes which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my
house, my friends, my kindred, all my advantages there, and the country
wherein I have lived all my life time, under the benign protection, and
favour of the Lords, the States Generall, and Magistrates of
_Amsterdam_; _in fine_ (I say) I parted with them all, and took my
voyage for _England_. Where, after my arrivall, being very courteously
received, and treated with much respect, I presented to his most Serene
Highnesse, a petition, and some desires, which for the most part, were
written to me by my brethren the _Iewes_, from severall parts of
_Europe_, as your worship may better understand by former relations.
Whereupon it pleased his Highnesse to convene an Assembly at
_Whitehall_, of Divines, Lawyers, and Merchants, of different
perswasions, and opinions. Whereby mens judgements, and sentences were
different. Insomuch, that as yet, we have had no finall determination
from his most Serene Highnesse. Wherefore those few _Iewes_ that were
here, despairing of our expected successe, departed hence. And others
who desired to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken
themselves some to _Italy_, some to _Geneva_, where that Commonwealth
hath at this time, most freely granted them many, and great priviledges.
Now, O most high God, to thee I make my prayer, even to thee, the God of
our Fathers. Thou who hast been pleased to stile thy self _the keeper of
Israel_; Thou who hast graciously promised, by thy holy Prophet
_Ieremiah_, (cap. 31.) _that thou wilt not cast off all the seed of
Israel, for all the evill that they have done_; thou who by so many
stupendious miracles, didst bring thy people out of _Egypt_, the land of
bondage, and didst lead them into the _holy land_; graciously cause thy
holy influence to descend down into the mind of the Prince, (who for no
private interest, or respect at all, but onely out of commiseration to
our affliction, hath inclined himself to protect, and shelter us, for
which extraordinary humanity, neither I my self, nor my nation, can ever
expect to be able to render him answerable, and sufficient thanks,) and
also into the minds of his most illustrious and prudent Council, that
they may determine that, which according to thine infinite wisdome, may
be best, and most expedient for us. For men (O Lord) see that which is
present, but thou in thy omnisciencie seest that which is afarre off.
And to the highly honoured nation of _England_, I make my most humble
request, that they would read over my arguments impartially, without
prejudice, and devoid of all passion, effectually recommending me to
their grace and favour, and earnestly beseeching God that he would be
pleased to hasten the time promised by _Zephaniah_, wherein we shall all
serve him _with one consent_, after the same manner, and shall be all of
the same judgement, that as his name is one, so his fear may be also
one, and that we may all see the goodnesse of the Lord, blessed for
ever, and the consolations of Zion. Amen, and Amen.
From my study, in _London, April_ the 10, in the year from the
creation 5416, and in the year, according to the vulgar account,
1656.
As to give satisfaction to your worship, being desirous to know what
books have been written, and printed by me, or else are almost ready for
the presse, may you please to take the names of them in this Catalogue.
_A Catalogue of such books as have been published by_ Menasseh Ben
Israel, _in_ Hebrew.
_Nismachaim_, four Books, concerning the Immortality of the soul,
wherein many notable, and pleasant Questions are discussed, and handled,
as may be seen by the Arguments of the particular Chapters, prefixed to
the book, in _Latine_, dedicated to the then Emperour _Ferdinand_ the
third.
_Pene Rabba_, upon _Rabot_, of the Ancient Rabbins, in _Latine_ and
_Spanish_.
_Conciliatoris pars prima in Pentateuchum._
_De Resurrectione mortuorum libri tres._
_Problemata de creatione._
_De termino vitæ._
_De fragilitate humana, ex lapsu_ Adami, _deque divino in bono opere
auxilio._
_Spes Israelis._ This is also in English.
_Orationes panegyricæ, quarum una ad Illustrissimum principem_,
Aurantium, _altera ad serenissimam reginam_ Sueciorum, in _Spanish_
onely.
_Conciliator_│the second part, upon the first Prophets.
│the third part, upon the later Prophets.
│the fourth part upon the Hagiographa.
_Humas_, or the _Pentateuch_, with the severall precepts in the margin.
_Thesoro de los dirim_ five books of the rites and ceremonies of the
_Iewes_, in two Volumes.
_Humas_ the _Pentateuch_, with a commentarie.
_Piedra pretiosa_, of _Nebuchadnezzar’s_ image, or the fifth Monarchy.