Thirdly, altho’ Christianity is not concerned in the Question

with these _Negroes_, I am apt to think, _European_ Conversation

has given them the Intimation of the Word _Godee_, (for so they

express the tremendous Name) and another State, which, if beyond

their Comprehension, and the Instruction hitherto had, may yet have

advantaged the Reverence to _Fetishes_; which, if it answers in the

cultivating Virtue, and mending their Morals, is no silly thing.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_The Coast from Cabo CORSO to WHYDAH._

From _Cabo Corso_ we made short Stops in our Passage, at _Anamaboe_,

_Montford_, _Barku_, _Shallo_, _Accra_, R. _Volta_, _the Papau_

Coast, and arrived at _Whydah_ _July_ 4; where we made a stay of

three Weeks.

At _Anamaboo_ our private Ships finish their Slaving, few or none

being got downward, till you reach _Whydah_.

At _Montford_, _Shallo_, and thereabouts, they make up the Deficiency

of Rice and Corn for the Voyage, the Country appearing fruitful, and

with better Aspect than any of those we have passed to Windward,

intermixed with Hills and Vales; at every League almost, a Town; many

Corn-fields, Salt pans and other Marks of Industry, particularly

about _Accra_, which shews they are extricated out of those

Difficulties with their Neighbours behind them, that the manner of

persuing the Slave-Trade exposes others too.

At _Accra_, we, the _French_, and _Dutch_, have each a Factory and

Fort, and make there great quantities of Salt, supplied to Windward,

and to the inland Provinces, where it is always a precious Commodity.

Before we reach hither, we pass by a considerable high Mount,

which _Anchecove_ says, he has seen smoke like a _Volcano_; from

whence, and being the Haunt of rapacious wild Beasts, they have

borrowed the Name, and call it _Devils Hill_; but the most danger to

Travellers, is from a prodigious number of _Apes_ (some 5 foot long)

and _Monkeys_ that inhabit it, who will attack single Passengers,

and drive them for Refuge into the Water, of which these Creatures

are very fearful. At some Places the _Negroes_ have been suspected

of Bestiality with them, and by the Boldness and Affection they

are known under some Circumstances to express to our Females; the

Ignorance and Stupidity on the other side, to guide or controul Lust;

but more from the near resemblances are sometimes met to the Human

Species, would tempt one to suspect the Fact: Altho’ by the way,

this, like other _Hebridous_ Productions, could never go no farther;

and as such a monstrous Generation would be more casual and subject

to Fatality, the Case must be uncommon and rare. Our Carpenter got

one on board from these parts, as near the likeness of a Child,

without being one, as perhaps was ever seen; a flat and smooth

Visage, little Hair, no Tail, would taste nothing but Milk, or Gruel

sweetned, and that with difficulty; moaning continually in a tone

like an Infant; in short, the Moans and Aspect were so shocking and

melancholly, that after two or three Months keeping, it was stunn’d

and thrown over-board.

The _Ourang Outang_, taken now and then at some parts of _Guinea_,

and at the Island of _Borneo_ in _East India_, has been thought a

human Savage. Captain _Flower_ brought home one from _Angola_, in

1733, disembowelled and preserved in Rum: It lived a few months

with him, had a smooth Visage, little Hair, Genitals like the

Human, with Testicles outside; would frequently walk on it’s hind

Legs voluntarily; would sit down in a Chair to sip or drink, in the

same manner they did; always slept sitting, with his Hands upon his

Shoulders; not mischievous like others, and had his Hands, Feet, and

Nails, more resembling ours.

The _River Volta_ is remarkable for the Rapidity of its Stream,

making a very great Sea upon the Bar, and carrying it self off for

some way unmixed; at two Leagues, it’s only brackish. From hence

begins the _Papau_ Coast, low and woody.

The whole Track from _Sierraleon_, is without Gulphs or Bays, of near

an equal depth of Water at the same distances; little Elevation,

except at great Rivers where the Tides are regular, as with us at

home; seldom without Breezes; when a Storm or Tornado happens, they

are always off Shore. No Dews perceptible on board Ships in the

Nights, tho’ large at Shore, and a constant misty Horizon. Captain

_Dampier_ observes the same near Shores, on the Western side of

_America_: _It is always hazy_, says he, _nigh Land_, to 20 degr. _of

Latitude_.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_WHYDAH._

This Country is governed by an absolute King, who lives in _Negrish_

Majesty at a Town called _Sabbee_, six Miles from the Sea. His Palace

is a dirty, large _Bamboo_ Building, of a Mile or two round, wherein

he keeps near a thousand Women, and divides his time in an indolent

manner, between Eating and Lust; he is fatned to a monstrous Bulk;

never has been out since he became King (nigh twelve years) which

some say, is because a large _Dole_ being due to the People on the

Demise of one, and the Accession and first Appearance of another new

Prince, his Covetousness keeps him within doors: Others, that there

is a Sword wanted (the Emblem of his Power); which should, but is

not yet delivered him, by some grand _Fetish_-Man beyond _Jaqueen_.

If any Subjects want Audience, they ring a Bell to give notice;

and if admitted, must prostrate before him, as likewise to his

grand _Fetish_-Man, or High-Priest, if present. The same Humility

and Subjection is required of Inferiours to rich and powerful Men,

without doors: They prostrate to as many as they meet of these in

the Street, and stir not till a Sign is given to get up; so that the

meanest may sometimes be two or three hours walking the length of the

Town.

White People are seldom or never admitted to Presence, but at the

times they pay their Customs; very considerable from _Europeans_, who

drive here the greatest Slave-Trade of any on the whole Continent:

Besides these Dues, the King augments his Revenue by a Duty on every

thing bought or sold by his People. To his Women, he gives entirely

the Privilege of making and selling a Beer brewed from _Indian_ Corn,

pretty much in use here, called _Putto_.

The King of _Ardra_ is his potent and warlike Neighbour; a populous

Country, full of large _Crooms_ or Towns, and all of them obsequious

Slaves, who dare not sell or buy any thing without Licence, and both

ways he exacts a Custom. It is by means of this Country that so great

a number of Slaves are brought down to _Whydah_ and sold to the

_Europeans_ naked; the Arse-clouts they had, I fancy, having been the

Plunder of the Populace: for altho’ they are kept strictly under, in

respect to the Great-ones among themselves, they have in recompence,

a thievish, unlicensed Behaviour to others.

Both Sexes squat when they make water, and the Women may obtain

a _Palaaver_ and Fine against any Man, who at such time should

indecently discover his Privities.

Travelling is in [27]Hammocks, called here _Serpentines_; they are

with Curtains to draw round, against Heat or Flies, slung cross a

Pole and bore up at each end by a _Negro_, two others attending in

the Journey, to relieve alternately: The Heat makes it dangerous

for _Englishmen_ to travel without them, and they are hired at six

Shillings a day.

Provisions are plentiful above any place on the whole Coast, but

neither very cheap nor large. A Cow of 300_lib._ weight is reckoned

a fine Beast, and will sell for two _grand Quibesses_; a Calf of

80_lib._ weight for one _grand Quibess_; a Sheep of 12_lib._ for

_eight Gallinas_; Fowls, five for a Crown; a Dozen Wild-fowl, or a

Hog, for the same Money: but it’s convenient on this Voyage always

to provide _Cowrys_ or _Booges_ (little _Indian_ Shells, called in

_England_ Blackamoors Teeth, bought at 1_s._ and sold here at 2_s._

6_d._ _per lib._) as the readiest for this sort of Traffick. Coin is

the dearest way of buying, at distance from _Europe_.

_Whydah_ Currency.

40 _Cowrys_ make a _Toccy_.

5 _Toccys_ —— a _Gallina_.

20 _Gallinas_ —— a _Grand Quibess_, which

answers to 25 Shillings.

Horses, are what I never saw any where else on the Continent.

The most curious of their Customs, and peculiar to this Part, is

their _Snake-Worship_, which, according to my Intelligence, is as

follows. This _Snake_, the Object of their Worship, is common in

the Fields, and cherished as a familiar Domestick in their Houses,

called _Deyboys_; they are yellow, and marbled here and there,

have a narrow Swallow, but dilatable (as all of the Serpent Kind

are) to the thickness of your Arm on feeding. It is the principal

Deity or _Fetish_ of the Country, and brought into more Regularity

than others, by the superiour Cunning of their _Fetishers_, who

have one presiding over them, called the grand _Fetisher_, or

High-Priest, who is held in equal Reverence with the King himself;

nay, sometimes more, through gross Superstition and Fear: for they

believe an Intercourse with the Snake, to whom they have dedicated

their Service, capacitates them to stop or promote the Plagues that

infest them. He hath the craft by this means, to humble the King

himself on all occasions for their Service, and to drain both him

and the People, in supplying their Wants. It is Death for a Native

to kill one of these Snakes, and severe Punishments to _Europeans_.

When Rains are wanted at Seed-time, or dry Weather in Harvest, the

People do not stir out after it is night, for fear of the angry

Snake, which, provoked with their Disobedience, they are taught, will

certainly kill them at those times, if abroad, or render them Ideots.

They have _Fetish_-Women, or Priestesses, that live separated with a

number of Virgins under their Care, devoted to the Snake’s Service:

I have heard, the rich _Cabiceers_ do often buy the Consent of these

Women to debauch their Pupils; they pretend to the Girls, they have

had some late Correspondence with the Snake, who intimates the

agreeableness of her favouring such or such a Man’s Addresses; teach

her to act Fits and Distortions at the sight of him, to enhance the

Price, and that for this Compliance, she shall be amply rewarded in

the Snakes Country, far pleasanter than this she breaths in, and he

then more amiable, having here put on his worst Shape, that Obedience

might have the more Merit. A Discovery in the Girl would be certain

Death, and none would believe; or if they did, would dare openly to

assert such Murder against the Assertion of the _Fetish_-Men or Women.

It is probable that King _Solomon_’s Navy of _Tharshish_ (_1 Kings_

Ch. x.) did coast from _Ezion Geber_ (the bottom of the red Sea)

round Cape _Bon Esperance_ [28]_to Sofalu, by some thought Ophir_;

and if so, why not to the Gold-Coast? or that King _Hiram_’s Navy

from _Tyre_, might on the North and Western side together have

encompassed this Continent; tho’ afterwards, on the destruction

of each State, the Navigation might be lost with the Trade. This

is probable, I say, from the length of the Voyage (three years)

no unreasonable time in the infancy of Sailing, Ignorance of the

Compass, and dilatory Methods of Trading in Fleets, and in their

Returns, Gold, Ivory, and Apes. The Peacocks mentioned in this Text,

might possibly be the _Crown-Birds_; beautiful, of the same bigness,

and a greater Rarity. One of them we had from _Gambia_ (a Present to

the Duke of _Chandois_) had a fine Tuft of stiff speckled Feathers on

the Head; the Wings, red, yellow, white and black, with a black Down

on the fore-part of it’s Head.

Granting this, whether or no it’s too foreign to imagine, some

traditional Story might be derived from them concerning the old

Serpent, the Deceiver of Mankind? or that fiery one lifted up by

_Moses_ in the Wilderness? _Gordon_ in his _Geography_, p. 327,

says, the _Mosaical_ Law was once introduced into some parts of

_Negro_-land, strengthned by the Affinity of some Names and Customs

they retain with the _Jews_, particularly Circumcision, practised

at most, if not all parts of the Coast. _Bosman_ on this, says even

Girls have their Clitoris stripp’d. The _Ægyptians_ (on this their

own Continent,) were the first we read of that circumcised, from whom

_Abraham_ borrowed it, and the Patriarchs Posterity might as well

have transmitted the use of it with their Trade, to this opposite

side of _Africa_; the only Objections are, the easier Method of

borrowing it from the _Mallays_, black _Turks_ that inhabit about

the middle of _Africa_, with whom they communicate by Trade; and

because the Practice here, like as with the _Mahometans_, is not

taken up of Precept, but Tradition. Be it how it will, they are found

tenacious of their Customs and Opinions: A Woman, from whose greater

Flexibility and Subjection as a _Consa_ to any _European_, might be

expected a Change, never relinquishing her Country-Gods, tho’ she had

cohabited for years, as has been frequently tried at our Factories.

Others think this Snake-Worship might be taken up as of old the

_Ægyptians_ did their Ox and Cow, their Crocodile and Cat, _&c._

They had some moral Reason, tho’ overwhelmed in Fable and ridiculous

Superstition. The Ox and Cow were Emblems of Tillage, taught to

them by _Osiris_ and _Isis_, whom they feigned changed into those

Creatures, and in that form worshipped them.

The Crocodile and Cat preyed upon those Reptiles that devoured the

Fruits of their Husbandry, like as these very Snakes are said to

kill the black and poisonous sort, and to destroy various Species of

Vermin, injurious to their Fields and Grain.

We bear (far from _Egypt_) a _Reverence_ to many Creatures, Beasts

and Birds; eat some, and cherish others; I believe, often on no

other Foundation than Heathen Fable. The _Fetish_ is this Reverence

improved, and if we laugh at [29]_Sambo_ for inflicting Fine or

Death on whoever hurts or kills the Snake, may not he in his turn,

as justly laugh to hear that in some Countries it is Death to steal

a Sheep, a Horse, _&c._ or Penalties to kill Pidgeons, Wild-fowl,

_&c._ tho’ never so much in want of them: For it is all according to

the Fashion of the Country, and doubtless proceeds from a _profound

Veneration_ to those Creatures.

Many and ridiculous are the Stories formed upon the Foundation of the

Snake, over-acted to the Prejudice of Beliefs, which in unletter’d

Countries should be short, and have the Design and Import of Laws;

such Laws as in their nature are best fitted to awe or persuade Men

into the Practice of what is good: but here they are multiplied with

silly Circumstances, or stretch beyond Memory, and spoil their Use;

for which reason, I am firmly of opinion the Snake-Worship will never

endanger our Factories, or propagate far, it has made such Rogues of

them.

Besides the Snake, they have two other principal Deities, and other

small _Fetishes_. The former are their _Groves, and the high Sea_;

addressing either upon the Peculiarity, I suppose, of their Affairs,

or rather, these Groves are consecrated to the Snake, most of them

having a square Tower built in a retired part of it, to which they

carry _Dashees_, and Presents. There is one in this Neighbourhood

pre-eminent to all in the Country, and to which the Prince and People

annually make rich Offerings.

Their smaller _Fetishes_, like as at other parts, are numberless, and

for smaller Concerns made of Stone, Bone, Wood, or Earth; but herein

they differ from others, that this small Fetish is the first thing

they _see, after they are determined upon some Affair or Business_,

and sometimes determines them to that Affair, whence it is taken up

and invoked: If the Business ends luckily, it is lain by in honour to

the chief Idol, and _dasheed_ now and then; but if not, they throw it

away.

I should have done now with _Whydah_, but the surprizing _Revolution_

brought about here in 1727, by the victorious King of _Dauhomay_,

turning things topsy turvy, and entirely destroying our Slave-Trade,

deserves some Remarks.

This Prince was probably incited to the Conquest from the generous

Motive of redeeming his own, and the neighbouring Country People from

those cruel Wars, and Slavery that was continually imposed on them

by these Snakes and the King of _Ardra_; each helped the other to

propagate the Mischief far and wide, and differ’d between themselves,

only in sharing the Booty. That this spurred on their Catastrophe,

I think, _First_, Because it is agreeable to Capt. _Snelgrave_’s

Character of that King, a Gentleman well acquainted with that part

of _Guinea_, and who has given the latest Account of those People:

He says in that Tract, he made a Journey in company with some of

the _English_ Factory to the Camp of the King of _Dauhomay_ (40 or

50 miles up the Country,) and informs us, “that in the Conversation

and Business he had to transact, he had experienced him just and

generous; in his Manners, nothing barbarous, but contrarily, the most

extraordinary Man of his Colour.” The natural Consequence from such

Qualities in a Prince, being, I think, to extend them towards all

that are oppressed, and against those in particular, his Resentments

were fired: _First_, on account of their publick Robberies, and

Man-stealing, even to his Dominions; and _Secondly_, That Contempt

the King of _Whydah_ had expressed towards him, saying publickly,

“_that if the King of_ Dauhomay _should invade him, he would not

cut off his Head_ (the Custom of Conquerors) _but keep him alive,

to serve in the vilest Offices_:” a Specimen both of his Vanity and

Courage, which he had soon after Occasion to try; and then instead

of the haughty Revenge he purposed, dastardly deserted his Kingdom,

he and the Subjects of _Ardra_ becoming in a few days miserable

Fugitives.

2. The King of _Dauhomay_ at this Interview with Captain _Snelgrave_,

which was after the Conquest of _Ardra_ and _Whydah_, agrees with

him in the Character of these Enemies: “_That they were Villains

to both white and black People, and therefore had been punished by

his hands_;” a Text that ought to have been regarded more heedfully

by the Factory than it was: For what were they Villains more than

others of the Colour, unless for this illegal and unjust Trade? And

if he himself declared his Victories in punishment of their Crimes,

what might not they expect in their turn, who differed only as the

Pawnbroker and the Thief? Mr. _Testesole_, the Company’s Governour,

we find when Opportunity presented, was seized by them, and cruelly

sacrificed: “The Crime alledged being, that he had used the _Dahomes_

on all Occasions in his power, very ill, on account _of the bad Trade

they had occasioned_:” and afterwards they went on, surprized and

plundered all the _European_ Merchants at _Jaqueen_, finishing in

that, the Destruction of the Slave-trade, the little remaining being

now at _Appah_, a place beyond the bounds of his Conquest. Yet in all

this, could we separate our Idea of the Sufferers, and the temporary

Views of Traders; the King’s Actions carry great Reputation, for

by the destruction of this Trade, he relinquished his own private

Interests for the sake of publick Justice and Humanity.

_Lastly_, that this destruction of the Trade was designed in the

King of _Dauhomay_’s Conquest, seems confirmed by Captain _Bulfinch

Lamb_’s Proposal from him to our Court.

This Gentleman, on some Business of the Factory, was at _Ardra_ when

the _Dahomes_ came down upon them, was made a Prisoner, detained near

four years with the Emperor, and came to _England_ at last by his

Permission or rather Direction, having given him 320 Ounces of Gold,

and 80 Slaves to bear his Charges. In his Scheme of Trade, said to

be proposed from that Emperor and laid before our Commissioners of

Trade, some of the Articles run thus;——_That the Natives would sell

themselves to us, on condition of not being carried off._——_That we

might settle Plantations_, &c. a Foundation quite foreign to the

former Slave-trade, and carried no Temptation but the empty one of

Instruction and Conversion, which he himself might have laid down

there, and had given some room to expect, agreeably to the Judgment

he made of the King’s Sentiments, and his own view of getting away;

an additional Honour to the King in this way of thinking indeed;

“but the Inconsistency made it unsuccessful,” and Captain _Lamb_,

tho’ under a solemn Promise to return, never gave any Account of his

Embassy to that Prince.

Captain _Snelgrave_’s Account leads me still a little farther,

on his suggesting these _conquering Dahomes_ to be Men-eaters;

I beg an Animadversion or two on that Head.—Common Report has

settled _Cannibals_ at several parts of _Africa_. _Dapper_ in the

_Geographical Atlas_ says, the _Ausicans_ or _Gales_ in _Æthiopia_,

and _many_ of the Natives of _Quiloa_, _Melinda_, and _Mombaza_,

on the East side of _Africa_ are such, and that human Flesh is

sold in the Shambles. _Gordon_, in his _Geographical Grammar_,

conveys it modestly _as a Report_, that the Kingdom of _Loango_ in

South-_Africa_ has many Cannibals, and that human Flesh in several

places is sold publickly in the Shambles, as we do Beef and Mutton.

That the _Caffres_, (tho’ abounding with Provisions) also are such,

and will eat _even nasty Hottentots their Neighbours_; who tho’

accounted the most brutish People upon the Globe in their Manners and

Feeding, are at the same time excused by all Travellers so inhuman

a Custom. _Bosman_ reports the same of _Drewin_. The Observation I

shall make on these and the like Stories I have heard from other

parts of the World, is their being reported of Countries remote from

our Correspondence, abounding with Provisions, by Persons who never

were in the Places they relate their Wonders; or where they have,

their Testimony is on hear-say, or their Reasons inconclusive, and

against later Experience. I am prejudiced indeed against the Opinion

of Cannibals, and very much doubt whether there be any such Men

on the face of the Earth, unless when provoked by Famine, as has

unfortunately happened in Voyages: Or possibly with Savages, single

Instances may have been, as their way to express an intense Malice

against a particular Enemy, and _in terrorem_; or to cement with a

Bond of Secrecy some very wicked Societies of Men: but that there

should be a common Practice of it, Nations of Men-eaters, to me looks

at present impossible. Captain _Snelgrave_’s being the newest Account

of this Affair, and on his own personal Knowledge, I shall amuse the

Reader with a short Extract from him, and then my Objections.

“This Gentleman, by an Invitation from the King of _Dahome_ or

_Dauhomay_, went in company with some other of the Factory from

_Jaqueen_, to pay him a Visit at his Camp, 40 miles inland; there he

was an Eye-witness of their human Sacrifices, _Captives_ from the

Kingdoms of _Ardra_, _Whydah_, _Tuffoe_, and other Conquests: _the

King chose them out himself_. The first Victim I saw, says he, was a

_well-looking Man_, of 50 or 60, his Hands tied, he stood upright by

a Stage five foot from the Ground. The _Fetisher_ or Priest laying

his Hand on the Head, said some Words of Consecration for about

two Minutes; then giving the Sign, one behind with a broad Sword

hit on the Nape of his Neck, and carried off the Head at one Blow,

the Rabble giving a Shout. _Others of these Captives he made his

Servants, or sold for Slaves._——”

The Story thus far is not over-marvellous; whether the Sacrifices

be considered as a Thanksgiving to their _Fetish_, or God (_as an

Acknowledgment, he was told_) or an Honour to the _Manes_ of his

deceased Heroes, because such Practice is supported both by Scripture

and History. The Captives in War under the _Jewish_ Law, which

fell to the Lord’s Share, were to be slain (_Levit._ xxvii. v. 28,

29.) and the Custom of many _Pagan_ Countries has been, and still

continues in many parts of the World to this day (if we may credit

History or Travellers) to attend the Obsequies of their Princes and

great Men with human Sacrifices, particularly at some other Parts

of _Guinea_. The Emperor of _Feton_’s Funeral (_Miscell. Curiosa_,

Vol. 3. p. 356.) was accompanied with a great number, and remarkably

barbarous. _Montezuma_, (_Antonio Solis_ says,) sacrificed 20000

Enemies a year. The present _Dahomes_ follow it from political

Principles, to awe the Conquered, and secure the Conquest; for _the

captive King was always one_, and next him the Men of Experience

and Influence, such as already had, or were most likely to disturb

his future Peace; answering more justly than that Argument _à

posteriori_, of the Bow-string or Halter, when Men rise for the

Recovery of a lost Country, _&c._

Contending Princes do to this day frequently sacrifice with less

honourable Views, if we may credit Captain _Gulliver_, who says, one

King has lost his Life, another the Crown, only in a Contest about

the primitive way of breaking Eggs.

I say this is not so over-marvellous; but when we come to the

Carcases of these Men, how the _Dahomes_ had made a Festival of their

Flesh in the night, it swells to Incredibility. “Captain _Snelgrave_

was not an Eye-witness of this indeed; he says, the Bodies lay a

little while on the ground to drain the Blood, and then were carried

by Slaves to a place nigh the Camp, and laid in a Heap; he saw two

of these Heaps over night, containing he judged about 400, who had

been chose out by the King that Morning, for Sacrifice. On the next

Morning they were gone, and asking the Linguist what had become of

them, he answered, the _Vulturs_ (ravenous Birds very plentiful

in the Country) had eaten them. Not satisfied with this Answer,

(seeing nothing remain but Blood) we asked for the Bones, and then he

confessed, the Priest had divided the Carcases among the People in

the night, who had boiled and feasted on them, as holy Food; the Head

is for the King, (continues the Linguist) the Blood for the _Fetish_,

and the Body for the common People.”

I make no doubt of the truth of this Relation, and yet think the

Circumstances not conclusive enough, to charge the _Dahomes_ as

_Anthropophagites_.

1. Because the truth depends too much on the Linguist, (_Butteno_,

a _Negro_ of Mr. _Lamb_’s, brought up at the Factory) how well he

knew to render the Language to our Ideas: and to his Veracity and his

Courage. He might think with his Country-men that it was their best

Excuse to the white People, for that cowardly and ignominious Flight

of Thousands from 200 of the _Dahomes_ at _Sabbee_ (the _Whydah_’s

head City) where, instead of eating them, they pretended a Fright

of being eat, and with the King, took precipitately to their heels,

deserting in a shameful manner their Country: and makes something

like the Story of our _Saracens_ Heads of old; when the _English_ had

been threshed heartily for their silly Croisade, they represented

their Adversaries thus large, to insinuate none but Monsters or

Devils could have done it. However the Linguist tells his Masters

first, that the _Vulturs_ had eaten those Bodies, but perceiving them

diffident of this, and prone to another Persuasion (which, by the

way, is some excuse for him) he tells them frankly, _that the People

had eaten them in the night_, &c. The Bones, which were wanting, and

that had drawn this Secret from him, are to me a Confirmation that

they were buried. Otherways, as these Cormorants could not chew or

digest them, they should have been found strewed somewhere, as the

Roads were in his Journey: The Fellow might also in his turn propose

some advantage in this Belief; for Captain _Snelgrave_ tells us, he

met with great Impositions and Cheats at his return to _Jaqueen_,

by the Lord there, and others in Trade, notwithstanding the kind

Reception he had met with at Camp, and that King’s Charge to the

contrary.

2. A _Portuguese_ who resided there, that spoke their Language, and

which is very remarkable, _had married a woolly white Woman born of

black Parents, who had never seen any other Colour: this Gentleman

talked highly of the King’s Policy and Generosity_, that his

Sacrifices were a Proof of it; that he was just, strictly obeyed, and

never eat any human Flesh. If so, according to my way of thinking,

he would hinder so barbarous a Custom in others his Subjects; or it

would be a Contradiction to his Character, a Sufferance being the

same, as doing it himself.

3. If the Sacrifices were designed for eating, one would think they

should have been all young People, not thrown in a Heap, which is

an Objection to their spending well; and now and then I should have

expected they would have been prompted by Novelty to have tasted

a white Man: but it is the King’s Character of being far from

barbarous, and of delicate Wit and Policy: _Lamb_ lived three years

and a half with them, and never was eat.

4. If Men were thus eat, and liked by a _Nation_, there would be less

occasion and Inclination to sell them us for Slaves; they at least

must lose a Breakfast by it now and then; and it would fall heavier

on such Captives they had made their Servants, (for some were made so

at the same time the others were sacrificed) who I am in some doubt

whether they would wait tamely for the turn of having their Throats

cut. This Man-Eating therefore probably might be an Imposition on the

Credulity of the Whites; as the Persuasion amongst some of them is,

that they are bought by us to fat and eat: the Belief in my opinion

is equally grounded. Theirs (if any) is better; for the next Cruelty

to buying human Flesh, one would naturally think, should be to eat

it; especially with Negroes, who cannot conceive how their Labour can

be used, that want so little for their own support.

5. Some Places reported on the Coast to be Men-Eaters are by latest

Accounts much doubted, if not contradicted. At _Loango_ they are

found with better Manners, and mixed with _Portuguese_. At Cape _St.

Mary’s_, the Starboard Entrance of the River _Gambia_, generally said

to be Men-Eaters, were found by our Boat’s Crew as civilized as any

People on the whole Coast, tho’ their Number exposed them an easy

Prey. To this we may add, that all _Negroland_, by the Observations

I could make, are very abstemious of Flesh in comparison of us; they

have very few tame Creatures (Kid, Sheep, Kine, _&c._) among them;

their Country is mostly Woods cleared away a little at their Cooms,

to sow as much _Indian_ Corn and Rice as they imagine will serve

them; which, with Banana’s, Plantanes, Palm-Nuts, Pine-Apples, and

now and then a little stinking Fish, or a Fowl, is the chief of their

Diet.

6. As Slave-Cargoes are a Compound of different Nations, it is more

than probable they are mixed from these Men-eating Countries; and

therefore on their rising and murdering a Ship’s Company, they would

have shewn us e’er now a Precedent, especially those who believed we

were to eat them.

7. Men in this horrid Practice would, with the distinguishing

Characteristick of Reason about them, be more brutish than any part

of the Creation; no Creatures of the greatest Ferocity preying upon

their own Species.

8. If such Custom were taken up to intimidate their Neighbours, and

facilitate Conquests, the Practice should be more publick; not in the

Night, but Day, and openly: Custom in any People familiarizing all

Barbarities, and more so, when an Interest is proposed.

Therfore, lastly, the strongest Proof produced for it is, that one

Mr. _More_ _saw human Flesh sold at_ Dahome’s _Market-place_.

If the Person mentioned does not mean human Flesh alive, and in

way of Trade, yet without a good interior Sight, he might mistake

it for that of Monkeys, there being an awkard Resemblance to _the

Moorish Race_, in the Hands and Phiz; and I have given one Example

purposely, among many (at the beginning of this Chapter) to shew

they are a common Diet at some places; our Sailors frequently eat

them. What inclines me more to this Opinion is, _First_, the Force

of Pre-possession and Fear, which many Readers may experience in

their own Constitution. _Second_, That I never saw a Flesh-Market

of any sort, tho’ I have been on shore at many places on the Coast

of _Guinea_, not even among the _English_, the most carnivorous in

the World; but when they do kill, lend it out. _Thirdly_, What is

my greatest Objection, is, that the Captain should bring another to

assert what he might have done himself, since he was at _Dahome_’s

Camp, (the same place,) and more inquisitive and discerning; unless

this Market was kept one Voyage, and not another.

I have bestowed these Objections, purely in respect to the King of

_Dahomay_, whom, tho’ I never saw, nor expect to be advanced in his

Court, I have a natural Propensity to wish well, _since he has

redeemed his Country-Men from being sold as Slaves_. I would feign,

after such an Action, excuse them from being Men-eaters; a Charge

full as bad for the People, a jumping out of the Frying-pan into the

Fire. Their Guilt herein is less likely, because it happens that this

conquered Country abounds more with Neat Cattle, than all other parts

of the Coast.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_Currents on the Coast of GUINEA._

The incomparable Sir _Isaac Newton_ solves all the Phænomena of the

Tides upon the sole Principle of Gravity. The Earth, Sun, Moon,

and all the celestial Bodies, says he, have a Gravitation towards

their Centers, in proportion to the quantitys of Matter in each of

them. Our Earth being within the Activity of the Sun and Moon’s

Attractions; the fluid part of this Globe, the Ocean, feels it, and

necessarily swells: and this, by taking off or abating the force

of Gravity, wherever the Moon is perpendicular in the Ecliptick;

whereby the greater Pressure of Gravity without, carries the Water

thitherward, _&c._ (See the Theory of the Tides, _Philos. Transact._)

Currents seem to be the same thing (at least on this Coast) and on

the same Principle I shall lay down the Facts, and then draw the

Conclusions.

The Rivers of _Gambia_, _Sierraleon_, _Gabon_, the Straits and

Channels of _Benin_, and thro’ the whole Coast, the flowings are

regular on the Shores, with this difference, that in Rivers or

Channels where two Shores contract the Waters into a narrow Compass,

the Tides are strong and high, as well as regular; but on the dead

Coast, slow and low, not to above two or three foot, increasing as

you advance towards the Bay and Channels of _Benin_; and this is

farther evident at Cape _Corso_, _Succonda_, _Commenda_, and other

places: for wherever the Land rounds and cheques, the Flowings

there will be a Foot or two more than on an evener Coast, tho’ next

adjoining.

The Currents here set sometimes two knots an hour along Shore,

sometimes with, sometimes against the Wind; tho’ generally to

Leeward; sometimes off, sometimes on, ripling like a Tide, at other

times a smooth unmoved Surface for days together, and never felt, or

imperceptible at 8 or 10 Leagues Offing.

The Currents set in on both Shores, to the Bay of _Benin_; _from_ the

Southward, about and beyond Cape _Lopez_; and _from_ the Westward

along the _Papau_ Coast, that is, to Leeward; for the Winds are as

commonly deflected along Shore, as the Currents. This all Ships

experience in their Passage to _Angola_, if they hold the Land on

board, or if they endeavour getting Westward on the _Papau_ or Gold

Coast.

The reason of this Diversity, I imagine, proceeds from the Formation

of the Land, together with the Weather, and the Winds.

The Land being on a strait Line, without Gulphs or Bays, unless that

remarkably large one of _Benin_ and _Callabar_, the Flux of the Sea,

when it comes to be bounded by the Shores, have a natural Tendency

there, seen in growing stronger as they advance towards it on both

sides; because such Gulphs, in a Contraction of the Waters, bear some

Resemblance to Channels, which every where in proportion to their

Breadth and Depth, and the Sea they stand open with, have more or

less Current or Tide along their Shores inward; assisted partly by

the Winds, which, as I have observed, are deflected, and tend also

on both sides towards the Bay; and partly, by the Weather; clear and

hot Sunshines drawing more Vapours from the Seas _next Shores_ in

all places, (and especially in Bays with Shoals) to be expended in

Exhalations, Mists, Fogs, and Rains; the Rains again may, by being

incessant for a Month or six Weeks, and in a Rotation upon different

parts of the Coast, contribute to some little diversity of Strength.

Another reason of Currents tending mostly to Leeward here, is the

Flood being propagated from a vast Southern Ocean, takes it’s Course

along Shore; but the Ebbs revert easily and equally from all parts to

the Ocean, and therefore make so little an Alteration of the Stream,

as is seldom and scarcely felt at a very little distance from it.

The most that we found was open with this Bite of _Benin_. We left

_Whydah_ the latter end of _July_, where tho’ the Currents in the

Road were very strong to Leeward, and the Winds altogether S. W. yet

we found we could with ease have weathered any of the Islands; which

would have been impossible, had the same Current in the Road extended

across the whole Bay; nay, our getting so far to the Southward

(_i. e._ Windward) will be very difficult to account for, unless

the Waters received into this Bay by those Currents are allowed to

reverberate in the middle Space, tho’ insensibly, towards the main

Ocean.

From these light Observations, I think it may be concluded, _First_,

that in all Places, Currents and Tides have a very great affinity.

That it is principally the Formation of the Lands drives them into

the one or the other; if contracted between two Shores so as to form

a Channel, the diurnal Elevation of the Ocean, by the Attraction

of the Moon, will make there a Tide, rapid in proportion to it’s

Breadth, Depth, and Sea it is open to: And if an open Coast, as

_Guinea_, those Tides become Currents. This agrees with the Voyages

I have met to those Parts, and particularly the sixth general one set

forth by the _India_ Company of that Channel, made by the Eastern

side of the Continent, and the Island of _Madagascar_; for being too

deep and broad for the Direction of a Tide, _there are Northern and

Southern Currents_, as the elevated Sea rowls round the North or

South end of the Island: and which is still more agreeable, _they

are strongest where the Channel is narrowest, and less, and vary

on different Points of the Compass, as the Sea spreads more in the

Passage cross the Line_.

2. That all Currents and Tides are found only on Shores, and

indiscernible at 10 Leagues distance from a Coast, or the Mouth of

any Channel; are also variable from the same Influence of the Moon,

and Change of Weather.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_RAINS._

There is a Return of Vernal and Autumnal Rains through the whole

Coast. The former, whether on this or the other side the Equator, are

longer and more incessant. They begin on this side at _Sierraleon_,

in _May_; at the Gold Coast and _Whydah_, in _April_, preceded by

S. and S. E. Winds. On the other side the Line again, the Vernal

Rains fall at Cape _Lopez_, in _October_; at _Angola_ in _November_,

&c. And as these Seasons are attended with the Interposition of

Clouds thro’ both, the Air is cooler, and therefore by the stewed

Inhabitants denominated Winter.

What conduces to such annual and regular Returns, is perhaps

inscrutable: It is only a general Observation, that the Sun, on

or nigh the Æquinox, inclines to rain every where. Dr. _Clayton_

says, (_Philos. Trans._) that there are frequent and great Rains at

_Virginia_ in _April_ and _September_, and other Countries observe

the same. The ultimate end is to embrue the Land with Fertility,

where the Inhabitants have Sense and Willingness to co-operate with

Providence.

At Cape _Corso_ this year, they ceased the end of _May_; they

had fell, we understood, for six Weeks before, almost without

intermission, only some hours they were heavier, and chiefly in the

Nights, with continued Thunder, Lightning, and Calms. Whenever they

felt a Breeze, it was Southerly, (directly upon the Land) the Clouds

that contained the Rains succeeding one another from the Ocean, as it

were orderly. If the Horizon brightened as it does by Spirts at these

Seasons, the Sun is felt with redoubled Heat and Fervour.

[30]The Mist and Haziness of the Horizon (always on the Coast) and

those great Dews which out of the rainy Seasons fall every night on

the Shore, and rarely or never two Miles from it where the Ships

anchor, are corroborating Proofs of what is just before hinted under

the Article of Currents, that the Vapours supplying these, or Rains,

are extracted from Coasts and Shallows more abundantly than from the

main Ocean; which would otherways be seen and felt, and in greater

measure at Sea, from so large a Body of Waters surrounding; but is so

far from happening, that _Exhalations of all sorts diminish, as is

the Distance from Land_.

Again, the Winds from Sea, which are the Winds that usher in these

Rains, are known to spring up but a few Leagues from Shore; (the

_Trade_ obtaining in all these Latitudes:) and tho’ I say, any

regular Periods of it under this Vicinity of the Sun all the year

may be inscrutable, yet when they do come, they visibly bring on the

Land-Clouds loaded with aqueous Vapors; a more rarified Air there

naturally attracting them, and helping their fall.

Both Ships came to Isle _Del Principe_ the end of _July_, 1721, where

we felt dreadful Effects from the excessive Heats and Irregularity

of the Seamen, during our _Careening_; for although we arrived

very healthy, the Island furnishing _Palm_-Wines and the means of

debauching at easy Rates, and our Tents giving opportunity; they soon

run into Excess, which brought on an epidemical malignant Fever,

that reduced us in a short Stay of two Months, to some Deliberations

whether we could proceed to Sea safely without a return of Men from

_England_; the _Weymouth_ not being able to purchase her Anchors, and

we in the _Swallow_ with difficulty. My Judgment, as Surgeon, was

by all means to go, tho’ in the most sickly Condition, because thus

removed from the chief Causes of our Misfortune (Calms, excessive

Heats, and a disorderly Living) whoever were visited with the

Distemper, would by that method find a Crisis in Recovery or Death,

and stop the infection: We therefore, with the Assistance of some Men

from a _Dutch East-India_ Ship that happened to put in, got under

Sail and left the Island; the effect I have related elsewhere more

at large, and shall only observe here, that our Fevers for want of

Necessaries turned in many to Fluxes, and pursued us, tho’ with less

Cruelty. The _Weymouth_, who brought out of _England_ a Compliment of

240 Men, having at the end of the Voyage 280 dead upon her Books.

_Princes_ was the Birth-place of _Africanus_ and _Moulee_, of whom

they give this tragical Relation; That she becoming a Favourite of

her Patron, was forced from _Africanus_, and having a Child whose

Complexion betray’d the true Father, _Africanus_ murdered both, and

afterwards himself, to avoid Punishment.

We touched at [31]_St. Thome_, the chief of these _Portuguese_

Islands for fresh Provisions, purchased cheap; the Profit of half a

dozen Hogs fed two or three Months, and sold at the Gold Coast, will

maintain the _best_ Mess in a Ship a whole year.

It was lucky for Mr. _Rowry_, Master of a _Bristol_ Vessel, that the

Man of War came in; his Men had made him Prisoner, and were disposing

of the Slaves at a very easy Rate with the Governor, who rejects no

Schemes of Profit. _Rowry_, who had been discountenanced by him upon

his Men’s Complaints, was now heard indeed; but not knowing _rightly_

the Method of getting Men to bring away his Brigantine in our

Company, he was obliged to take what Price the Governor would set on

her and her Cargo, and took Passage with us for Cape _Corso_; where,

upon Demand, he accompanied his Leave with a handsome Acknowledgment

for his Diet, and went home with the Account.

We regained the Gold Coast in fifteen days from this Island, having

met in the Passage some Sprinklings that we understood had been heavy

showers on Shore.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_WINDS._

The Winds, different from our Quarter of the World, in these Voyages

are either peculiar to warm Latitudes; such are _Trade-Winds_, _Land

and Sea Breezes_; or to the Coast, _Tornadoes_, and _Air-Mattans_.

_Trade-Winds_ are easterly, blow fresh night and day, all the Year,

and every where round the Globe; that Part of it I mean that we

are upon, the Ocean, whether _Atlantick_, _Indian_, or _American_:

for the Soil and Position of Lands, though the same Cause of them

subsists more powerfully, gives uncertain and various Deflections.

They will extend to 30°° of N. Latitude, when the Sun is on this

side the Equator, and as far S. when on the other; deflecting where

he is farthest off (here to the N. E. there to the S. E.) and always

nearest to the E. Point on the Equinoctial, or where he is vertical.

The general Causes assigned by the Ingenious for these Phænomena, and

with the greatest Probability of Truth, are;

_First_, _the daily Rotation of the Earth Eastward upon its Axis_,

whereby the Air or Wind (the enforced Stream of it) by this means

goes Westward in respect of the Superficies; and this is farther

countenanced in that these Winds are found only in the largest

Circles, where the diurnal Motion is swiftest; and _also because they

blow as strong in the Night as Day; home, on the Coast of_ Brasil,

_as near_ Guinea.

The _second_ permanent Cause of this Effect, the ingenious Dr.

_Halley_ ascribes to the Action of the Sun-beams upon the Air and

Water every day, considered together with the Nature of the Soil, and

Situation of the adjoining Continents.

The Sun heats and rarefies the Air exceedingly, in all Latitudes

within the _Zodiack_, (evident from the anhelous Condition it

subjects most Animals to in Calms) and therefore the Air from

Latitudes more _without_ his Influence (as more ponderous) presses

in, to restore the Equilibrium: and to follow the Sun, must come

from the Eastward. The westerly Winds that restore this Balance,

from Latitudes beyond the Tropicks, would, I fancy, be as constant,

and keep a Circulation, were the whole a Globe of Waters: As it is,

they are from 30 to 60°°, abundantly the most predominant, with a

Deviation to N. or S. on various Accidents: blow with more force,

because, among other Reasons, the Equilibrium is restored to a

greater from a lesser Circle; and as it were to confirm this, are

received into the Trade-wind, with a Deflection of N. E. or more

northward at the Point of reception.

On the Coast of _Guinea_, North of the Equinoctial, the true Winds

are westerly, keeping a Track with the Shore, where it trenches

all eastward. From the River _Gabon_ again, under the Line, the

Land stretches to the Southward, and, exactly answerable thereto,

the Winds wheel from S. E. to S. by E. to keep nigh a Parallel

with it; in both, the Shore seems to deflect the true _Trade_, in

the same manner Capes do Tides or Currents, and obliges it, like

them, on that Point where they have the freest Passage. If at any

particular Seasons (as in the Rains is remarked) the Winds become

more southerly, and set full upon the Shore, they are weak; and as

the Sun is at such time on this side the Equinoctial, it is probably

to restore an Equilibrium to that Air at land, more rarefied from a

stronger and more reflected Heat.

I shall give two or three other Remarks on Trade-winds, proper, tho’

made at other Periods of the Voyage.

1. You must be distant from the Influence of Land to Windward, before

the _Trade_ blows true and fresh, (from this Coast we may suppose

twenty or thirty Leagues) and then a Ship bound to _America_ will

make a constant and smooth Run of forty or fifty Leagues every

twenty-four Hours. And as there are no Storms, vast numbers of flying

Fish sporting near the Ship, (_found every where within the Verge

of these Winds, and no where else that ever I saw_,) _Bonetoes_

pursuing them; with Birds of various sorts, _Garnets_, _Boobys_,

_Tropick-Birds_, and _Sheerwaters_, it makes a very delightful

sailing.

2. Although the N. E. and S. E. Trade-Winds on this and that side

the _Line_, do not blow adverse, yet by approaching to it, are in my

Thoughts, the Occasion of becalming the Latitudes between 4 and 12°

N, the Point of Contest; as we found, and will be hereafter remarked

in our Passage from _Brasil_ to the _West-Indies_, in _July_ and

_August_: and this I think, _First_, because the East southerly Trade

is known ordinarily to extend E. S. E. to 4° of Northern Latitude:

and consequently, as the East northerly is bounded a little nearer

or further from the Equinoctial, as is the Station of the Sun;

Calms and small Breezes, the Attendant of them, may vary a little,

yet they will always happen about these Latitudes, and near the

windward Shores be attended with Thunder, Lightning, and perpetual

Rains. _Secondly_, all Ships actually find this in their Passage

from _Guinea_ to the _West-Indies_ in any Month, or from _England_

thither; the true Trade decreasing as they approach those Latitudes,

and up between _Cape Verd_ and the Islands, those Calms by all our

Navigators are said to be as constantly attended with Rains and

Thunder.

_Thirdly_, Because the same thing happens at the Commencement of the

_Trade_, from the variable Winds in 27 or 28°° of Northern Latitude,

sooner or later as I observed is the Station of the Sun: From all

which I would infer, that from _Guinea_ these calm Latitudes are

easier passed, not nigh, but within 100 Leagues of the Continent

of _Africa_, and at _America_ not to get into them till a Ship has

nigh run her Distance; for the Land, I think, either to Windward or

Leeward does give a better Advantage to the Breezes, than nearer or

more remote: Ships from _England_ do not want this Caution so much,

because the N. E. _Trade_ does not fail till a little beyond the

Parallel of _Barbadoes_, the Southermost of our Islands.

_Land and Sea-Breezes_ are Gales of no great Extent, the former much

fainter and inconstant will blow off an Island to a Roadsted, be on

which side of it you will, but whether at the same time or no, or

now here, now there, I am not experienced enough to say, tho’ their

Weakness and Inconstancy makes either way defensible.—They are found

at all shores within or near the Tropicks, the Sea-breeze coming in

about ten in the morning, fresh and sweet, enlivening every thing.

The Land-breeze when it does succeed, is at the same distance from

Sun-set or later, small, sultry, and stinking, especially when from

Rivers whose Banks are pestered with rotten _Mangroves_, stagnating

Waters, _&c._

They seem to arise entirely from the _Heat of the Sun-beams_: That

the Air is more rarified by their Reflections on the solid Body

of the Earth than on a fluid, is certain; therefore till their

rarified Air, made so by three or four hours Sun, is brought to an

Equilibrium, the Breezes must be from the Sea at all parts of the

Coast, because at all parts, the same Cause is operating. And if this

Rarefaction is limited by a determined heighth of the Atmosphere, the

Sea-breezes that are to fill up the Vacuities will last a determined

time only; _two, three, or more hours_: this is fact, but whether

properly solved, must be submitted. Of affinity with this are the

frequent Breezes we find with meridian Suns at shores, even to the

Latitude of _England_, tho’ very still before and after. Again, the

Land-breezes which succeed at night when the Sun has lost it’s Power,

seem by their Weakness to be the return of Air heaped up by the

preceding day’s Heat, like other Fluids when higher or fuller from

any Cause (in one part than another) of course has it’s reflux to

make an even Surface.

_Tornadoes_, by the _Spaniard_ called _Travadoes_, are in no part of

the World so frequent as at _Guinea_. They are fierce and violent

Gusts of Wind that give warning for some hours by a gradual lowering

and blackening of the Sky to Windward whence they come, accompanied

with Darkness, terrible Shocks of Thunder and Lightning, and end in

Rains and Calm. They are always _off shore_, between the N. and N.

E. here, and more Easterly at the _Bites of Benin, Calabar, and Cape

Lopez_; but although they are attended with this favourable Property

of blowing from the shore, and last only three or four hours, yet

Ships immediately at the appearance of them furl all their Sails and

drive before the Wind.

We have sometimes met with these _Tornadoes_ two in a day, often

one; and to shew within what a narrow Compass their effects are,

Ships have felt one, when others at ten Leagues distance have known

nothing: Nay, at _Anamaboo_ (3 or 4 Leagues off) they have had serene

Weather while we have suffered under a _Tornado_ in Cape _Corso_

Road. And _vice versa_. A Proof of what Naturalists conjecture,

that no Thunder is heard above 30 Miles; in these Storms it seems

to be very near, one we felt the Afternoon of taking _Roberts_ the

Pyrate, that seemed like the ratling of 10000 small Arms within

three yards of our Heads; it split our Maintop-Mast, and ended as

usual in excessive Showers, and then calm; the nearness is judged by

the Sound instantly following the Flash. Lightning is common here at

other times, especially with the shutting in of Evening, and flashes

perpendicularly as well as horizontally.

Both arise from a plenty of nitrous and sulphurous Exhalations that

make a Compound like Gun-powder, set on fire in the Air; and if the

Clouds that retain them be compact, and their heterogeneous Contents

strong, various, and unequal, then like a Cannon in proportion to

these, the disjection is with more or less Violence, producing

Thunder, which as with a [32]Shot has frequently split the Masts

of Ships; and strengthens the above Observation of _their being

discharged near hand_; because if at any considerable distance, they

would spread in the Explosion, and lose their Force. It furnishes

also another, _viz._ That neither Thunder nor Lightning can be felt

or heard far from shores; Winds may impel such Exhalations something,

but at a hundred Leagues from any Land the Appearance must be

rare and uncommon, because the matter of their Compound cannot be

collected there.

_Air-mattans_, or _Harmatans_, are impetuous Gales of Wind from

the Eastern Quarter about _Midsummer_ and _Christmas_; they are

attended with Fogs, last three or four hours, (seldom with Thunder

or Lightning, as the _Tornados_) and cease with the Rain; are very

dry, shriveling up Paper, Parchment, or Pannels of Escruitores like a

Fire. They reach sometimes this Gold Coast, but are frequentest and

in a manner peculiar to the Bite of _Benin_, named so some think from

_Aer Montain_, respecting whence they come; or by others _Mattan_,

the _Negrish_ Word for a pair of Bellows, which they having seen,

compare this Wind to.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_The GUINEA Trade._

An extensive Trade, in a moral Sense, is an extensive Evil, obvious

to those who can see how Fraud, Thieving, and Executions have kept

pace with it. The great Excess in Branches feeding Pride and Luxury,

are an Oppression on the Publick; and the Peculiarity of it in this,

and the Settlement of Colonies are Infringements on the Peace and

Happiness of Mankind.

By discoursing on this particular Branch, I do not pretend to a

Sufficiency of giving full Directions; the Natives Alteration and

Diversity of Taste are Obstacles with the most experienced: It’s only

within my Design to give a general Insight to such as are Strangers,

and a Rule to improve upon by such as are not.

We may for this end divide _Guinea_ into a windward Coast, the Gold

Coast, and the Bay, a Tract of 6 or 700 Leagues from the River

_Gambia_, in 13°° N. to _Angola_, about 9 or 10°° S. The _Portuguese_

were the first _Europeans_ that settled and built Forts here, tho’

now the least concerned, paying their Tribute to the _Dutch_ for

Leave: What remains of theirs is to the Southward on the River

_Congo_ at _Loango de St. Paul_, and the Islands, where they keep

Priests to teach their Language to the Natives, and baptize without

making Christians.

1. In the windward Coast, _Gambia_, _Sierraleon_, and _Sherbro_

Rivers may be reckoned chief; the _African_ Company having Factors

and Settlements there. Less noted, but more frequented by private

Ships in this part of _Guinea_, are Cape _Mont_, and _Montzerado_,

_Sesthos_ River, Capes _Palmas_, _Apollonia_, and _Tres Puntas_. A

number of others intervene, of more or less Trade; which it is their

Custom to signify at the sight of any Ship by a Smoke, and is always

looked on as an Invitation to Trade; but as each is alterable among

them from the Chance of War, the Omission shews they decline it, or

are out of Stock.

This Change of Circumstance found on different Voyages, proceeds

from weak and bad Governments among themselves, every Town having

their own _Cabiceers_ or ruling Men, (or it may be three or four in

Confederacy) all so jealous of the others _Panyarring_, that they

never care to walk even a mile or two from home without Fire-Arms;

each knows it is their Villanies and Robberies upon one another

that enables them to carry on a Slave-trade with _Europeans_; and

as Strength fluctuates, it is not unfrequent for him who sells

you Slaves to-day, to be a few days hence sold himself at some

neighbouring Town; this I have known.

The same way of reasoning answers for the _Panyarrs_ and Murders

so frequently between them and us, and never that I heard with the

_French_ or _Portuguese_. For if any of our Ships from _Bristol_

or _Liverpool_ play tricks, and under pretence of Traffick seize

and carry away such of them as come on board, and trust themselves

on that Confidence, the Friends and Relations never fail with the

first Opportunity to revenge it; they never consider the Innocence

of who comes next, but as Relations in Colour, _Panyarr_ the Boat’s

Crews who trust themselves foolishly on shore, and now and then by

dissembling a Friendship, have come on board, surprized and murdered

a whole Ship’s Company. Captain _Piercy_’s Lieutenant was killed

on shore on some such Pretence, or because he had a good Suit of

Cloaths, or both. Captain _Canning_ of the _Dove_ Brigantine 1732,

was cut off by the Natives of _Grand Bassau_ from an Inadvertency;

first, of tempting the _Negroes_ with the sight of a fine Cargo, and

then by trusting the Mate Mr. _Tho. Coote_ on shore; the one prompted

them to rob, and the other was an Hostage for their Security, they

ventured off in their Canoos and murdered all the Company under the

Conduct of a Fellow they called _Thomas Grey_, who run the Vessel in

shore; the Mate remained with them unhurt, about sixteen days, and

was then redeemed by Captain _Wheeler_ for 17 Pounds worth of Goods,

which as an Encouragement to the Service, he was suffered to repay at

_London_. His Food during the stay, was _Indian_ Corn, Rice, Snails

and Monkeys; the last they shoot as often as they want, in the Woods,

and after the Guts are taken out, singe the Hair off, and then boil

it in the Skin. He saw no other Flesh in this part of the Country,

excepting a few Fowls, tho’ he was up it above twelve miles.

2. The Gold Coast is the middle and smallest part of the Division,

stretching from _Axiem_ a _Dutch_ Settlement, to near the River

_Volta_, an extent of 70 or 80 Leagues, but of more consequence than

the others, in respect to our’s and the _Dutch_ Company’s Forts, who

together command the greatest part of it. There is one _Danish_ Fort

at _Accra_ indeed, (the Leewardmost of our Settlements) but in a

decaying State, and will probably (as that of the _Brandenburghers_

at Cape _Tres Puntas_) be relinquished in a little time.

Our Company’s principal Fort is at Cape _Corso_. That of the _Dutch_,

two or three Leagues above, called _Des Minas_ or _St. George de

Elmina_; each has other little ones up and down this Coast, to gather

in the Trade that centers for the respective Companies, at one or

other of the aforesaid larger Forts.

The _African_ Company was erected under the Duke of _York_ in K.

_Charles_ II’s Time, and therefore _Royal_; the Epithet being still

retained, tho’ that Prince’s Superstition, and Thirst after Power,

have long since justly banish’d him the Realm.

In it’s first flourishing Condition, it was allowed by authentick

Accounts to have gained annually to _England_ 900,000_l._ whereof

in Teeth, Camwood, Wax and Gold, was only 100,000_l._ and the rest

in Slaves; which in the Infancy of their Trade were in very great

demand over all the _American_ Plantations to supply their own

wants, and carry on a clandestine Commerce with the _Spanish_

West-_Indies_. On Computation, _Barbadoes_ wanted annually 4000

_Negroes_, _Jamaica_ 10000, Leeward Islands 6000; and because the

Company (’twas complained by such as wished them ill Success) could

not supply this Number, having only imported 46396 Slaves between

the years 1680 and 1688; Interlopers crept in, and contended for a

Share; which the _Company_ represented as contrary to the Privileges

of their Patent, and withal, that the Accusation was groundless and

unjust, because they did supply enough for demand, and maintained

Forts and Garisons at a great Charge, for awing and subjecting the

Natives to trade, and maintaining an Industry equal to the _Dutch_,

without which it was plain to all impartial Considerers, it would be

but very difficultly carried on. However, their Adversaries, after

some years of grumbling, obtained an Act of Parliament 1697, whereby

private Traders for making good this deficiency of Slaves, should

have Liberty of Trade, allowing the Company 10 _per Cent._ towards

defraying their extraordinary Expence.

From this time the _Company_ more visibly decayed, insomuch that in

eight following years they only imported to the West-_Indies_ 17760

Slaves; and the separate Traders in that time 71268.

Their 10 _per Cent._ in the first ten years amounted to 87465_l._ and

therefore finding their Trade under great disadvantages with these

new Inmates, they resolved to make the best shares they could in this

Money, by lessening their Expence about the Forts. They accordingly

withdrew all Supplies from their Garisons, leaving them to subsist by

their own Management or starve. _Gambia_ Fort having only twelve men,

was taken by a Privateer of eight Guns in 1709, _Sierraleon_ thirteen

men, _Sherbro_ four, and these not of any Charge to the Company,

but were possessed by such, who having a long time resided in their

Service, by help of those Fortifications were capable to do something

for themselves, and so the private Traders by degrees got entirely

quit of their Impost; the reason in a manner ceasing, for which it

was at first allowed.

About 1719, their Affairs seemed to revive again, under the Auspices

of the Duke of _Chandois_, who became a very considerable Proprietor

in their Stock, and promised from his Figure and Interest a Renewal

of those Privileges that had depressed them; their Objections

ceasing, (the number demanded being now very short of what it was

formerly.) More Ships were imployed than for many years past, but

whether it were their too large Expence, or Corruption of their

chief Officers, who too often in Companys think they are sent abroad

purely for their own Service, or both; they soon felt that without

a _separate Act_ they were uncapable of contending with private

Traders, and every year more and more explaining their Inability,

they applied to Parliament, and now support their Forts by an annual

Allowance from the Government, of 10000_l._

Those who are the Favourers of Companies suggest, that if the Trade

must be allowed, and the Christian Scheme of enlarging the Flock

cannot well be carried on without it, that then it seems necessary

and better for the Publick that some rich and powerful Set of Men

should have such exclusive Powers to encourage and enable the

subsisting of Forts and Garisons, to awe the Natives and preserve the

Trade from being engrossed by our dangerous Rivals here, the _Dutch_;

which, as we relinquish, falls an acquisition to them, and renders

all precarious; they could also bring (as an exclusive Company)

foreign Markets to their own Price.

The Company’s Trade wanting that Encouragement, every year grows

worse; buying dearer than in times past on the Coast, and selling

cheaper in the _West-Indies_; the reason at _Guinea_, is a greater

Scarcity of Slaves, and an improved Knowledge in the trading

_Negroes_ who dispose of them; and at the _West-Indies_ it is the

Demand failing, more disadvantageously still for them, because

separate Traders are not under the delays they are subject to: They

take the whole Coast in their way, while the other is consigned to

the Governour, and can afford to undersel their Goods (necessary

Requisites for Dispatch and Success) because they stand exempt from

all Coast-Charges. On the other side, our Colonies are now pretty

well glutted with Slaves, and their Call consequently not nigh so

large: 2000 in a year perhaps furnishes all our Plantations, and

tho’ more are imported, it is in order to transport them again to

the _Spanish West-Indies_, where tho’ the _Assiento_ Ships are of

late years only indulged by Treaty, all others being liable to

Confiscation, and the People to Slavery if taken by the _Spanish

Guard le Costa_; yet the Prospect of Gain inciting, they still find

means to continue on, and maintain a forcible Traffick for them,

under the Protection of their Guns. This clandestine Method, by the

way, hurts the _South-Sea_ Company, beating down the Price of their

Slaves, who cannot so well afford it, because bought, and brought

there at a greater Charge.

The third part of our Division is the Bay of _Guinea_, which takes

in _Whydah_, _Benin_, _Callabar_, &c. to _Congo_ and _Angola_ in 8°°

S. In this Extent _Whydah_ is principal, there being more Slaves

exported from that place before the late Conquest of it by the King

of _Dauhomay_, than from all the rest of the Coast together, the

_Europeans_ being said in some years to have carried off 20000; but

more of this by and by. I shall only observe, that as this part

abounds more with Slaves, the other does with Gold, and the windward

Coast with Ivory.

I now proceed to our Method of Trade, and shall sum the Rules of it

up, under the head of Interlopers. Private trading Ships bring two

or three Boats with them upon this Coast for Dispatch, and while the

Mates go away in them with a proper Parcel of Goods, and Instructions

into the Rivers and By-places, the Ship is making good her Trade at

others near hand.

The Success of a Voyage depends _first_, on the well sorting, and

on the well timing of a Cargo. _Secondly_, in a Knowledge of the

places of Trade, what, and how much may be expected every where.

_Thirdly_, in dramming well with _English_ Spirits, and conforming to

the Humours of the _Negroes_. _Fourthly_, in timely furnishing proper

Food for the Slaves. _Fifthly_, in Dispatch; and _Lastly_, the good

Order and Management of Slaves when on board; of each, a Word or two.

_First_, on the _Timing_ of a Cargo: This depends at several places

much on Chance, from the fanciful and various Humours of the

_Negroes_, who make great demands one Voyage for a Commodity, that

perhaps they reject next, and is in part to be remedied either by

making the things they itch after, to pass off those they have not

so much mind to, or by such a continual Traffick and Correspondence

on the Coast, as may furnish the Owner from time to time with quick

Intelligence, to be done only by great Merchants, who can keep

imployed a number of Ships, that like a Thread unites them in a

Knowledge of their Demands, and a readier Supply for them, as well

as dispatch for their Master’s Interest, by putting the Purchases of

two or three Ships into one. The late Mr. _Humphry Morrice_ was the

greatest private Trader this way, and unless Providence had fixed a

Curse upon it, he must have gained exceedingly.

_Secondly_, _Of the Sorting_, this may be observed in general; That

the Windward and Leeward Parts of the Coast are as opposite in their

Demands, as is their distance. Iron Bars, which are not asked for

to Leeward, are a substantial Part of Windward Cargoes. Crystals,

Orangos, Corals, and Brass-mounted Cutlasses are almost peculiar

to the Windward Coast;—as are brass Pans from _Rio Sesthos_ to

_Apollonia_.—Cowreys (or Bouges) at _Whydah_.—Copper and Iron Bars

at _Callabar_;—but Arms, Gun-powder, Tallow, old Sheets, Cottons

of all the various Denominations, and _English_ Spirits are every

where called for. Sealing-wax, and Pipes, are necessary in small

Quantities, they serve for _Dashees_ (Presents) and a ready Purchase

for Fish, a Goat, Kid, or a Fowl.

To be more particular, here follows an Invoyce bought at _London_

about the year 1721.

_A GUINEA Cargo._

_l. s. d._ _l. s. d._

10 Cotton Ramalls at 0 11 0 5 10 0

10 Silk D^o 1 00 0 10 00 0

20 Herba-longees 0 10 0 10 00 0

20 Photees 0 17 6 17 10 0

30 Tapseils 0 12 0 18 00 0

20 Blue swaft Bafts 1 02 0 22 00 0

20 Chintz 0 12 6 12 10 0

50 Nichanees 0 13 0 32 10 0

176 Blue Paper Sletias 0 7 6 66 00 0

650 Crystal Beads }

N^o 221 _per Mill._ } 2 00 0 13 00 0

2500 D^o —— N^o 30 2 12 0 6 10

4500 D^o —— N^o 36 2 18 0 13 01 0

2000 Rangos _per Cwt._ 0 11 0 11 00 0

4 Cases and Chests 1 15 0

Charges and Entry at Custom-house 3 12 6

_Ct. q. l._

20 Brass Kettles _qt._ 2 0 02

28 D^o 2 0 04

25 D^o 2 0 06

251 _Guinea_ Pans 3 0 18

------------

9 1 02

_per Cwt._ 7_l._ 7_s._ 0_d._ 68 02 5

------------

311 00 11

4 Casks 1 03 00

20 Chests of old Sheets }

each _qt._ 65, at } 0 1 10½ 121 17 06

130 2_lb._ _Guinea_ Basins.

73 3 —— D^o

13 4 —— D^o

In all 4_Cwt._ 1_q._ 11_l._ 18 04 09

Box of Scales, Weights and blue Pans. 19 00

Cartage, Portage, Wharfage, _&c._ 4 10 00

84 Quart Tankards at 2_s._ 2_d._ 9 02 00

96 Pint D^o at 1 8 8 00 00

A Cask 14 09

11 Groce of slope-pointed Knives }

at 1_l._ 6_s._ } 14 06 00

200 Blue Ranters at 0 08 00 80 00 00

50 Narrow green D^o 0 08 00 20 00 00

50 Broad blue D^o 0 11 06 28 15 00

25 Says at 1 15 06 44 09 06

8 Cases with Carriage 2 10 06

150 Trading Guns at 0 08 03 61 17 06

50 D^o dock Locks 0 08 06 21 05 00

150 Cags 0 00 07 02 10 06

21 _Cwt._ Tallow 2 01 00 43 01 00

For melting and putting

up _per Cwt._ 00 02 2 03 00

Cartage, and 10 large Cags 00 11 00 16 08

------------

797 06 07

35 Small Cags at 0 00 08 1 03 04

10 Barrels of Powder 3 05 00 32 10 00

Wateridge and shifting the Powder 00 08 06

50 Wickered Bottles 0 03 02 9 03 04

172 Gall. malt Spirits 0 02 00 17 04 00

40 Cases of Spirits 0 07 00 14 00 00

Freight of a Vessel to _Portsmouth_ 5 10 00

Expences and Postage of Letters 0 11 00

Commission at 2½ _per Cent._ 22 03 03

------------

900 00 00

10 _Cwt._ of Cowrys at 5_l._ 50 00 00

------------

Total 950 00 00

I was but a young Trader, and could not find out till I came upon the

Coast, that this Cargo was ill sorted. At the first place we touched

(_Sierraleon_) where commonly may be got twenty or thirty as good

Slaves as any upon the Coast, I found I had neither Cutlasses, iron

Bars, a better sort of Fire-Arms, Malt, and other strong Liquors,

the delight of those Traders. At none of the others, quite down to

the Gold Coast, were many considerable Articles of my Invoyce ever

asked for; so that I was forced to make friends with the Factorys,

and exchange at such a loss, that had it not been for the small Wages

our Ship was at, and some lucky hits, the Owners must have suffered

much; but to give an Insight.

_The Sale of Goods._

At _Sierraleon_.

Gold Bars.

1 Piece of Planes 10

7 77_lb._ Kettles 26

3 Pieces of Chintz 12

1 Piece of Handkerchief Stuff 2

---

The Price of a Woman Slave 50

7 50_lb._ Kettles 20

5 Pieces of Brawls 10

1 Piece of Ramal 4

1 Bar of Iron 1

---

The Price of a Boy Slave 35

At _Apollonia_.

_Accys._

2 Photees 14

2 Cotton Ramals 8

1 Piece Longee 4

2 Sletias 5

7 Sheets 7

32 Brass Pans 32

---

A Man Slave 70

3 Photees 21

41 Sheets 41

2 Longees 8

---

A Man Slave 70

At _Gambia_.

Gold Bars.

9 Gallons of Brandy 9

6 Bars of Iron 6

2 Small Guns 10

1 Cag of Powder 10

2 Strings of Pacato Beads 2

1 Paper Sletia 3

---

A Woman Slave 40

At _Assinee_.

8 Trading Guns 32

1 Wicker Bottle 4

2 Cases of Spirits 6

28 Sheets 28

---

A Man Slave 70

At _Anamaboo_ and Cape _Palmas_.

_Accys._

A Cag of Tallow 2½

A quart Pewter Tankard 1

A Pint D^o ½

4_lb._ Pewter Basin 1

2_lb._ Pewter Basin ½

Sealing-Wax 3

A qr. Barrel of Powder 8

A gallon Cag of Musket-Shot 6

A gallon Cag of small Shot 8

At _Whydah_,

Cowrys sell _per Cwt._ 12_l._ 10_s._ or in

their way of reckoning, 10 _grand Quibesses_.

At _Angola_, the Duties are about 100_l._ Sterl. every Ship; and

Goods sell, _viz._

Pieces.

A Gun 1

A Cag of Powder 1

A deep blue Baft 3

A Culgee 3

A Tapseil 2

A Nicanee 2

A Cutchalee 1½

A red Chintz 1½

A Bundle of Anabasses qt. 10_lb._ 1

10 Brass Pans small and large 1

4 2_lb._ Pewter Basins 1

1½ Case of Spirits 1

A whole Case D^o 1½

4 Cutlasses 1

A _Guinea_ Stuff ½

2 Bunches of Beads 1

4 King’s Cloths 1

4 Looking-Glasses 1

10 Pint Mugs 1

A Brawl ½

9 Foot of black Bays 1

16 Inches of Scarlet Cloth 1

16 D^o of blue Cloth 1

1 Photee 2

1 Pair Cotton Ramal 1½

As I propos’d only a general View of the Trade, I have pointed out

here the best I could, what Goods are asked for, the Price, and

at some places, the Proportion; the Slaves selling at a Medium

of 15_l._ a Man, and 12_l._ a Woman; a Gun and Barrel of Powder

being always parts of the Truck (at _Cabenda_) for a Slave. They

have Canoos there, will carry 200 Men; matted Sails to them, and

Cordage twisted from a wild Vine that grows in plenty about the

Country; with these they pass frequently from _Congo_ to _Loango_. A

Slave-Ship in the former River would intercept much of the Trade to

_Cabenda_ and _Angola_: The Duties are easy with the King of _Soni_,

and the Harmony they live in with a few defenceless _Portuguese_

Missionaries, shews they are a peaceable People.

A _Second_ Requisite for Success in this Trade, is an acquaintance

with the Places, what may be expected at them, either as to the

_Manner_ of Trading, bold or fearful of one another, and the Number

of Slaves they are able to bring.

Where the _Company_’s Factors are settled, as at _Gambia_, and

along the greatest part of the Gold Coast, they influence the Trade

something against private Ships; so also at _Sierraleon_ some

separate Traders live, who voyage it with Boats into the adjacent

Rivers, and most of what a Ship can purchase, is thro’ their hands;

but those from _London_ seldom strike higher upon the Coast than

Cape _Mount_, _Montzerado_, and _Junk_, falling from thence down to

Leeward; many of the places in their Course being rendered dangerous,

from the Tricks and _Panyarrs_ the Traders have first practised upon

the _Negroes_; a mutual Jealousy now keeping each side very watchful

against Violence. We trade on board the Ship, often keeping our

Sailors in close quarters abaft, because few: while the Slaves are

viewing and contracting for at the fore part; at night also keeping a

good Watch, some of these _Negroes_ attempting now and then to steal

with their Canoos athwart your Hawse, and cut the Cable. Captain

_Cummin_ at _Whydah_, they stranded 1734.

They again, are as often diffident of coming nigh us, and will play

for hours together in their Canoos about the Ship, before they dare

venture. In this windward part, I have before observed, they have

a superstitious Custom, of dropping with their Finger a drop of

Sea-Water in their Eye, which they are pleased when answered in,

and passes for an Engagement of Peace and Security; and yet after

all this Ceremony, they will sometimes return to shore: If hardy

enough to come on board, they appear all the time shy and frightned,

and from the least appearance of a _Panyarr_, jump all over board.

Downwards to _Bassam_, _Assinee_, _Jaquelahou_, Cape _le Hou_, _Jaque

a Jaques_, Cape _Apollonia_, and _Three Points_, or where they have

possibly gained a Knowledge of the _English_ Factorys, there is a

better Understanding and Security: These are places that sell off

a number of Slaves, managed however wholly on board the Ships who

anchor before the Town, hoist their Ensign, and fire a Gun: Or when

the Natives seem timorous, do it by their Boats coasting along the

Beach, and pay at some of them a small Duty to the chief _Cabiceers_.

_Thirdly_, To give dispatch, cajole the Traders with _Dashees_ of

Brandy, and tell them, you cannot possibly stay above a day or two,

and that on their account. To a Country-Man, if he joins where there

is prospect of _Goodee_ Trade, you are to form some Story that may

carry him farther to Leeward if possible, (two or three Leagues will

hinder his doing you any Damage for that Voyage.) The Lye did me

most Service, and for which I had the Merchant’s Dispensation, was

informing my good Friend that at _Cobelahou_ they had taken a great

number of Captives, and that Captain —— had got his Freight there in

ten days: this I did with an air of Diffidence, to make the greater

Impression, and at the same time _dashee’d_ his _Negro_ Friends to

go on board and back it. If on better Intelligence such like Story

should not take, and he resolves to stay and share, your Reputation

is secured by the diffidence of your Report, and you must resolve

with him now upon a Price in your Slaves, not to outbid one another;

but at the same time make as strong a Resolution not to observe it.

And here the Master has room to display his talent, the frequency of

the Trick having made all very cautious and diffident.

When a Ship has gathered up all this Trade, she makes up the

deficiency of her Freight at _Anamaboo_, three Leagues below Cape

_Corso_, where they constantly stop, and are sometimes two or three

Months in finishing. It is a place of very considerable Trade in

itself; and besides, the _Company_ have a House and Factor, keeping

always a number of Slaves against those demands of the Interlopers,

who, they are sensible, want dispatch, and therefore make them pay

a higher Price for it than any where on the whole Coast; selling at

six Ounces and a half a Slave (in exchange for Goods) tho’ the poor

Creatures look as meagre and thin as their Writers.

If the _Company_ should want rather to buy than sell, as is sometimes

the case, and fits both; then such a difference is paid by the

_General_, as shall make it worth the Ship’s time to go to Windward

again.

Hence I make this deduction, that if the Adventurers Stock be small,

only sufficient to employ one Vessel, to have her a Sloop; because

less hazard is run in lengthning out time, which subjects to Sickness

and Mortality among the Slaves; saves the aggregate Charge of

supporting them and a Ship’s Company, and likewise such a Vessel will

have less remains of Cargo, after her Slaving is compleated; what is

left, usually going off to the trading _Cabiceers_ and Factories at a

low Price, or what is worse, kept on board and spoiled.

Contrarily, great Traders who can imploy many Ships, obviate in a

great measure such Inconveniencies: They put the Trade of two or

three Ships into one at _Anamaboo_, (the largest and most chargeable)

and with the conjunction of their remains, go to Windward, and begin

anew.

_Fourthly_, giving way to the ridiculous Humours and Gestures of the

trading _Negroes_, is no small artifice for Success. If you look

strange and are niggardly of your Drams, you frighten him; _Sambo_

is gone, he never cares to treat with dry Lips, and as the Expence

is in _English_ Spirits of two Shillings a Gallon, brought partly

for that purpose; the good Humour it brings them into, is found

discounted in the Sale of Goods.

A _fifth_ Article, is the wholesome Victualling, and Management of

Slaves on board.

The common, cheapest, and most commodious Diet, is with Vegetables,

Horse-Beans, Rice, _Indian_ Corn, and Farine, the former, Ships

bring with them out of _England_; Rice, they meet to Windward, about

_Sesthos_; _Indian_ Corn, at _Momford_, _Anamaboo_, &c. and further

Supplies of them, or Farine, at the Islands of _St. Thomas_, and

_Prince’s_; Masters governing themselves in purchasing, according to

the Course they design to steer.

This Food is accounted more salutary to Slaves, and nearer to their

accustomed way of Feeding than salt Flesh. One or other is boiled on

board at constant times, twice a day, into a Dab-a-Dab[33] (sometimes

with Meat in it) and have an Overseer with a Cat-of-nine-tails, to

force it upon those that are sullen and refuse.

The further Management and Caution to be taken with Slaves on board,

till their delivery in the _West-Indies_, I shall intermix with what

I know of the method of Trade at _Whydah_, and _Angola_, because

Cautions where a Cargo is of one Language, is so much the more

requisite.

_Whydah_ is the greatest trading Place on the Coast of _Guinea_,

selling off as many Slaves, I believe, as all the rest together;

40 or 50 Sail (_French_, _English_, _Portuguese_, and _Dutch_)

freighting thence every year. The King is absolute as a Boar; making

sometimes fair Agreements with his Country Neighbours, it being often

the Interest of Traders to be honest (perhaps the only reason that

makes them so) but if he cannot obtain a sufficient number of Slaves

that way, he marches an Army, and depopulates. He, and the King of

_Ardra_ adjoining, commit great Depredations inland.

On the Ships he lays these Impositions, and to prove his Folly, does

it mostly for the benefit of those that rule him; _First_, of having

the Refusal of all Goods; _Secondly_, the Value of twenty Slaves from

every Ship, small or great, as a Duty; and _Thirdly_, forces his own

upon them at an advanced Price.

The _French_, _Dutch_, and _English_, have each a House, or mud Fort,

about three Miles from the Sea, keeping Tents at the Beach for the

convenient receiving and securing their Cargoes as it comes from the

Ship, and transmitting the Returns; which, by a dangerous double Barr

upon the Coast, is rendred impassable sometimes (by the alteration

of the Winds) for a fortnight together; the _Negroes_ only know how

to paddle thro’ it, and when they think it safe, a Signal is made to

the Ships, from those Tents, by hoisting their Flags.

The chief of either Factory that gets first on board any Ship coming

into the Road, has a right to serve her with Boats and Servants, and

has a Due of seven Slaves for it.

The Commanders, with their Surgeons, (as skilled in the Choice of

Slaves) attend the whole time on shore, where they purchase, in what

they call a fair open Market.

The Mates reside on board, receiving from time to time their Master’s

Directions as to the Goods wanted, and to prepare the Ship for the

Reception and Security of the Slaves sent him; where this is a

Rule always observed, _to keep the Males apart from the Women and

Children, to handcuff the former; Bristol Ships triple such as are

sturdy, with Chains round their Necks_; and to keep your own Men

sober, and on a barricado’d Quarter-deck: tho’ the natural Cowardice

of these Creatures, and no other Prospect upon _rising_, but falling

into the hands of the same Rogues that sold them, very much lessens

the Danger: Nevertheless, it is adviseable at all times, to have a

diligent Watch on their Actions, yet (abating their Fetters) to treat

them with all Gentleness and Civility.

At _Angola_, the first Man is the King, the second, _Mabuca_, third,

_Mafucar_, fourth, _Machangee_, fifth, Captain _More_, and the sixth,

Madam _Barsse_; Names expressive of some [34]Virtue; and where they

chuse a white Man’s, (common at many parts of the Coast) it is from

the Qualities they admire in such, and strive to imitate.

Here they force about twenty Servants, which the Ship is obliged to

pay, after the rate of six Fathom of _Guinea_ Cloth _per_ month, and

every _Sunday_ Morning, two Knives to each of them.—Their Business is

to attend every Morning, and carry up your Goods safe to the Factory,

where others take the Charge, and are accountable for all Losses.

The _Bum-boy_ again supervises the Slaves, to do justice between

Buyer and Seller, and by the Custom or Law of the Country, the

Ship is to stand charged with neither them or other Effects, till

delivered into the Boat. However, considering what are their Courts

of Justice, it will behove all Masters to have a diligent Inspection

upon the Slaves themselves, and to keep good Locks and Bolts upon

their Goods: for it is here, as at _Whydah_, the commonest People,

who cannot arrive at, or forbid Trade, are all Thieves and Beggars,

the King and Courtiers chief, but _openly_ more honest, because they

get more by it.

Your Gold-takers are, _Peter Griffin_, (the King’s Brother-in-law)

_Thomas Boon_, and _John Brown_. Sometimes Ships settle an Agency

at _Mumbalar_, or other neighbouring Place, and get considerable

Trade; I have known 70 Slaves purchased there in a Month, with the

additional Duty of six _Pieces_, and giving to the Servants who

fetched up the Goods, each a single Annabass, a bundle of Beads,

three Knives, and a Dram: with all, let your Agreements be as

positive as possible, for they are very difficultly kept to their

Words.

When we are slaved and out at Sea, it is commonly imagined, the

_Negroes_ Ignorance of Navigation, will always be a Safeguard; yet,

as many of them think themselves bought to eat, and more, that

Death will send them into their own Country, there has not been

wanting Examples of rising and killing a Ship’s Company, distant

from Land, tho’ not so often as on the Coast; but once or twice is

enough to shew, a Master’s Care and Diligence should never be over

till the Delivery of them. Some _Negroes_ know well enough, that the

preserving one white Man may answer their Purpose in an Exchange;

however, generally speaking, we allow greater Liberty in our Passage,

as conducive to their Health; we let them go at large on the Ship’s

Deck, from Sun-rise to Sun-set, give such as like it, Pipes and

Tobacco, and clean and air their Dormitories every day.

Having given my Sentiments of the way and method of Trade at

different parts of the _Guinea_ Coast, I have still some remaining

Observations to make under the chief Articles of it, _viz._ _Slaves,

Ivory, and Gold_.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_SLAVES._

Slaves become so (we are told) in this Country, by War, by Mulcts

on some particular Crimes, or Debts which they are unable to

discharge; and they are bought by us (some say) not as Merchants, but

Christians, to preserve them from Sacrifice and Cannibals, to convey

them to a Land flowing with more Milk and Honey, to a better Living,

better Manners, Virtue, and Religion; let us examine each of these

Pretences.

_First_, the _Negroes_. By War for the most part is meant Robbery

of inland, defenceless Creatures, who are hurried down to the Coast

with the greater Cruelty, as it is from a contented, tho’ a very

poor Life. Trade has improved the Robbers, but as all are not alike

expert, or alike Villains, it is alterable, ebbs and flows, and at

some places we have never yet had any.

2. The _Negroes_ become Slaves to one another, by Mulcts imposed

on some sort of Crimes, or Debts contracted beyond their Ability

to discharge. Few come to us this way; for tho’ much Artifice

and Revenge might mix in their _Palaavers_ (Justiciary Courts)

yet their Jurisdiction extends not beyond their own Towns, when

Self-preservation will teach them more regard to Justice for their

own sakes, lest the Relations of those sentenced should revenge

it, and also because the Barbarity would encrease an Enmity to the

Rulers, the Punishment falling on Neighbours of the same Country,

Complexion, Language, and Religion.

We who buy Slaves, say we confer a Good, removing them to a better

state both of Temporals and Spirituals; the latter, few have the

Hypocrisy (among us) to [35]own, and therefore I shall only touch on

the former.

They live indeed, according to our _European_ Phrase, very poor and

mean, destitute almost of the common Necessaries of Life; but never

starve, that is peculiar to trading Republicks; then who is judge of

their Wants, themselves, or we? Or what does Poorness mean? more than

a sound, to signify we have that which another does not want. Do not

many men in politer Nations, renounce the World for Cloisters and

Desarts, and place a greater happiness in preserving their Innocence,

than enjoying even the Necessaries of Life; nay, often ravished with

the neglect of them. Wherever therefore Contentment can dwell, tho’

under the meanest Circumstances, it is a barbarous Corruption to

stile such poor, for they have every thing they desire, or, which is

much the same, are happily ignorant of any thing more desirable.

To remove _Negroes_ then from their Homes and Friends, where they are

at ease, to a strange Country, People, and Language, must be highly

offending against the Laws of natural Justice and Humanity; and

especially when this change is to hard Labour, corporal Punishment,

and for _Masters_ they wish at the D——l.

We are Accessaries by Trade, to all that Cruelty of their Countrymen,

which has subjected them to the Condition of Slaves, little better

in our Plantations, than that of Cattle; the Rigour of their usage

having made some hundreds of them at _Jamaica_ run away into

barren Mountains, where they chuse to trust Providence with their

Subsistance, rather than _their Fellow-Christians_ (_now_) in the

Plantations.

_Slaves_ differ in their Goodness; those from the _Gold Coast_

are accounted best, being cleaned limbed, and more docible by our

Settlements than others; but then they are, for that very reason,

more prompt to Revenge, and murder the Instruments of their Slavery,

and also apter in the means to compass it.

To Windward they approach in Goodness as is the distance from the

Gold Coast; so, as at _Gambia_, or _Sierraleon_, to be much better,

than at any of the interjacent places.

To Leeward from thence, they alter gradually for the worse; an

_Angolan Negro_ is a Proverb for worthlessness; and they mend (if we

may call it so) in that way, till you come to the _Hottentots_, that

is, to the Southermost Extremity of _Africa_.

I have observed how our Trading is managed for Slaves, when obliged

to be carried on aboard the Ship.—Where there are Factories,

(_Gambia_, _Sierraleon_, _the Gold Coast_, _Whydah_, _Calabar_,

_Cabenda_, and _Angola_,) we are more at large; they are sold in open

Market on shore, and examined by us in like manner, as our Brother

Trade do Beasts in _Smithfield_; the Countenance, and Stature, a good

Set of Teeth, Pliancy in their Limbs and Joints, and being free of

Venereal Taint, are the things inspected, and governs our choice in

buying.

The bulk of them are country People, stupid as is their distance

from the Converse of the Coast-_Negroes_, eat all day if Victuals is

before them; or if not, let it alone without Complaint; part without

Tears with their Wives, Children, and Country, and are more affected

with Pain than Death: yet in this indocile State, the Women retain

a Modesty, for tho’ stripped of that poor Clout which covers their

Privities (as I know the _Whydahs_ generally do) they will keep

squatted all day long on board, to hide them.

_Whydah_ Slaves are more subject to Small-Pox, and sore Eyes; other

parts to a sleepy Distemper, and to Windward, _Exomphalos’s_. There

are few Instances of Deformity any where; even their Nobles know

nothing of chronical Distempers, nor their Ladies, of the Vapours.

Their flattish Noses are owing to a continued grubbing in their

Infancy against their Mother’s Backs, being tied within the _Tomee_,

whether upon Travel or Business, for a year or two, the time of their

sucking.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_IVORY._

Ivory is a Commodity sold all the Coast over, but, like the Slaves,

more in some parts than others, and supplied thence to all the

Western World. It is in _Teeth or Screvelios_. The Teeth are the

large, weighing from 30 to an hundred weight, are worth double the

other at home; these selling for ten or twelve pounds, when those do

not for above 5_l._ a hundred.

The _Screvelios_ are small, from fifteen down to four Pounds

weight; among these last are sold us to Windward, the Teeth of the

_Hippopotamus_, or _Sea-Horse_, catched in the Rivers _Nunes_ and

_Gambia_, about 16 Inches long, a white Ivory, but so brittle as not

to be easily worked.

The Rule upon the Coast is, that when four will weigh an hundred

weight, they shall all be accounted Teeth, and paid for as such, tho’

one or two of them be never so small; for the more Teeth encrease

in their weight, the better the Ivory, and makes amends for the

smallness of the other.

At _Gambia_, the points of them are often found broken, from the

Elephant’s grubbing against rocky Ground; at other times, you see

them flawed, or they are light in proportion to their bigness,

Circumstances that abate their value.

I have been often ruminating, how the trading _Negroes_ come by these

Elephants Teeth, and find they exchange our _European_ Commodities

with the inland Natives for them; but whether they again shoot the

Elephants, or find their Teeth in travelling through the Woods and

Desarts, is uncertain. Their Rivers and Canoos indeed, help to extend

their Knowledge a vast way through the Country, and there are some

Accounts that tell us, the _Negroes_ scituated upon these Rivers

(like the _Americans_) make Excursion, or Voyages of a month or two,

from their Habitations.

Mr. _Plunket_ of _Sierraleon_, and others of above twenty years

experience in those parts, have informed me, that Elephants move and

change their Pasture in very large Herds; that they have seen Droves

upon the Banks of the _Gambia_, of a thousand and fifteen hundred

together; that they are bold, have a tough Case, forage less than

Horses, and look out much better: from the Circumstance of number,

and boldness of their March (said to be in a line) they seem secured

from any attacks of the timorous Natives, who must come very near, or

their Skin is impenetrable by Fire-arms. Besides, Ivory was the Trade

of _Guinea_, before the use of them, to which I may add, the weighty

Teeth come to Sale in a less number than the _Screvelios_; altogether

persuading me, they are not shot, but that the larger Size are Teeth

of Elephants who have died naturally, and which being grown to their

utmost Perfection and Solidity, withstand a very considerable Elapse

of time, without decay or mouldering; and that the _Screvelios_ are

probably such as are shed when young, the like as we meet in the

human Species, or as Bucks do their Horns, which the Natives by

practice know where to look for.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_GOLD._

The Gold of _Guinea_ is mostly traded for at the _Gold Coast_ (thence

denominated) and is either _in Fetish, in Lump, or in Dust_.

The _Fetish-Gold_ is that which the _Negroes_ cast into various

Shapes, and wear as Ornaments at their Ears, Arms, and Legs, but

chiefly at their Head, entangled very dextrously in the Wool; it is

so called, from some Superstition (we do not well understand) in

the Form, or in their Application and Use, commonly mixed with some

baser Metal, to be judged of by the Touch-Stone, and skill of the

Buyer you employ.

The _Lump_, or Rock Gold, is in pieces of different weights,

pretended to be brought our of Mines. I saw one of these which Mr.

_Phips_ had at Cape _Corso_, weighing thirty Ounces, they are always

suspected to be artificial, and by the cunning Fellows in Trade, cast

so, to hide some baser mixture of Silver, Copper or Brass: wherefore

it is not safe trusting to the antique, dirty look, but to cut or run

it for satisfaction.

_Dust_ Gold is the common Traffick, the best comes hither from the

neighbouring inland Kingdoms of _Dinkira_, _Akim_, and _Arcana_, and

is got (we are told) out of the River-Sands. _Tagus_ in _Portugal_

was once so famed;

_Omnis arena Tagi, quodque in mare volvitur aurum._

Juvenal. Satir. 3.

The Natives dig Pits nigh the Water-falls of Mountains abounding with

this Metal; the Ponderosity of their Particles sinking them there:

and then with incredible Pains and Industry, they wash the Earth and

Sand in Trays and Vessels till it all swims off, and they espy at

bottom now and then two or three shining Grains of Gold that pays

them (without great Fortune) only as Labourers.

This is the most probable Account, how they come by their Gold on

this Coast: For if it were through Mines, and from Kingdoms so nearly

bordering on our Factories as _Arcana_ (whence the best and purest)

it would long since, I imagine, have tempted us, or the _Dutch_ to

have dispossessed the Natives, and worked them solely to our own use.

Gold Dust is not gathered at _any_ part of the same River, it’s said,

but at convenient Spots nearest the Mountains; because when too

distant from the Floods that wash through Mines, their Weight buries

them too deep, or disperses their Particles too widely, to answer the

Labour of Searching.

Masters of Ships customarily hire a Native, at so much _per_ month,

for this part of the Trade; he has a quicker sight at knowing, and by

Practice, readier at separating the drossy and false Gold, with which

the true has ever some Mixture, to impose on unskilful People. This

impure Stuff is called _Crackra_, a Pin or brass Dust, current upon

the Gold Coast among themselves, but is a gross Cheat in Traffick,

some of it is very bad.

The way to separate, is by copper Blow-pans, shaped like

Fire-Shovels; into this your Gold-taker throws three or four Ounces

at a time, and by gently tossing, and blowing upon it, the lightest

being the false, flies off: the larger Grains he discriminates by his

sight, and separates by his Fingers with a wonderful dexterity.

Their way of counting Gold at the Factories, is by Ounces, Bendees,

and Marks, lesser are Dumbays, and Doccys, or Toccus; 12 of this, or

24 of that, make an _Accy_, (about 5_s._)

All reserve it in Leather Pouches, and at _London_, the Gold-Smith

runs it down in a [36]Crucible at two pence _per_ Ounce; it’s kept

dissolved for the Evaporation of Dross, (perhaps one Ounce in a

hundred) and then cast into a solid Bar; a Chip from it he sends to

the Assay-master in the _Tower_, who by his Office is Judge, and on a

small Fee, signs back a Note of it’s Value, that is, how much above,

or under Sterling; and so amounts to a Shilling or two over or under

4_l._ a _Troy_ Ounce.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_Our Return upon the Gold Coast._

At our coming hither in _October_ 1721, we understood every where

that the Pyrates under the Command of _Roberts_, had been plundering

the Ships down the whole Coast, but were then supposed gone off:

the latest Account of any who had suffered, being in _August_ last.

We therefore, under no Apprehension of their Return, divided the

Provisions had been sent hither from _England_ to us, and leaving

the _Weymouth_ (the worst disabled Ship of the two) in Cape _Corso_

Road, stretch’d away to Windward again, the Beginning of _November_,

in order to _mann_, by the Purchase of Slaves, and impressing Sailors

from the Merchant Vessels; the latter we had little Occasion of,

their ill Treatment, and bad Diet (or a Pretence of it) making them

all Volunteers that could be spared.

At _Succonda we heel’d and scrubbed Ship_, a Ledge of Rock shooting

from the western Point nigh a League, making it a smoother Sea than

any of the neighbouring Places; and this little Check given to the

Water, we observed, made the Bay flow a foot or two higher than any

part of the plain Coast.

At _Dixcove_, the Windermost of our Gold-Coast Factories, we heard by

the _Carlton_, that the Soldiers who had come out under our Convoy

for the _African_ Company’s Service at _Gambia_, had unhappily

mutiny’d with Captain _Massey_ one of their Officers; disdaining

the bad usage of the Merchants who had the Command and Victualling

of them, they spiked up the Guns, and retir’d to the Ship which had

brought them over, (the _Bumper_) and there by a joint Consent of

_George Lowther_ the second Mate, and some of the Sailors, proceeded

to Sea; the Effect of which, _see in the History of the Pyrates_.

At _Apollonia_ we found all our old Acquaintance were gone: The Queen

that had two or three Months ago sent off a _Dashee_ of four _Accys_,

was lately, with her People, forced to move to _Assinee_.

There are a numerous People called _Santies_, or _Assanties_,

extending a long way on the back of them, who derive a considerable

Trade to the Coast, particularly at _Anamaboo_. This Nation, provoked

by the frequent Depredations and _Panyarrs_ of the _Apollonians_,

had lately been down and drove them from their Habitations; tho’

themselves, unwilling to own the Roguery, say it has proceeded from

the Instigation of _Jan Conny_ their Neighbour and Competitor. At

_Assinee_ therefore, we found them preparing to revenge this Injury,

buying up all our trading Arms at a good Price, and giving a Fowl

for every Flint we could spare, (there being no such thing in the

Country.) They are as fearless as any of the Colour, both in Trade

and War, and promise themselves an Amendment of their Fortune, which,

by accounts since, I hear they have accomplished against _Conny_.

At Cape _Three Points_ we found our Water-Pond almost dried up,

tho’ the Wind at S. E. had lately brought on two or three heavy

Showers of Rain, and they failing, constant thick Fogs in the day,

and what is very unusual at the distance we anchor, Dews in the

night on board: _The Current to Westward_. In this Bay, two or three

Evenings running, we saw a monstrous Fish heavily moving about the

Ship, divided into eight or ten different Parts, each as large as a

_Thornback_, sinking immediately at the throwing over a Hook; the

Sailors call it a _Devil-Fish_. _Fire-Flies_ also, (common to warm

Latitudes,) flew about in the night; an Insect that makes the like

light in the Air, as _Glow-Worms_ on the Ground.

What I shall farther observe from this Cruise or the Circuit we

have made, I never yet met either of those useful Animals, a Dog

or a Horse, among the Natives; the latter, _Bosman_ (who writes

of _Guinea_) says, are numerous in-land; and of the other, _their

Bark turns to a Howl in three or four Broods, their Ears and

Colour inclining to a Fox_. Those I have seen, and not hitherto

mentioned, are, among _Quadrupeds_, the Cat, Hare, Rat, Lizzard,

Boar, Porcupine, Civet-Cat, Camelion, and Petto or Sluggard, from

the Slowness of his March; he will grow lean in the time he takes to

ascend a Tree, and never comes down till he has devoured all the

Fruit. _Birds_, the Parrot, Paraquet, Pheasant, Partridge, Wild-Duck,

Turtle-Dove, Snipe, Kite, and others. _Fish_, the Jack, Plaise, Sole,

Bream, Thornback, Dab, Lobster, Crab, Shrimp, _&c._ _Reptiles_, the

Toad, Scorpion, Centipes.

[Illustration: (decorative flower)]

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_PYRATES._

As _Roberts_ the Pyrate, by the bold Sweep made in _August_, had

struck a Pannick into the Traders, we were several times in our

late Cruise alarmed with Stories of their being again to Windward;

which kept us _Plying_, till others contradicting such Report,

and considered with the rashness of the Attempt, returned us to

our Rendesvouz in Cape _Corso_ Road, where we had scarce well

arrived, before Mr. _Phips_ received Intelligence by two or three

Canoos dispatched to him, of Vessels chased and taken by them a few

Leagues off, committing great Cruelties. They were well manned, we

understood, having increased their number greatly by this double

Expedition, and the Reputation of their Success; the Seamen every

where entering, notwithstanding our neighbourhood, and where they

refused, by report, ’twas oftner thro’ Fear, than any detestation of

the Practice.

The Conclusion from our Advices, was to follow them to _Whydah_; for

avoiding this Road, (which it might be imagined they would do, in

respect to our being there) the next and chiefest Place for Booty was

there. We missed them however by 24 hours, but following quickly to

Cape _Lopez_, luckily fixed the Limits of their Navigation; their

Drunkenness, Inadvertency, and Disorder, making them fall an easy

Prize to us.

Discipline is certainly an excellent Path to Victory; we see it

through all Nations, who in some ages are warlike, in others

effeminate. Courage, locutory or military, like a Trade, is gained by

an Apprenticeship. The Coward to-day, may seven years hence become

a brave Fellow, and metamorphosed again, perhaps by a bad Wife, or

other adverse Fortune. What makes our Militia laughed at, even by Men

draughted from them? only because they want that constant Discipline,

the red Coat and martial Law, that makes the other terrible: Every

Man in standing Troops, is in a School of Exercise, where, if not

dull, he may acquire the Tread, the Talk, and Courage of a Hero.[37]

Subordination is an Essential to it in this very Discipline; the

Gentleman brought up ever so tamely, finding a Courage with his

Commission, and for the most part, increasing as he becomes a

Captain, a Colonel, or a General. The Pyrates, tho’ singly Fellows of

Courage, yet wanting such a Tye of Order, some Director to unite that

Force, were a contemptible Enemy, neither killed nor wounded us a man

in taking them, and must ever, in the same Circumstances, be the

Fate of such Rabble.

We found in the three Ships about 200 _Englishmen_, 60 or 70 stout

_Negro_ Slaves, great plenty of trading Goods, and, what more

attracted the Eye, a large quantity of Gold Dust, by computation, 8

or 10000_l._ the Searches made, and the Diligence of the Officers

in those Searches, imagining themselves to have some share in the

Heap, makes that Sum very probable; the Pyrates themselves giving out

double: for all which, the Commander at home obtained the Privy-Seal.

The People, their Wives, and Widows, who thought themselves injured

in this Seclusion, petitioned the Lords-Commissioners of the

Admiralty, the Secretaries, and other Officers of State, for a

Recall of this Grant; _sine Auspiciis_. The Officers joined also in

a Petition for the E—— of _B——y_’s Interposition, to obtain for them

the Division of any Sum they might prove, over and above what was

suggested in obtaining the Privy-Seal;—and with the same Success.

To return from this Excursion; the number of our Prisoners gave a

great deal of fatigue and uneasiness, during a six Weeks Passage,

lest the danger of a Halter should prompt them to some desperate

Attempt for their Liberty; but arriving safe at Cape _Corso_ again,

they were there brought to their Tryals, hang’d, or acquitted; the

Court allowing for the Office of Register,

26 Days Attendance, at 30_s._ } _l. s. d._

_per Diem_, for which at } 26 00 0

home ⅓ was deducted }

The Provost, 7_s._ 6_d._ _per Diem_ 9 15 0

The General of the Coast gave the Table, which made the whole Charge

rest upon those two Articles, the cheapest since the Reformation.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_St. George de ELMINA._

During our Stay in the Road, an Officer or two of us took an Interval

to wait on Mr. _Butler_, the Director-General for the _Dutch_ at

_St. George de Elmina_, three Leagues to Windward; he received us so

much the more kindly, that in eighteen years which he had resided

on the Coast, he had seldom been visited by his Countrymen, and of

late, not at all, which he imputed to the Misunderstandings that were

frequently happening between him and his Neighbour, Mr. _Phips_, on

account of Trade; they could not pay him this Compliment without

offending the other. His Table had ten Dishes of Victuals, an

extraordinary Shew in a part of such Scarcity, with variety of Beer

and Wine, and an attendance of six _Negro_ Servants, each a gold

Chain about his Neck, the largeness distinguishing Grandeur, as fine

Cloth or Lace does a Livery.

After Dinner, Mr. _Butler_ gave us four gold Rings a-piece, (the Make

of the Country) a Trifle, he said, to remember him, and then shewed

us their Apartments and Store-houses, large, and well stocked.

The Castle, taken from the _Portuguese_ in 1638, is a Quadrangle,

like that of Cape _Corso_, but has a double Ditch round, cut out of

a Rock, which like Basins hold the Rain-water, and give additional

Strength; a populous _Negro_ Town at the foot of it, under their

Protection.

From hence, we retired for the Afternoon to a Summer-house in his

Garden, and in the Evening his Officers attended us to the Boat,

where we were still followed with Marks of undeserved Respect,

three or four Rooves of _Brasil_ Sugar, (then a Commodity) and at

putting off, a Salute of nine Guns. The worst part of our Fare came

afterwards, when we could not commend this Hospitality and Generosity

of Mr. _Butler_, without indirect Reflections upon our own Castle.

On the 1st of _May_ 1722, we left Cape _Corso_, (for my own part,

I hope till Doom’s-Day) and on the third, came down to _Whydah_.

Here we took a Sailor out of a _Portuguese_ Ship, that had been a

Confederate in seizing Captain _Rowry_’s Vessel, as mentioned before

at _St. Thomas’s_; he, on the Reflection of his Crime, and a Fear of

worse Evil, cut his Throat, and died. About this time I was appointed

_Purser_ to the _Weymouth_, (a _Bursier_, the Officer in Colleges,

that takes care of their Accounts) every body being dead almost, that

could do it: and with Reluctancy in me, because not skill’d in the

_Employ_, and neither Cooper, Steward, or Necessaries on board; but

the Indulgence I expected on these accounts from a worthy Commander,

and some little Advantage in quitting the Surgeon’s Employ, were

Persuasives.

From _Whydah_, both Men-of-War steered away for Cape _Lopez_, to wood

and water, in order for the _West-Indies_.

[Illustration: (decorative banner)]

_Cape LOPEZ._

Cape _Lopez_ makes a safe and pleasant Bay, our anchoring in 20

Fathom Water, the Cape N W B N, the Watering-place S B E, each a mile

and half distance.

Coming in, we bring the Cape S. S. W. to avoid what most Charts lay

down, the Shoal called _Frenchman’s Bank_, about a League and half

N. N. E. from the Cape; and some say there are other Shoals between

that and the _Main_ to the Northward.

The Cape is low and steep, yet looks bluff with Trees, has some

_Savannahs_ behind, the resort of _Buffaloes_; I have seen a dozen

head at a time here, which, when you are minded to hunt or shoot, the

_Negroes_ are ready to assist. The Bay is well stored with Fish, and

the Country affords Plantains, Goats, Fowls, and particularly grey

Parrots, all cheap; but their principal trading Commodities are Wax

in Cakes, and Honey, exchanged with us on easy terms, for Linnen,

Calicos, Stuffs, Pewter Spoons, Knives, _&c._ and it is the Seal of

all Bargains, to take hold of one another’s Hands and say, _Palaaver

suquebah_.

_Pou_, or Wood, is after the rate of a Fathom, for an old _Guinea_

Sheet; their Water free, and easy come at, but is a standing Pool,

and not so well-tasted therefore as Springs.

The Natives are harmless and inoffensive, never sell one another.

But when Ships come in, flock towards the Bay with Wax, Honey, a few

Teeth, and little Gold; which last, I rather believe, is brought

thither, because not one of them seemed to know the Value of it. They

are timorous, and therefore have their Habitations at a distance from

the Sea, few of them venturing on board a Ship; feared, I suppose, by

the Tricks have formerly been put upon them by our Traders: so that

we barter altogether on shore, where they attend for that purpose.

Their familiar Salute at meeting, is by clapping their hands two

or three times, to one another. To a Superior, (the _Cabiceer_,

or the Aged) they bend the Knee, raising first their Hands to the

out-parts of their Shoulders or Arms, then patting the other’s Hands

gently three times, they cry _Chamba_ at each time, and retreat with

three times clapping their own hands:—to profess an extraordinary

Friendship to you, they raise your Hand as high as they can reach.

Many of them have borrowed Names from the _Europeans_ that put

in here, and are pleased when you will adopt them to wear such a

Cognizance of your Remembrance; they do not sollicit this Favour till

after several views, that they see something to be admired, or that

the Person asked, has a fancied Sympathy of Temper, or likeness with

themselves.

As they come down to trade in Tribes, each has a Captain or Leader,

who always craves or claims some _Dashee_, before you strike a

Bargain with any of the other _Negroes_; a Bottle of Brandy, a Sabre,

Knife, or any ordinary Apparel is acceptable; _the Chief_ loves to

distinguish himself by an Imitation of our Dress, and is often so

preposterously set out with Hat, Wig, and Breeches, that he makes a

fifty times more ridiculous, and scaramouch Figure, than any of his

naked Dependants.

_Jacobus_ was one of these; he takes on him the Title of King,

without knowing the meaning, and came on board to visit us in a very

antick Figure; an old Sailor’s Wig turned upside down, half a pair

of Breeches, Jacket, Hat, _&c._ yet this Man seemed to be reverenced

much by the others, and in drinking, two of them always held up a

Cloth before his Face, that he might not be seen; the Custom seems

to have a State in it, and borrowed perhaps from some neighbouring

Monarch: He of _Monomotapa_, it is said, never drinks, but the Court

put up their Prayers with a loud Voice, which being heard by others,

is transmitted over the whole Town.

As _Jacobus_ and his Company grew drunk, (for they swallowed nothing

but Bumpers of Brandy) I observed this Respect was laid aside; and

what was a greater Misfortune, the Prince and his Retinue beheld with

winking Eyes, all their Hovels on fire ashore: The Occasion this; we

happening to have all our Colours flying, and some Guns let off in

honour of the 28th of _May_, another Leader on shore misinterpreting

it as a particular Respect to _Jacobus_, grew jealous, seized his

House during the Revel, his Wives, and his _Dashees_, drank up all

his Brandy, eat all his Victuals, cudgelled his People, and set both

his Houses on fire.

Next Morning, on unravelling the Mystery, the Surprize was over, and

all became good Friends again. They have very little Knowledge or Use

of Fire-Arms, because no Trade scarce; their Weapons being Spears,

Arrows, and Clubs, and it is a bloody Battle among them, when half a

dozen of a side are knocked down.

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