a young white male child, about seven or eight years old, was left
behind, asleep. It was taken in charge by an officer, who, from ill
health, was not on duty. In retiring from the campaign, for the same
cause, he took the child with him, and nothing more of its history is
known. This flight of the Indians was universal; and of all commanders,
Sullivan seems to have been least successful in finding the enemy of whom
he was in search, save only when the enemy wished to be found. Upon this
feature of the present campaign it has been remarked, that although the
bravery of this officer was unimpeachable, yet he was altogether
unacquainted with the science of Indian warfare, and was sure to use the
best means to keep the savages at such a distance, that they could not be
brought unwillingly to an engagement. For instance, he persisted in the
practice of having cannon fired from his camp, mornings and evenings,
forgetting what every one else perceived, that the Indians were thus
notified of his position and the rapidity of his marches--thus being
enabled daily to retreat from his approach exactly in time. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Letter of John Salmon, in the Appendix of Mary Jemison's Life.
From this point a detachment of sixty men, with the lame and sick, was
sent back to Tioga. The main army then moved forward upon Kanandaigua, at
which place it arrived in two days. Here they "found twenty-three very
elegant houses, mostly framed, and in general large," [FN] together with
very extensive fields of corn--all of which were destroyed. From
Kanandaigua they proceeded to the small town of Honeoye, consisting of
ten houses, which were immediately burnt to the ground. A post was
established at Honeoye, to maintain which a strong garrison was left,
with the heavy stores and one field-piece. With this precautionary
measure the army prepared to advance upon the yet more considerable town
of Genesee--the great capital of the western tribes of the
confederacy--containing their stores, and their broadest cultivated
fields.
* * * * *
[FN] General Sullivan's official account.
Hearing of Sullivan's continued advance, and of his purpose to strike
their towns upon the Genesee, the Indians once more began to think of
giving battle. A council of their towns was convened, the result of which
was a determination to intercept the invaders, and strike another blow
in defence of their homes. They felt that if unopposed, the destruction
of their towns would be inevitable, and their fate could be no worse
should they meet and fight the conqueror--whatever might be the result.
Their first precaution was to place their women and children in a place
of security, in the woods at a distance from their town; so that, in the
event of being themselves defeated, the non-combatants would have an
opportunity to escape. Having made their preparations, the warriors took
the field again--selecting for their battle-ground a position between
Honeoye Creek and the head of Connissius Lake. [FN] Placing themselves
in ambush, they awaited the approach of Sullivan's forces. They rose,
however, upon the advance-guard of the Americans, and after a brisk
skirmish, the latter fell back upon the main body--of which the Indians
did not await the arrival. The only fruit of this attack, on behalf of
the Indians, was the capture of two Indian prisoners of the Oneida tribe.
Of itself, this incident was insignificant; but a transaction grew out
of it of thrilling interest, and strongly illustrative of Indian
character. One of the Indians thus taken, was General Sullivan's guide,
and had, moreover, been very active in the contest, rendering the
Americans frequent and important services. On that account he was a
prisoner of consequence. But there was another feature in the case not
altogether unworthy of note. This faithful Indian had an elder brother
engaged with the enemy, who, at the beginning of the war, had exerted
all his power to persuade the younger into the British service also, but
without success. At the close of this skirmish the brothers met for the
first time since their separation, when they had respectively chosen to
travel different war-paths; the younger a prisoner to the elder. The
latter had no sooner recognized his brother after the _melée_, than his
eyes kindled with that fierce and peculiar lustre which lights up the
burning eyes of a savage when meditating vengeance. Approaching him
haughtily, he spoke as follows:--
* * * * *
[FN] At or near a place now called Henderon's Flatta, Vide Life of Mary
Jemison and letter of John Salmon.
"Brother! You have merited death! The hatchet or the war-club shall
finish your career! When I begged of you to follow me in the fortunes of
war, you were deaf to my cries: you spurned my entreaties!
"Brother! You have merited death, and shall have your deserts! When the
rebels raised their hatchets to fight their good master, you sharpened
your knife, you brightened your rifle, and led on our foes to the fields
of our fathers!
"Brother! You have merited death, and shall die by our hands! When those
rebels had driven us from the fields of our fathers to seek out new
houses, it was you who could dare to step forth as their pilot, and
conduct them even to the doors of our wigwams, to butcher our children
and put us to death! No crime can be greater! But though you have merited
death, and shall die on this spot, my hands shall not be stained with the
blood of a brother!--_Who will strike?_"
A pause of but a moment ensued. The bright hatchet of Little Beard, the
sachem of the village, flashed in the air like the lightning, and the
young Oneida chief was dead at his feet. [FN] The other captive, who was
also an Oneida sachem, was then informed by Little Beard that he was
warring only against the whites, and that his life should be spared;
adding, farther, that at a suitable time he should be restored to liberty.
Distrusting the good faith of the chief, however, the captive watched an
opportunity for escape, and very shortly afterward accomplished his
purpose--but in a manner which produced another tragic catastrophe, as
will presently appear.
* * * * *
[FN] This was truly a shocking transaction, but not _so_ shocking as
that of the horrible fratricide before recorded at Wyoming, nor so
shocking as the attempt of the brother of Colonel Frey at Oriskany. The
Indian had far the most humanity, and far the highest sense of honor and
duty.
From Honeoye, General Sullivan advanced in two days upon a town
containing twenty-five houses, called Kanaghsaws. There were large
corn-fields to be destroyed here also, and a bridge to be constructed
over an unfordable creek intervening between Kanaghsaws and Little
Beard's town, lying next in the route to Genesee--so called from the name
of a celebrated chief then residing there. While delayed by these
obstacles, Lieutenant Boyd, of the rifle corps, was detached with
twenty-six men to reconnoiter that chieftain's town, where also was a
castle. Having performed that duty, and in doing so killed and scalped
two Indians [FN-1] in the otherwise deserted village, he had commenced
his return to the main division. It so happened that Boyd was passing at
no great distance from the party of Indians having the Oneida prisoner in
charge. The latter was guarded by two Indians, between whom he was walking
arm in arm, when, at a favorable moment, he suddenly broke from their
grasp, and fled at the top of his speed in the direction of Sullivan's
army. The Indians, in goodly numbers, turned out in pursuit, and while
running, fell in with the party of Lieutenant Boyd. [FN-2] By this time
the Indians in pursuit after the fugitive numbered several hundred, under
the immediate command of Joseph Brant, who seems suddenly to have made
his appearance for the occasion. [FN-3] Indeed, according to one
authority, Brant was not concerned with the pursuit, but had previously
secreted himself in a deep ravine, with a large party of his Indians and
Butler's rangers, for the express purpose of cutting off Boyd's retreat.
[FN-4] Discovering his situation, and in fact surrounded by fearful odds,
Boyd saw, of course, that his only chance of escape was to strike at some
given point, and cut his way through the ranks of the enemy. It was a
bold measure; but there was no alternative, and he made three successive
attempts to accomplish his purpose. In the first, several of the enemy
fell, without the loss of a single man on his own part. But he was
repulsed. The Indians stood their ground nobly; and in the second and
third attempts upon their line by Boyd, his whole party fell except
himself and eight others. In the next moment several of these were
killed, while a few succeeded in flight--among whom was the bold
Virginian, Murphy. Boyd was himself taken prisoner, and one other man
named Parker. The Lieutenant immediately solicited an interview with
Thayendanegea, and making himself known as a Freemason, was assured by
the chief of protection. [FN-5] One of the party under Lieutenant Boyd was
a brave Oneida warrior, named Honyerry, who served him as a guide. This
faithful Indian had served long with the Americans, and, as the reader has
already seen, was particularly distinguished in the battle of Oriskany,
where so many of the Mohawk and Seneca warriors fell. On the present
occasion, moreover, he acquitted himself with signal courage. Being an
excellent marksman, his rifle did great execution. The Indians knew him,
and as they closed in upon the little band, poor Honyerry was literally
hacked to pieces. [FN-6] It was a dear victory, however, to the enemy.
The firing was so close before the brave party was destroyed, that the
powder of the enemy's muskets was driven into their flesh. The enemy had
no covert, while Boyd's party was, for a portion of the time at least,
possessed of a very advantageous one. The enemy were, moreover, so long
employed in removing their dead, that the approach of General Hand's
brigade obliged them to leave one of the number among the dead riflemen;
together with a wagon load of packs, blankets, hats, and provisions,
which they had thrown off to enable them to act with more agility in the
field. [FN-7]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Captain Fowler's Journal. One of these Indians was shot and
scalped by Murphy, whose name has already occurred in connexion with the
Schoharie wars.
[FN-2] Life of Mary Jemison.
[FN-3] Captain Fowler and John Salmon both state the number of Indians
engaged in this affair at upward of five hundred.
[FN-4] John Salmon's letter.
[FN-5] Idem.
[FN-6] Captain Fowler's Journal.
[FN-7] Sullivan's Official Account.
From the battle-field Brant conducted Lieutenant Boyd and his fellow
captive to Little Beard's town, where they found Colonel Butler with a
detachment of the rangers. While under the supervision of Brant, the
Lieutenant was well treated and safe from danger. But the chief being
called away in the discharge of his multifarious duties, Boyd was left
with Butler, who soon afterward began to examine him by questions as to
the situation, numbers, and intentions of General Sullivan and his troops.
He, of course, declined answering all improper questions; whereat Butler
threatened that if he did not give him full and explicit information, he
would deliver him up to the tender mercies of the Indians. Relying
confidently upon the assurances of the generous Mohawk chieftain, Boyd
still refused, and Butler fulfilled his bloody threat--delivering him over
to Little Beard and his clan, the most ferocious of the Seneca tribe.
[FN-1] The gallant fellow was immediately put to death by torture; and
in the execution there was a refinement of cruelty, of which it is not
known that a parallel instance occurred during the whole war. Having been
denuded, Boyd was tied to a sapling, where the Indians first practised
upon the steadiness of his nerves by hurling their tomahawks apparently
at his head, but so as to strike the trunk of the sapling as near to his
head as possible without hitting it--groups of Indians, in the meantime,
brandishing their knives, and dancing around him with the most frantic
demonstrations of joy. His nails were pulled out, his nose cut off, and
one of his eyes plucked out His tongue was also cut out, and he was
stabbed in various places. [FN-2] After amusing themselves sufficiently
in this way, a small incision was made in his abdomen, and the end of one
of his intestines taken out and fastened to the tree. The victim was then
unbound, and driven round the tree by brute force, until his intestines
had all been literally drawn from his body and wound round its trunk. His
sufferings were then terminated by striking his head from his body. It
was then raised upon a pole in triumph. Parker, the other captive, was
likewise beheaded, but not otherwise tortured. After the conclusion of
this tragedy, the Indians held a brief council to determine whether to
offer any farther resistance to General Sullivan, or to yield their
country to his ravages without opposition. They finally came to the
decision that they were not sufficiently powerful to oppose the invaders
with success, and thereupon decided to leave their possessions, for the
preservation of their lives and those of their families. The women and
children were thereupon sent away in the direction of Niagara, while the
warriors remained in the forests about Little Beard's town, to watch the
motions of the Americans. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of Salmon. There is some reason to doubt which of the
Butlers was the actor in this instance--the father, Colonel John, or the
more severe Captain, his son.
[FN-2] Sullivan's Official Account.
[FN-3] Life of Mary Jemison. According to Colonel Butler's statement,
after his examination Boyd was sent forward with a guard to Niagara; but,
while passing through Genesee village, an old Indian rushed out and
tomahawked him. But Salmon says he was put to death by the most cruel
tortures, and so says the official report of General Sullivan. Mary
Jemison, who was with the Indians gives the details from which the
present account is drawn. It is to be hoped, however, that Colonel Butler
was not accessory to the cruelty; and in justice to his memory, it must
be admitted that it was not a transaction characteristic of him.
As soon as the main division had heard of the situation of Boyd, they
moved forward--arriving, however, only in season to bury the bodies of
the slain. [FN-1] This tragic occurrence took place on the 13th of
September. On the same day Sullivan moved forward to a place called
Gathtsegwarohare, where the enemy, both Indians and rangers, were
apparently disposed to make a stand. The troops were immediately brought
into order of battle, and General Clinton's brigade commenced a movement
with a view of outflanking and gaining the enemy's rear. But discovering
the movement, the enemy retreated with precipitation. Sullivan encamped on
the ground--the men sleeping on their arms, in the expectation of an
attack. But the enemy did not disturb their repose; and on the 14th the
army continued its advance, and crossed the Genesee river. Arriving at
Little Beard's town, [FN-2] they found the mutilated bodies of Boyd and
Parker, which were buried on the bank of Beard's Creek, under a clump of
wild plum trees. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] They were buried at a place now called Groveland, where the grave
was very recently to be seen.
[FN-2] The place is now called Leicester.
[FN-3] On the road now running from Moscow to Genesee.
The valley of the Genesee, for its beauty and fertility, was beheld by the
army of Sullivan with astonishment and delight. Though an Indian country,
and peopled only by the wild men of the woods, its rich intervales
presented the appearance of long cultivation, and were then smiling with
their harvests of ripening corn. Indeed, the Indians themselves professed
not to know when or by whom the lands upon that stream were first brought
into cultivation. Nearly half a century before, Mary Jemison had observed
a quantity of human bones washed down from one of the banks of the river,
which the Indians held were not the remains of their own people, but of a
different race of men who had once possessed that country. The Indians,
they contended, had never buried their dead in such a situation. Be all
this, however, as it may, instead of a howling wilderness, Sullivan and
his troops found the Genesee flats, and many other districts of the
country, resembling much more the orchards, and farms, and gardens of
civilized life. But all was now doomed to speedy devastation. The Genesee
castle was destroyed. The troops scoured the whole region round about,
and burnt and destroyed every thing that came in their way. Little Beard
himself had officiated as master of ceremonies at the torturing of Boyd;
and his town was now burnt to the ground, and large quantities of corn,
which his people had laid up in store, were destroyed by being burnt or
thrown into the river. "The town of Genesee contained one hundred and
twenty-eight houses, mostly large and very elegant. It was beautifully
situated, almost encircled with a clear flat, extending a number of miles;
over which extensive fields of corn were waving, together with every kind
of vegetable that could be conceived." [FN-1] But the entire army was
immediately engaged in destroying it, and the axe and the torch soon
transformed the whole of that beautiful region from the character of a
garden to a scene of drear and sickening desolation. Forty Indian towns,
the largest containing one hundred and twenty-eight houses, were
destroyed. [FN-2] Corn, gathered and ungathered, to the amount of one
hundred and sixty thousand bushels, shared the same fate; their
fruit-trees were cut down; and the Indians were hunted like wild beasts,
till neither house, nor fruit-tree, nor field of corn, nor inhabitant,
remained in the whole country. The gardens were enriched with great
quantities of useful vegetables, of different kinds. The size of the
corn-fields, as well as the high degree of cultivation in which they
were kept, excited wonder; and the ears of corn were so remarkably large,
that many of them measured twenty-two inches in length. So numerous were
the fruit-trees, that in one orchard they cut down fifteen hundred. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Sullivan's Account.
[FN-2] It has already been seen that this wide-spread destruction was the
result of the express instructions of General Washington. It was in
reference to this fact, that, when addressing President Washington at an
Indian council held in Philadelphia, in 1792, Cornplanter commenced his
speech in the following strain:--"Father: The voice of the Seneca nation
speaks to you, the Great Counselor, in whose heart the wise men of all
the Thirteen Fires have placed their wisdom. It may be very small in
your ears, and we therefore entreat you to hearken with attention: for
we are about to speak to you of things which to us are very great. When
your army entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you the
Town Destroyer; and to this day, when that name is heard, our women look
behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close to the necks of
their mothers. Our counselors and warriors are men, and cannot be afraid;
but their hearts are grieved with the fears of our women and children,
and desire that it maybe buried so deep as to be heard no more."
[FN-3] Ramsay. See, also, History of the British Empire, 2
volumes--anonymous. While Sullivan was at Genesee, a female captive from
Wyoming was re-taken. She gave a deplorable account of the terror and
confusion of the Indians. The women, she said, were constantly begging
the warriors to sue for peace; and one of the Indians, she stated, had
attempted to shoot Colonel Johnson for the falsehoods by which he had
deceived and ruined them. She overheard Butler tell Johnson that after
the battle of Newtown it was impossible to keep the Indians together,
and that he thought they would soon be in a miserable situation, as all
their crops would be destroyed, and they could not be supplied at
Niagara.
It is in connexion with this campaign that the name of the celebrated
Seneca orator, _Sagayewatha,_ or _Red Jacket,_ first occurs in history,
or rather, will now for the first time thus occur, since it has never yet
been mentioned at so early a date by any previous writer. It is well
known by all who are acquainted with Indian history, that Brant and Red
Jacket were irreconcilable enemies. The origin of this enmity has never
yet been known to the public, and it has by some been imputed to the
jealousy entertained by Brant of the growing reputation of his younger
and more eloquent rival. But such is not the fact Brant ever acknowledged
the great intellectual powers of Red Jacket, but always maintained that
he was not only destitute of principle, but an arrant coward. In support
of these opinions, he asserted that Red Jacket had given him much trouble
and embarrassment during this campaign of General Sullivan, and was in
fact the principal cause of the disgrace and disasters of the Indians. In
relating a history of the expedition to a distinguished American
gentleman, [FN] Brant stated that after the battle of Newtown, Red Jacket
was in the habit of holding private councils with the young warriors, and
some of the more timid sachems, the object of which was to persuade them
to sue for peace, upon any--even ignominious terms; and that at one time
he had so far succeeded as to induce them to send privately, and without
the knowledge of the principal war chiefs, a runner into General
Sullivan's camp, to make known to him the spirit of dissatisfaction and
division that prevailed among the Indians, and to invite him to send a
flag of truce with certain propositions calculated to increase their
divisions and produce a dishonorable peace. Brant, who was privately
informed of all these proceedings, but feared the consequences of
disclosing and attempting to suppress them by forcible means, despatched,
secretly also, two confidential warriors to way-lay the flag when on its
route from the American to the Indian camp, and to put the bearer of it
to death, and then return secretly with his despatches. This was
accomplished as he directed, and all attempts at farther negotiations
thereby prevented. It was certainly a bold measure; and how far Brant's
conduct therein is susceptible of justification, or even palliation,
will depend on a variety of minute circumstances which it is now too
late to ascertain.
* * * * *
[FN] The late Secretary of War, General Peter B. Porter.
Having completed the objects contemplated by the expedition to the point
at which he had arrived, General Sullivan re-crossed the Genesee with his
army on the 16th of September, and set out an his return. Why he did not
follow up his success and strike at the enemy's citadel at Niagara, which
at that time was in no situation for formidable resistance, is a question
difficult of solution. Unquestionably, in the organization of the
expedition, the conquest of Niagara, the head-quarters of the foe of all
descriptions, and the seat of British influence and power among the
Indians, was one of the principal objects in view. But perhaps the forces
of the American General had become too much weakened by sickness and
fatigue, (they had not lost a hundred men in battle,) to allow of a
farther advance. Certain it is, that the most important feature of the
enterprise was not undertaken; and it will be seen in the sequel, that
but small ultimate advantage resulted from the campaign. Stimulated by a
yet keener thirst for revenge, clouds of savages were afterward again and
again seen to sweep through the valley of the Mohawk with the scalping
knife and the torch. The excuse offered by Sullivan himself was, the want
of provisions; but this deficiency might have been most abundantly
supplied from the ample stores of the Indians, which were either burnt
or thrown into the river.
The return of the army was along the same track by which it had advanced.
On the 20th, having re-crossed the outlet of Seneca Lake, Colonel Zebulon
Butler was detached with the rifle corps and five hundred men, to pass
round the foot of Cayuga Lake, and lay waste the Indian towns on its
eastern shore; while on the next day, Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn, with
two hundred men, was detached to perform the same service along the
south-western shore. The main army pursued the most direct route to the
Chemung and Tioga. On the 26th Colonel Dearborn's detachment returned,
and on the 28th they were rejoined by Colonel Butler, who had burnt three
towns of the Cayugas, including their capital. [FN] Dearborn had burnt
six towns in his route, destroying at the same time large quantities of
corn. On the same day Colonels Van Courtlandt and Dayton were detached
upon a similar service, for the destruction of large fields of corn
growing upon the banks of the Tioga and its tributaries.
* * * * *
[FN] The Oneidas, it will be recollected, had been interceding in behalf
of the Cayugas, or at least a portion of them. Upon this point General
Sullivan wrote in his official report as follows:--"I trust the steps I
have taken in respect to the Cayugas will prove satisfactory. And here
I beg leave to mention, that on searching the houses of these pretended
neutral Cayugas, a number of scalps were found, which appeared to have
been lately taken, which Colonel Butler showed to the Oneidas, who said
that they were then convinced of the justice of the steps I had taken."
On the 30th of September the army reached its original point of
concentration at Tioga, where, it will be recollected, a fort had been
thrown up, and left in charge of a small garrison. This work was destroyed
on the 3d of October. The army then resumed its return march, and passing
through Wyoming, arrived at Easton on the 15th. The distance thence to the
Genesee castle was two hundred and eighty miles. With the exception of the
action at Newtown, the achievements of the army in battle were not great.
But it had scoured a broad extent of country, and laid more towns in ashes
than had ever been destroyed on the continent before. The red men were
driven from their beautiful country--their habitations left in ruins,
their fields laid waste, their orchards uprooted, and their altars and
the tombs of their fathers overthrown.
There was, however, an episode to this campaign, if such a phrase may be
allowed in military history, which, unexplained as it has been, appears
like a very strange movement on the part of General Sullivan. It has been
seen in the earlier portion of the present work, that when the great body
of the Mohawks retired to Canada with the Johnsons, preparatory to taking
up the hatchet against the Americans, the clan at the lower castle
declined accompanying them. Thus far, moreover, during the whole progress
of the war, they had preserved a strict neutrality. They had neither
molested their white neighbors, nor been molested themselves; but were
living quietly, cultivating their grounds in the midst of the best
settled portion of Tryon County, or following the chase at their
pleasure--and on terms of perfect amity and good-will with their white
neighbors. By some means or other, however, General Sullivan had imbibed
a distrust of these people, and on the 20th of September, while at the
foot of Seneca Lake, he detached Colonel Gansevoort, with a corps of one
hundred men, to Fort Schuyler From thence his orders were peremptory that
he should proceed forthwith down the Mohawk to the said lower Indian
castle, make all the Indians captives if possible, destroy their castle,
and then proceed immediately with the said prisoners to head-quarters--the
order explicitly forbidding that any of the prisoners so taken should be
left at Albany; and the Colonel was at the same time enjoined, amidst all
these measures of hostility, to show the Indians, so to be dispossessed
and carried away by violence, "such necessary marks of civility and
attention as might engage a continuance of their friendship, and give
evidence of our pacific disposition toward them!" This was truly a
surprising order, and, as the event proved, as uncalled for and unjust
as it was incomprehensible. As Colonel Gansevoort's official report of
his proceedings under this order will present the best view of the whole
transaction, it is inserted entire:--
"Colonel Gansevoort to General Sullivan.
"_Albany, October_ 8, 1779.
"Sir,
"Agreeably to my orders, I proceeded by the shortest route to the lower
Mohawk castle, passing through the Tuscarora and Oneida castles (towns),
where every mark of hospitality and friendship was shown the party. I had
the pleasure to find that not the least damage nor insult was offered any
of the inhabitants. On the 25th I arrived at Fort Schuyler, where,
refreshing my party, I proceeded down the river, and on the 29th
effectually surprised the lower Mohawk castle, making prisoners of every
Indian inhabitant They then occupied but four houses. I was preparing,
agreeable to my orders, to destroy them, but was interrupted by the
inhabitants of the frontiers, who have been lately driven from their
settlements by the savages, praying that they might have liberty to enter
into the Mohawks' houses, until they could procure other habitations; and
well knowing those persons to have lately lost their all, humanity
tempted me in this particular to act in some degree contrary to orders,
although I could not but be confident of your approbation; especially
when you are informed that this castle is in the heart of our settlements,
and abounding with every necessary; so that it is remarked that these
Indians live much better than most of the Mohawk river farmers. Their
houses were very well furnished with all necessary household utensils,
great plenty of grain, several horses, cows, and wagons; of all which I
have an inventory, leaving them in the care of Major Newkirk, of that
place, who distributed the refugees in the several houses. Such being the
situation, I did not allow the party to plunder at all.
"The prisoners arrived at Albany on the 2d instant, and were closely
secured in the fort. Yesterday, the 7th, I received a letter from General
Schuyler, (of which I enclose a copy,) respecting the prisoners, desiring
that the sending the prisoners down might be postponed until an express
shall arrive from General Washington. Agreeably to this request, a
sergeant and twelve men are detained to keep charge of the prisoners until
his pleasure is known.
"It is with the greatest regret I mention my indisposition being so great
as to hinder my taking charge of the party to headquarters. I have been
several days confined, and my surgeon informs me that my complaint is
bilious fever. Captain Sytez takes command of the detachment, and will
proceed with all expedition to head-quarters with the baggage of the
several regiments, where I hope shortly to join the army. I remain, &c.,
&c."
It seems that General Schuyler, then at the head of the Northern
Commission of the Indian Department, having heard of the harsh measure
adopted in regard to the lower castle Mohawks, had interposed in their
behalf. The following is the letter referred to by Colonel Gansevoort, a
copy of which was enclosed to General Sullivan:--
"General Schuyler to Colonel Gansevoort.
"_Albany October_ 7, 1779.
"Dear Sir,
"Having perused Gen. Sullivan's orders to you respecting the Indians of
the lower Mohawk castle and their property, I conceive they are founded
on misinformation given to that gentlemen; these Indians have peaceably
remained there under the sanction of the public faith repeatedly given
them by the commissioners of Indian affairs, on condition of peaceable
demeanor; this contract they have not violated to our knowledge. It is
therefore incumbent on us, as servants of the public, to keep the public
faith inviolate; and we therefore entreat you to postpone the sending the
Indians from hence until the pleasure of his Excellency, Gen. Washington,
can be obtained, and a letter is already despatched to him on the
occasion, and in which we have mentioned this application to you. I am,
dear Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
"Ph. Schuyler,
_President of the Board of Commissioners
of Indian affairs, N. Department._"
Copies of these letters were at the same time enclosed to the
Commander-in-chief by Colonel Gansevoort, and the result was a speedy
release of the poor Indians, with directions from General Washington that
the Commissioners should "lay them under such obligations for their
future good behavior as they should think necessary." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] MS. letter of Washington to Colonel Gansevoort. In justice to
General Sullivan respecting this crusade against the little neighborhood
of friendly Mohawks, it should be stated that he acted under
misinformation. In his official report, written from Tioga, September 30,
he said:--"I directed Colonel Gansevoort to destroy the lower Mohawk
castle in his route, and capture the inhabitants, consisting of only six
or seven families, who were constantly employed in giving intelligence
to the enemy, and in supporting their scouting parties when making
incursions on our frontiers. When the Mohawks joined the enemy, those
few families were undoubtedly left to answer those purposes, and keep
possession of their lands."
Thus ended the memorable campaign of General Sullivan against the country
of the Six Nations; and, however harshly that officer may have been spoken
of by others, it is certain, from the letters of the Commander-in-chief,
that his conduct was viewed in that quarter with the most decided
approbation. The officers of the several corps engaged in the expedition
held separate meetings, and testified the warmest regard in his behalf,
and their approbation of the manner in which he had conducted the
campaign. On the 14th of October Congress passed a resolution of thanks
to General Washington for directing this expedition, and to "General
Sullivan and the brave officers and soldiers under his command for its
effectual execution." But at the very time of the adoption of the
resolution, it was evident that it was carried by a reluctant vote.
Sullivan had made such high demands for military stores, and had so freely
complained of the government for inattention to those demands, as to give
much offence to some members of Congress and to the Board of War. [FN] He,
in consequence, resigned his commission on the 9th of November, under the
convenient pretext of ill health. The resignation was accepted by
Congress on the 30th of that month--accompanied, however, by a vote of
thanks for past services.
* * * * *
[FN] Allen's Biographical Dictionary.
But there was yet another expedition against the Indians, devised and
executed in conjunction, or rather simultaneously, with that of General
Sullivan. This movement took place under the direction of Colonel Daniel
Brodhead, then commanding at Fort Pitt, and was originally designed by the
Commander-in-chief, after accomplishing the destruction of the Mingo,
Munsey, and a portion of the Seneca Indians settled on the Allegheny
river, for co-operation with that of Sullivan, by a junction at
Niagara--a point, as it happened, unattained by either. Preparatory to
this campaign, Washington had written to Colonel Brodhead, on the 22d of
March, directing him to throw forward detachments of troops, the first to
take post at Kittaning, and the second at Venango, and to build stockade
forts at both places--observing the greatest possible secrecy in regard
to ulterior operations. [FN-1] From various unforeseen difficulties, the
project of a direct co-operation with Sullivan was abandoned on the 21st
of April, and Colonel Brodhead was directed to make the necessary
reconnaissances for a movement against Detroit, should such an expedition
be deemed advisable. [FN-2] The result, however, was an independent
campaign against the tribes or clans of Indians last above mentioned,
inhabiting the head waters of the Allegheny river, French Creek, and other
tributaries of the Ohio. Colonel Brodhead left Pittsburgh on the 11th of
August, at the head of six hundred rank and file, including volunteers and
militia, with provisions for one month. The first Indian town designed to
be attacked was Cannowago. On their way thither, four days after their
departure from Fort Pitt, Colonel Brodhead's advanced guard met a party of
between thirty and forty Indian warriors descending the Allegheny in
canoes. The Indians landed to give battle; but were defeated after a sharp
brush, and put to flight, leaving five warriors dead, and evident marks
that others had been carried off wounded. On arriving at Cannowago, the
troops were mortified to find that the town had been deserted for eighteen
months. Proceeding onward, however, they successively entered several
towns, which were abandoned by the Indians on their approach. They were
all destroyed, together with the adjacent corn-fields. At the upper Seneca
town, called Yoghroonwago, they found a painted image, or war-post,
clothed in dog-skin. There were several towns in the vicinity of this
place, containing, in all, one hundred and thirty houses, some of which
were large enough to accommodate three or four families each. These were
all destroyed, together with their fields of corn, so extensive that the
troops were occupied three days in accomplishing the object. The old towns
of Buckloons and Maghinquechahocking, consisting of thirty-five large
houses, were likewise burnt. The Indians had fled so precipitately as to
leave some packages of skins and other booty, to the value of three
thousand dollars--all of which was taken. Fields of corn were destroyed
at least to the extent of five hundred acres. From the number of new
houses building, and the extent of lands preparing for cultivation, it was
conjectured that it was the intention of the whole Seneca and Munsey
nation to plant themselves down in those settlements. [FN-3] The distance
traversed by Colonel Brodhead, going and returning, was four hundred
miles, and not a man was lost during the expedition.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter from Washington to Colonel Brodhead, March 22, 1779--Vide
Sparks's Life and Correspondence, vol. vi.
[FN-2] Letter from the same to the same, April 21, 1779.
[FN-3] Official account of Colonel Brodhead. Upon this expedition, in
connexion with that of Sullivan, the historian, Ramsay, remarks--"In this
manner the savage part of the war was carried on. Waste, and sometimes
cruelty, were inflicted and retorted, with infinite variety of scenes of
horror and disgust. The selfish passions of human nature, unrestrained
by social ties, broke over all bounds of decency or humanity."
The thanks of Congress were likewise voted to General Washington for
devising, and to Colonel Brodhead for executing, this expedition. It has
already been remarked, that as but few of the enemy were slain in these
expeditions, the only immediate effect, beyond the destruction of
provisions and property, was to exasperate the Indians. A more remote
effect was to throw the whole body of the hostiles of the Six Nations
back upon their British employers, for their entire support the following
winter. Another consequence was, that from the want and distress of the
Indians during that winter, a mortal disease was superinduced among them,
which swept great numbers into eternity.
Still another effect of these sweeping invasions of the Indian country,
was, at least for the time being, to terrify some of the tribes yet more
remote. On Colonel Brodhead's return to Fort Pitt, September 14th, he
found the chiefs of the Delawares, the principal chiefs of the Wyandots
or Hurons, and the King of the Maquichee branch of the Shawanese, awaiting
his arrival. Three days afterward the Colonel held a council with these
forest dignitaries, on which occasion _Doonyontat,_ the Wyandot chief,
delivered the following speech:--
"Brother Maghingive Keeshuch, [FN] listen to me!"
* * * * *
[FN] The Indian name conferred upon Colonel Brodhead.
Brother: It grieves me to see you with the tears in your eyes. I know it
is the fault of the English.
"Brother: I wipe away all those tears, and smooth down your hair, which
the English, and the folly of my young men, have ruffled.
"Now, my Brother, I have wiped away all the stains from your clothes, and
smoothed them where my young men had ruffled them, so that you may now
put on your hat, and sit with that ease and composure which you would
desire.
"_Four strings of white wampum._
"Brother: Listen to the Huron chiefs.
"Brother: I see you all bloody by the English and my young men. I now
wipe away all those stains, and make you clean.
"Brother: I see your heart twisted, and neck and throat turned to the one
side, with the grief and vexation which my young men have caused; all
which disagreeable sensations I now remove, and restore you to your former
tranquility, so that now you may breathe with ease, and enjoy the benefit
of your food and nourishment.
"Brother: Your ears appear to be stopped, so that you cannot listen to
your Brothers when they talk of friendship. That deafness I now remove,
and all stoppage from your ears, that you may listen to the friendly
speeches of your Brothers, and that they may sink deep into your heart.
"_Seven strings of white wampum._
"Brother: Listen to me. When I look around me, I see the bones of our
nephews lie scattered and unburied.
"Brother: I gather up the bones of all our young men on both sides, who
have fallen in this dispute, without any distinction of party.
"Brother: I have now gathered up the bones of our relations on both sides,
and will bury them in a large deep grave, and smooth it over so that
there shall not be the least sign of bones, or any thing to raise any
grief or anger in any of our minds hereafter.
"Brother: I have now buried the bones of all our relations very deep. You
very well know that there are some of your flesh and blood in our hands
prisoners: I assure you that you shall see them all safe and well.
"_Eight strings of white wampum._
"Brother: I now look up to where our Maker is, and think there is some
darkness still over our heads, so that God can hardly see us, on account
of the evil doings of the King over the great waters. All these thick
clouds, which have arisen on account of that bad King, I now entirely
remove, that God may look and see us in our treaty of friendship, and be
a witness to the truth and sincerity of our intentions.
"_Four strings of white wampum._
"Brother: As God puts all our hearts right, I now give thanks to God
Almighty, to the chief men of the Americans, to my old father the King of
France, and to you, Brother, that we can now talk together on friendly
terms, and speak our sentiments without interruption.
"_Four strings of black and white wampum._
"Brother: You knew me before you saw me, and that I had not drawn away my
hand from yours, as I sent you word last year by Captain White Eyes.
"Brother: I look up to Heaven, and call God Almighty to witness to the
truth of what I say, and that it really comes from my heart.
"Brother: I now tell you that I have forever thrown off my father the
English, and will never give him any assistance; and there are some amongst
all the nations that think the same things that I do, and I wish that they
would all think so.
"Brother: I cannot answer for all the nations, as I don't know all their
thoughts, and will speak only what I am sure of.
"Brother: Listen to me. I love all the nations, and hate none, and when I
return home they shall all hear what you say and what is done between us.
"Brother: I have just now told you that I loved all the nations, and I see
you raising up the hatchet against my younger Brother, the Shawanese. [FN]
I beg of you to stop a little while, as he has never yet heard me; and
when he has heard me, if he does not choose to think as we do, I will tell
you of it immediately."
* * * * *
[FN] Colonel Clarke, the captor of Hamilton, was at that time preparing
to invade the principal Shawanese towns--a purpose which he executed
some time afterward.--_Author._
"Brother: I intend to speak roughly to my younger brother, and tell him
not to listen to the English, but throw them off, and listen to me, and
then he may live as I do.
"Brother: I thank you for leaving the fortress at Tuscarawas, and am
convinced by that that you have taken pity on us, and want to make us your
friends.
"Brother: I now take a firmer hold of your hand than before, and beg that
you will take pity upon the other nations who are my friends; and if any
of them should incline to take hold of your hand, I request that you
would comply, and receive them into friendship.
"_A black belt of eleven rows._
"Brother: Listen. I tell you to be cautious, as I think you intend to
strike the man near to where I sit, not to go the nighest way to where he
is, lest you frighten the owners of the lands who are living through the
country between this and that place." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Referring to the projected movement of Colonel Brodhead against
Detroit--a purpose never executed.
"Brother: You now listen to me, and one favor I beg of you is, that when
you drive away your enemies, you will allow me to continue in possession
of my property, which, if you grant, will rejoice me.
"Brother: I would advise you, when you strike the man near where I sit,
to go by water, as it will be the easiest and best way.
"Brother: If you intend to strike, one way is to go up the Allegheny, and
by Presq' Isle; another way is to go down this river and up the Wabash.
"Brother: The reason why I mentioned the road up the river is, that there
will be no danger of your being discovered until you are close upon them,
but on the road down the river you will be spied.
"Brother: Now I have told you the way by Presq' Isle, and that it is the
boundary between us and your enemies; if you go by the Wabash, your
friends will not be surprised.
"Brother: You must not think that what I have said is only my own
thoughts, but the opinion of all the Huron chiefs, and I speak in behalf
of them all. If you grant what favors I have asked of you, all our friends
and relations will be thankful and glad as far as they can hear all round.
"Brother: The reason why I have pointed out these two roads is, that when
we hear you are in one of them, we will know your intentions without
farther notice; and the Huron chiefs desired me particularly to mention
it, that they may meet you in your walk, and tell you what they have done,
who are your enemies, and who are your friends, and I, in their name,
request a pair of colors to show that we have joined in friendship.
"_Fourteen strings of black wampum._
"Brother: The chiefs desired me to tell you that they sent Montour before
to tell you their intention, and they leave him to go with you, that when
you meet your Brothers, you may consult together, and understand one
another by his means."
On the 19th Colonel Brodhead addressed the Huron chief in reply, after
the Indian form. He told him, distinctly, that fair words were no longer
to be taken, unless their sincerity was attested by their deeds. In
regard to the roads to Detroit, he said he should select whichever he
pleased. As for the Shawanese, the Colonel told the chief that he had
sent them a fair speech, which they had thrown into the fire, and he
should not now recall Colonel Clarke. And in regard to the people of the
chief himself, the Colonel demanded, as the basis of peace, that they
should stipulate to restore all American prisoners in their hands; to
kill, scalp, and take, as many of the English and their allies as they
had killed and taken of the Americans; and on every occasion to join the
Americans against their enemies. The Wyandots assented to the terms, and
hostages were required for the faithful performance of their agreement.
The Delawares were at that time at peace with the United States, and a
small body of their warriors had accompanied Colonel Brodhead on the
expedition from which he had just returned. The business having been
closed with the Huron chiefs the Delawares interposed in behalf of the
Maquichee clan of the Shawanese. These Indians were now apparently very
humble; but, apprehensive that they might not perhaps manage their own
case very well, the Delawares had kept them back from the council, and
undertaken their cause themselves. _Kelleleman,_ a Delaware chief,
informed Colonel Brodhead that on arriving there, their grand-children
[FN] had addressed them thus:--
* * * * *
[FN] In Indian parlance the Delawares were styled the "Grandfathers" of
the Shawanese; and hence the use, in these proceedings, of the terms
reciprocally of "Grand-children" and "Grandfathers."
"Grandfathers: We are humble, and are now come unto you. Now I am come to
you, I take my hands and wipe your eyes, that you may clearly see the
light, and that these are your grand-children who now appear before you,
and likewise remove every obstruction from your eyes, that you may hear
and understand me. I also compose your heart, that you may be disposed to
pity your poor grand-children, as your ancient chiefs used to pity their
grand-children, the Maquichees, when they were poor or humble before them.
Now, my grandfathers, I tell you to pity your grand-children, the
Maquichees, and whatever you direct them to do, will be done. Now you have
heard your grand-children speak, and you will judge what to say to your
brother, Maghingive Keeshuch:
"_Two strings of white wampum._
"Now, grandfathers, here is a little tobacco to fill your pipes, that you
may consider and pity your grand-children the Maquichees."
Kelleleman farther reported to Colonel Brodhead, that after the foregoing
speech, _Keeshmattsee,_ a Maquichee chief, rose and said to the
Delawares:--
"Grandfathers: I now take my chief and counselor, Nimwha, and set him down
on the ground before you, that he may assist you in considering the
distressed situation of your grand-children."
Another Delaware chief, named _Killbush,_ then addressed Colonel Brodhead
thus:--
"Brother Maghingive Keeshuch: Listen to me. You always told me that when
any nations came to treat of peace, I should first speak to them, and tell
you my sentiments of them; which I am now come to do in regard to my
grand-children, the Maquichees.
"I told them I was much obliged to them for clearing my eyes, my ears,
and composing my heart, and that it was time, for many bad things enter
into my ears."
Then turning to the Maquichees, Killbush continued his speech:--
"I remember you told me to pity you, and it is true I have pitied you,
my grand-children, the Shawanese.
"Now I tell you, my grand-children, it is very well you put me in mind of
my wise ancestors, who, out of pity, took you up and placed you before
them.
"My grand-children: The Maquichees, it is true, you have done no harm,
but I see some stains of blood upon you, which the mischief and folly of
some of your young men have occasioned. Now, my grand-children, I will
advise you how to be cleansed from your bloody stains; deliver to our
brother Maghingive Keeshuch all his flesh and blood which are prisoners
in your hands, and the horses you have stolen from the Americans. My
grand-children, when you have done this, you will then be clean; your
flesh and heart will be the same as mine, and I can again take you up and
set you down before me, as our wise chiefs formerly did.
"Now, my grand-children, I tell you that for several years past you have
been fraught with lies, which I am tired of hearing, and in future you
must tell me nothing but the truth.
"Now listen to me, my grand-children; you see how dreadful the day looks,
and how thick the clouds appear; don't imagine this day to be like that
on which you first came to your grandfathers. I tell you that I have
finished the chain of friendship. The thirteen United States and I are
one. I have already assisted my brother in taking the flesh of the
English and the Mingoes. You told me just now, that whatever I told you,
you would do; now I offer you the flesh of the English and Mingoes to
eat, and that is the only method I know of by which your lives may be
preserved, and you allowed to live in peace," (delivering them a
string of wampum and two scalps.) They received the string and scalps,
and said they were glad to know this; and, as they had before said,
whatever their grandfathers told them, they would do, so they told them
again on receiving the scalps. They said, "now, grandfathers, I am very
glad to hear what you have said; I have got in my hand what you say will
save my life," and immediately sang his war-song. The speaker, having
danced, delivered the scalps to the king, who likewise rose and sang the
war-song, and said; "Now, my grandfathers, although you have often sent
good speeches to the other tribes of the Shawanese nation, yet they would
not receive them, but still took up the tomahawk to strike your brothers.
I will now go and deliver them what I now have in my hands, which I
suppose they will receive."
These proceedings were closed by the following speech from one of the
Delawares to Colonel Brodhead:--
"Brother: We now let you know the result of our council respecting the
Maquichees.
"Brother: Listen. This is the way I have considered the matter, and if I
am mistaken I am very sorry for it Brother, let us both consider of it. I
thought when I looked in his eyes that he was sincere.
"Brother: I think the Maquichees are honest In former times they were the
best of the Shawanese nation. I think we may take them by the hand; and
you know you told me that any nation I took by the hand, you would also
receive."
The conference appears to have been satisfactory to Colonel Brodhead. But
if the Maquichee clan of the Shawanese preserved their fidelity, the main
body of the nation became none the less unfriendly by their means. And
although Colonel Brodhead had admonished them that he would not
countermand the orders to Colonel Clarke to strike them, it so happened
that the first and severest blow was struck by the Shawanese themselves.
It was but a short time after the closing of the council at Fort Pitt,
that a detachment of seventy men from the Kentucky district of Virginia,
under the command of Major Rodgers, was surprised while ascending the
Ohio, and nearly exterminated. The Kentuckians were drawn ashore by a
stratagem. At first a few Indians only appeared, standing upon a sand-bar
near the mouth of the Licking river, while a canoe, with three other
Indians, was paddling toward them as though to receive them on board.
Rodgers immediately put in to the Kentucky shore, and having made fast
his boats, went in pursuit. Only five or six Indians had been seen, and
Rodgers, presuming that the whole party would not probably exceed fifteen
or twenty at farthest, felt perfectly sure of an easy victory--having
seventy men, well armed and provided. Proceeding cautiously toward the
point where he supposed he should surround the enemy, and having adjusted
his movements with that design, at the very moment when he was preparing
to rush forward and secure them, he found himself with his whole force in
the midst of an ambuscade! The Indians rose in a cloud of hundreds on all
sides of him, and pouring in a close and deadly fire upon the Americans,
rushed upon the survivors tomahawk in hand. Major Rodgers, and forty-five
of his men were killed almost instantly. The residue ran for the boats,
but the guard of only five men who had been left in charge, had sought
security by putting off in one of them, while the Indians had already
anticipated the fugitives by taking possession of the others. The
possibility of retreat being thus cut off, the brave fellows now turned
furiously upon the enemy; and as night was approaching, after a sharp
fight for some time, a small number, aided by the darkness, succeeded in
effecting their escape to Harrodsburgh.
Among the wounded in this sharp and bloody encounter, who escaped both
death and captivity, were Captain Robert Benham, and another man, whose
cases, together, form a novel and romantic adventure. Benham was shot
through both hips, and the bones being shattered, he instantly fell.
Still, aided by the darkness, he succeeded in crawling among the thick
branches of a fallen tree, where he lay without molestation through the
night and during the following day, while the Indians, who had returned
for that purpose, were stripping the slain. He continued to lie close in
the place of his retreat until the second day, when, becoming hungry, and
observing a raccoon descending a tree, he managed to shoot it--hoping to
be able to strike a fire, and cook the animal. The crack of the rifle was
followed by a human cry, which at first startled the Captain; but the cry
being repeated, several times, the voice of a Kentuckian was at length
recognized; the call was returned; and the parties were soon together.
The man proved to be one of his comrades, who had lost both of his arms
in the battle. Never before did misery find more welcome company. One of
the parties could use his feet, and the other his hands. Benham, by
tearing up his own and his companion's shirts, dressed the wounds of both.
He could load his rifle and fire with readiness, and was thus enabled to
kill such game as approached, while his companion could roll the game
along upon the ground with his feet, and in the same manner collect wood
enough together to cook their meals. When thirsty, Benham could place his
hat in the teeth of his companion, who went to the Licking, and wading in
until he could stoop down and fill it, returned with a hat-full of water.
When the stock of squirrels, and other small game in their immediate
neighborhood, was exhausted, the man on his legs would roam away, and
drive up a flock of wild turkeys, then abundant in those parts, until
they came within the range of Benham's rifle. Thus they lived, helps meet
for each other, during the period of six weeks, when they discovered a
boat upon the Ohio, which took them off. Both recovered thoroughly from
their wounds. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Captain Benham afterward served with bravery in the Indian wars of
1789-94, sharing the disaster of St. Clair and the victory of Wayne. At
the close of the Revolution, he purchased the land whereon he was
wounded at the time of Rodgers's defeat, built a house there, and there
lived and died.
No other events of moment occurred in the region professedly embraced in
the present history, during the residue of the year 1779; and the progress
of the war in other parts of the Union had been marked with but few
signal actions. The active operations of this year between the British
forces proper and the Americans, had commenced in the south, to the
command of which section of the country General Lincoln had been assigned
at the close of 1778. The first occurrence was the surprise and defeat,
on the 3d of March, of General Ash, commanding a body of fifteen hundred
North Carolina militia, stationed at the confluence of Briar Creek, on the
Savannah river, by the British General Provost. There were about sixty
regular troops under General Ash, who fought well. But the militia, as
usual, threw away their arms and fled, with the exception of about three
hundred, who were either killed or taken. In May, General Provost
invested Charleston, but raised the siege on the approach of Lincoln upon
his rear. He at first retired to the island, but soon withdrew to
Savannah, where he was in turn besieged by Lincoln in October, on the
land side, and by the French fleet under the Count D'Estaing by water.
Repulsed in an injudicious assault, after much brave fighting by both
Americans and French, the fleet of the latter left the continent, and the
siege was raised--the militia flying to their homes, and General Lincoln
retiring to Charleston. In this assault, among other proud spirits, fell
the brave Polish Count Pulaski--who had signalized himself in his own
country by carrying off King Stanislaus from his capital, assisted by only
a party of associate Catholic conspirators. The only relief to this
disastrous affair, was the capture, by Colonel John White of Georgia, and
Captain Elholm, with four other men, of a British detachment of one
hundred men, forty sailors, and five armed vessels, at Ogechee, by a very
ingenious and efficacious stratagem. Kindling a large number of fires,
after the manner of an encampment, they summoned the British commander,
Captain French, to surrender, or they would cut his flotilla to pieces.
Supposing, by the lines of fires, that there was a greatly superior force
against them, the enemy surrendered at discretion.
In the middle and northern sections of the Union, the contest during the
Summer had assumed the character rather of a predatory warfare than of
regular campaigns. Sir George Collier and General Matthews made a
plundering expedition on the coast of Virginia, and after sacking Norfolk
and parts adjacent, returned to New-York with their booty. In July a
combined expedition by land and water was directed, under Sir George and
Governor Tryon, against Connecticut. New-Haven was taken and sacked.
Several houses in East Haven were burnt. Fairfield, Green's Farms, and
Norwalk, were likewise taken, plundered, and laid in ashes. The Americans,
consisting chiefly of militia, under General Lovell, made an attempt upon
a British post at Penobscot, which was commenced gallantly. But the
arrival of Sir George Collier's fleet, with reinforcements, obliged the
General to abandon the enterprise. These untoward events, however, were
relieved by Major Lee's surprise and capture of the British fort at
Paulus Hook, and by the still more brilliant affair of the capture of
Stony Point by General Wayne.