Lord STANLEY.--Gentlemen,--I need hardly say to you that I h_Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Vol. 67, No. 416, June 1850

listened to the observations so forcibly made by Mr. Layton with

very mingled feelings. I have listened to them with feelings of deep

gratitude for the kindness with which, in your present alarming

circumstances, you have expressed the confidence which you feel in

me; and at the same time with an earnest desire that you may find

that confidence not to have been misplaced, if not with regard to my

ability, at least with regard to my inclination to serve you. But

mixed with those feelings of personal gratification there cannot

but be others of a most painful character. (Hear.) Mr Layton has

truly observed that this delegation, and this move, is altogether

unparalleled in the history of the country. The agricultural interest

is not one that is generally quick to move, eager and ready to

combine, or disposed to agitate. (Hear, hear.) It is of all other

interests the most stable, the most peaceful, the least excitable;

and great indeed must have been the distress of all connected with

that interest--of landlords, of tenants, and of labourers--when it

has been such as to overcome the natural difficulties which stand

in the way of their combination, to excite so mighty a movement as

that which is now stirring the country from one end to the other,

and to create such a manifestation of opinion as I have read of as

displayed in your proceedings the other day, and as I see embodied

in the deputation whom I have now the honour to address. But,

lamentable as have been the consequences of a mistaken and an insane

policy, they are not greater than those which, when that policy was

first proposed, I fearfully and anxiously anticipated. (Hear, hear.)

So far, at least, I may claim, I hope, some justification for the

confidence which you have been pleased to repose in me; for from the

first I have never entertained a doubt of the melancholy results

that would flow from that policy; and being convinced that that

policy was alike unwise and unjust, my part was taken at once. (Hear,

hear.) Office, and everything that is gratifying to a public man, was

abandoned without hesitation; and to that policy I declared then, as

to that policy I repeat my declaration now, that I would not, and

I will not be a party. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the anticipations

of those who opposed the repeal of the corn laws have been fully

accomplished, whilst the predictions of those who justified that

repeal, and the arguments by which they sought to vindicate that

repeal, have been falsified by the test of experience. (Hear, hear.)

Importations of foreign produce have increased to the full amount

that we anticipated they would do under the system of free trade.

Prices have fallen to the full amount, and to a greater amount, than

we ventured to predict, and for predicting which our apprehensions

were ridiculed as exaggerated and absurd. The distress has gone on

increasing. That distress is still increasing. That distress is

pressing upon every portion of the community; and it is the most

lamentable part of this case that I feel convinced--and here I must

speak to you frankly and plainly--that the reversal of that policy

can only be obtained at the expense of still greater suffering on the

part of still more extended interests. (Hear.) Mr Layton has stated

that we have been taunted in the House of Commons, and taunted in

the House of Lords, with bringing forward no specific measure, and

asking for no decision by parliament on the merits of this question.

Gentlemen, the taunt proceeds from our political opponents, and the

advice implied in the taunt being the advice of an enemy, I must

take the liberty of regarding it in that light, and not looking

upon it as most likely to forward the objects and to be productive

of the results which we desire. (Hear, hear.) Firmly adhering to

the principle of protection--going along with the resolutions which

have been read by Mr Layton--believing that a return to a system of

reasonable import duties is indispensable to the prosperity of this

country--not accepting the experiment which has been tried as an

accomplished fact--not acquiescing in that policy, and determined

to do all in my power to reverse it, I in the House of Lords, and

my friends in the House of Commons, must be guided as to the course

which is most likely to attain our ends in the several assemblies

which we have to address, by our own knowledge of the dispositions

of the bodies with which we have to deal. I know there are those who

say we are slack, that we are not bringing forward measures, nor

asking for the decision of the Houses of Parliament. Take the House

of Commons to begin with. If we bring forward a distinct proposition,

embodying our own principles, what have we to expect from the present

House of Commons? Have we to expect--can we believe that that House

of Commons, which has sanctioned the free-trade measures of the

Government, will stultify itself by reversing its own decision, and

pronouncing against the policy which it has approved? (Hear, hear.)

If it will not, and still more, if there be some who, agreeing

with us, but doubting the policy of bringing forward the question,

would desert our ranks, and if the result of raising the question

in the House of Commons would be to show an apparently diminishing

minority for us, and an apparently increasing majority against us, I

ask what advantage have we gained for our cause within the walls of

parliament, and what encouragement have we given to our friends out

of doors? (Hear, hear.) You and we have different parts to play. I

rejoice to see the energy, I rejoice to see the zeal, I rejoice to

see the courage and the perseverance with which the agricultural body

of England are exerting themselves, and that throughout the length

and breadth of the land, in every corner, in every agricultural

district--ay, and in the great towns they are working upon public

opinion, and compelling the country to look this question in the

face, and to judge of the effects which have resulted from our

present course. You ask me for advice. I say, Go on, and God prosper

you. (Hear, hear.) Do not tire, do not hesitate, do not falter in

your course. Maintain the language of strict loyalty to the Crown

and obedience to the laws. Do not listen to rash and intemperate

advisers, who would urge you to have recourse to unwise and disloyal

threats. But with a spirit of unbroken and unshaken loyalty to the

Crown, and with a spirit of unswerving obedience to the laws, combine

in a determined resolution by all constitutional means to obtain

your rights, and to enforce upon those who now misrepresent you the

duty of really representing your sentiments and supporting you in

Parliament. (Loud cheering.) It is not in the House of Lords--it

is not in the House of Commons--it is in the country at large that

your battle must be fought, and your triumph must be achieved.

(Hear, hear.) You have the game in your own hands. You may compel

your present members--or, at least, you may point out to them the

necessary, the lamentable consequences to themselves of persisting

in their present courses; and when the time shall come you will have

it in your own power, by the return of men who really represent

your sentiments, to exercise your constitutional influence over the

legislature of the country, and to enforce your just demands in

another House of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) If, as I said before, it

be unwise in my judgment to bring forward a definite proposition in

accordance with our own views, as a party question in the House of

Commons--I say that, looking at the constitution and character of the

House of Lords, it is more unwise still to bring it forward there.

Remember that the House of Lords is not like the House of Commons,

a fluctuating body, of which one class of representatives may at a

general election be replaced by another. The House of Lords is a

permanent body, composed for the most part of men advanced in years,

exercising their judgment--their independent judgment I will hope,

though I won't say I speak confidently (hear, and a laugh)--cautious

in coming to a decision, but still more cautious and naturally

reluctant to reverse that decision when they have once formed it.

At present I lament to say--and there is no use in concealing the

fact--we are in a minority in the House of Commons; we are also in

a minority in the House of Lords. How then are we to change that

minority into a majority? In the House of Commons you have it in

your own hands. Through the House of Commons and through the country

you may act--not perhaps as speedily or as quickly as you or I might

desire; but depend upon it that, when by a general election, or by

individual elections as they occur, you have produced an effect upon

the judgment and the votes of the House of Commons, the opinion of

the country, as represented in the House of Commons, will never be

lost upon the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) The House of Lords, I do

not doubt, many of them most unwillingly, gave their assent to the

fatal measure which came up recommended by the Commons. I did all

in my humble power to prevent their coming to that decision; but I

failed in doing so. I should fail still more signally if, the House

of Lords having come to that decision, I were to bring forward week

after week, or even month after month, specific motions for reversing

the decision to which they had so come. (Hear). Men are slow to come

forward and confess that they have been mistaken, and, confessing

that they have been mistaken, reverse the votes they previously

gave; and if I compelled the House of Lords to pronounce a judgment

upon the merits of the question month after month, or week after

week, every vote given by those--and they are not a few--who have

increasing doubts and misgivings, but are not fully convinced as to

the mischievous result of the experiment, pledges them anew to the

position which they originally took up, and adds to the difficulty

of overcoming the present majority. The view which I have taken,

and in which I am supported by those of the wisest and soundest

judgment with whom I am in the habit of consulting, is not to meet

this question by direct motions in the House of Lords for a reversal

of this policy, but never to lose an opportunity of showing, if

need be, week after week, the progressive effects of the experiment

which is now going on. Now, observe, since last year--I will not say

since last year, but since the commencement of the present session

of Parliament--there has been a material change in the language of

the Government. They who a short time ago advocated a reversal of

this policy, or even doubted the finality of its adoption, were

either scouted as madmen or ridiculed as fanatics. But we now hear

the Marquis of Lansdowne, in the House of Lords, and the Chancellor

of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons, speaking of this policy

as "an experiment"--as an experiment in course of progress--and no

longer as an act that has been decided, and therefore irreversible.

They admit, moreover, that prices are low--lower than they expected;

and it is admitted also by the Government, not simply that Free

Trade has produced low prices, but lower prices than they had ever

intended, and they apologise for this effect, which, upon the

principles of Free Trade, ought to have been the triumph of their

policy. (Hear). Well, then, we have brought them to admit that it is

an experiment--we have brought them to admit that this cheapness is

not what they intended or desired--we have brought them to apologise

for its existence, as an exceptional and temporary state of things,

and not attributable to their experiments. And step by step, if it

is not the quickest, it is at least the soundest, policy; we shall

have first this man and then that man saying, "The experiment has

been tried long enough." "I am satisfied that it has not answered

the intended purpose." "I think something must be done." "Really

matters are become alarming." And gradually, in that manner, and

in that manner only, shall we, in a permanent body like the House

of Lords, convert a minority against Free Trade into a majority in

favour of our protective principles. (Hear). That is the course which

I have felt it to be my duty to pursue during the present session

of Parliament. That is the course which--not taking the advice of

our opponents--I shall continue to pursue. Constantly we shall bring

before them the results of their experiment. I hold in my hand at

this moment a paper, which I received only this morning, and which

was moved for by my noble friend the Earl of Malmesbury this session,

in order to controvert an assertion of the Government, that at

present prices the foreigner could not by possibility import, that

present prices would not pay for the importation, and that we should

therefore see a rapid and great diminution of the imports of foreign

corn. That was the language which they held so late as the month of

January last. I have heard several persons say that February or March

would show an improvement in prices. We waited till February and

March were past, and at my suggestion the Earl of Malmesbury moved in

April for a return, showing the weekly price of wheat in the British

markets, and the quantity of corn imported from abroad during each

week in the present year. The result is, that, so far from indicating

a falling-off in imports, or a rise in price, this return shows that

the prices have fallen from 40s. on the 5th day of January, to 37s.

10d. on the 20th of April; whilst the imports have increased from

36,000 quarters of wheat in the second week of January, to 118,000

quarters of wheat, exclusive of flour, in the week ending the 17th

of April. And the total amount of imports, in little more than three

months, with an average price of from 37s. to 38s. a quarter, has not

been far short of 1,000,000 quarters of corn, converting the flour

into quarters at the ordinary rate. By the production of this paper

before the House of Lords, we disprove the assertions of those who

tell us that we have no reason to be alarmed at the course which the

experiment is taking, or that at all events we have not sufficient

grounds to call on Parliament to put an end to it. And in this course

of practical argument from facts as they occur we mean to persevere.

I know that this is a policy which is wearisome in its nature. (Hear,

hear). I know that "Hope deferred maketh the heart sick." I know that

there must be increasing distress. I know that every month and every

week that this fearful experiment is in progress the dangers and the

difficulties are increasing. But how, with the present constitution

of Parliament--how, with the present constitution of the House of

Lords--how, with the present constitution of the House of Commons,

with the best desire to serve you, with the most earnest and anxious

wish to promote your interests--how can we take any step which shall

more rapidly force conviction upon the minds of those whom it is

necessary to convince before we can attain our ends? (Hear, hear.)

I say again, do not complain of our apathy. Believe that we have no

such feeling. Believe that we deeply sympathise with the misfortunes

of those with whom we are bound up by so many ties; in whom all our

interests--not to say our affections, are centred; and if we appear

to be less speedy and energetic in the House of Lords and the House

of Commons than you would desire us to appear to be, believe that it

is not from indifference--believe that it is from a well-calculated

policy, and a deliberate adoption of the course by which alone we may

attain the object which you and we desire. (Hear, hear.) If you ask

my advice, I say persevere in the course you have adopted. Agitate

the country from one end to the other. Continue to call meetings

in every direction. Do not fear, do not flinch from discussion. By

all means accept the offer of holding a meeting in that magnificent

building at Liverpool; and in our greatest commercial towns show

that there is a feeling in regard to the result of our so-called

Free Trade widely different from that which was anticipated by the

Free-traders, and from that which did prevail only a few years ago.

(Hear, hear). Your efforts may not be so soon crowned with success

as you hope; but depend upon it, let us stand hand to hand firmly

together; let the landlord, the tenant, and the labourer--ay, and

the country shopkeeper--ay, before long, the manufacturer himself,

be called on to show and to prove what the effects of this experiment

are,--and as sure as we stand together, temperately but firmly

determined to assert our rights, so certainly, at the expense, it

may be, of intense suffering, and perhaps of ruin to many--of ruin

which, God knows, if I could avert I would omit no effort for that

purpose--but ultimately, certainly and securely we shall attain our

object, and recede from that insane policy which has been pursued

during the last few years. (Hear, hear). I have now only to return

you my most grateful thanks for the compliment you have paid me

in wishing me to receive this deputation. I have heard with the

liveliest interest the statements of Mr Layton. If in any part of

the country--for now through you I address every district--if there

be but one district in which a suspicion is entertained that I am

flinching from, or hesitating in my advocacy of, those principles

on which I stood in conjunction with my late deeply-lamented friend

Lord George Bentinck, I authorise you--one and all of you--to assure

those whom you represent, that in me they will find no hesitation,

no flinching, and no change of opinion; that, attached as I have

ever been to the principle of Protection, that attachment remains

unchanged; and I only look for the moment when it may be possible for

us to use the memorable words of the Duke of Wellington on the field

of Waterloo, and to say, "Up, Guards, and at them!" (Loud cheers.)

Mr PAUL FOSKETT.--My Lord Stanley, I know I speak the universal

sentiments of the delegates who have attended our meetings this

week, when I say that the address you have just delivered to

us has penetrated our heart of hearts, and has made us feel

that under your leadership our triumph is secure. (Cheers.) We

shall now return to our several homes, and "agitate," "agitate,"

"agitate," until our object is attained. (Hear, hear.)

After a few observations from Mr Newdegate, Mr Box, (of

Buckinghamshire,) and Mr Malins, (of Derbyshire,)

Mr LAYTON expressed the gratification he experienced at the

result of the interview with Lord Stanley. They might all take

comfort that they had such a leader and friend; and on the part

of the delegation and the tenantry and labourers of the land, he

begged to convey to his lordship his unqualified admiration and

thanks for the manner in which he had received the deputation,

and for the encouragement and hope he had held out to the

various suffering interests of the country. (Hear, hear.)

Lord STANLEY in taking leave of the deputation, hoped that on

their return to their several localities their efforts would be

crowned with success. They might depend upon it, that whilst

they kept up the pressure from without, if they would authorise

him, he would not fail to keep up the pressure within.

The deputation then took their leave; and upon re-assembling at

the King's Arms,

Mr LAYTON briefly reported the reception which had been given to

them by Lord Stanley; and amidst the enthusiastic cheering of

the audience, the following resolution was unanimously adopted:--

"That this meeting cannot separate without recording their

grateful acknowledgments to Lord Stanly for the courteous and

satisfactory reception he has afforded them this day, and their

high gratification at the encouraging approval he has expressed

of the steps they are taking; and they beg his lordship will

receive the assurance of their perfect confidence in his

powerful and talented advocacy of the cause of Protection in the

House of Lords.

"That a copy of this resolution be transmitted to Lord Stanley."

It was also resolved,--

"That it is the opinion of the delegates now assembled in

London, that a meeting in Liverpool, on as early a day as

practicable, is highly desirable; and the delegates now present

pledge themselves to support such meeting by personal attendance

as far as practicable.

"And that as circumstances may occur, either during the present

session of Parliament or after a prorogation, which may render

it necessary for the delegates to reassemble in London, this

meeting of delegates be at its rising adjourned till again

summoned by the committee of the National Association, to which

summons they will be ready instantly to respond; and that in

such case, this meeting considers that one delegate at least for

each district should attend the meeting."

After the transaction of some routine business, the meeting

separated.

INDEX TO VOL. LXVII.

Aberdeen, lord, on the Greek constitution, 528.

Aberdeen, state of the shipping interest at, 356.

Aberdeen Journal, on "British Agriculture, &c," Appendix, 34.

Aberdeenshire, statistics of farming in, 113.

Actress, social position of the, 695.

Agricultural depreciation, amount of, 615

--depression, continued, 382

--its influence on commerce, 385

--interest, magnitude of the, 241

--labourers, state of the, 366

--question, not a landlords' one, 382.

AGRICULTURE, COMMERCE, AND MANUFACTURES, 347

--opening of the session, _ib._

--prospects of financial reform, _ib._

--the Royal speech, _ib._

--speeches on the address, 348

--debate in the commons, 349

--probable prices in future, 351

--failure of free trade prophecies, 353

--state of the shipping interest, 355

--G. F. Young on it, 359

--state of manufactures, 361

--value of the home and foreign markets, 363

--state of various manufactures, 365

--of the agricultural labourers, 366

--comparative value of agriculture and manufactures, 368

--imports and exports, 1845 and 1849, 370

--alleged increase of bullion, and its causes, 372

--general conclusions, 373

--influence of the depreciation of land on life assurance, 374.

Agriculture, British, _see_ British Agriculture

--state of, in Greece, 532

--and manufactures, comparative values of, 368.

Agriculturists, contrast between, and the manufacturers, 132.

AGRIPPA D'AUBIGNÉ AND MADAME DE MAINTENON, 174.

Aikin's Life of Howard, remarks on, 52.

Alfieri and Shakspeare, contrast between, 636.

Algeria, sketches in, 292.

ALISON'S POLITICAL ESSAYS, 605.

Allnatt, Mr J. J., at the protection meeting, 763.

Allston, Washington, 198.

America, importation of beef, &c. from, and its prices, 129.

AMERICAN ADVENTURE, 34.

Americans, the, in Mexico, 42.

Annexation movement in Canada, the, 266.

Anton, prophecies of, 566.

Appin, state of the cattle trade in, 240.

Argyleshire, state of the cattle trade in, 237 _et seq._

Armansperg, count, government of Greece by, 527.

Army, state of the, in Greece, 532

--treachery of the, in France, 618.

Artistic biography, scarcity of true, 192.

Asem, Goldsmith's tale of, 299.

Athens, sketches at, 681.

Aubigné, Agrippa d', sketch of the life of, 174.

Auchness system of farming, on the, 105, 453.

Austria, reaction in, 3

--want of moral firmness in the government of, 4

--war of races and fidelity of the army in, 7

--danger to Europe from its dismemberment, 9.

Autobiographies, on, 192.

Aytoun, Professor, at the protection meeting, 759.

BAILEY'S FESTUS, review of, 415.

Ball, Mr E., at the protection meeting, 755.

Ballot, abuses of the, in Greece, 536.

BARBARIAN RAMBLES, 281.

Barbour & Co., Trade circular of, 600.

Bath, the Turkish, 294.

Bath Chronicle, the, on "British Agriculture, &c." Appendix, 37.

Beaucarde the singer, 698.

Beef, importation, &c. of, 128 _et seq._

Belletti the singer, 699.

Bentinck, lord George, 617.

Berthier, sketches of, 574.

Berwick Warder, the, on "British Agriculture, &c." Appendix, 40.

Beykirch, Th., Prophetic voices by, 561.

Birch-tree, battle of the, prophecies of the, 563, 565, 567,

568, 569.

Bird the painter, 196.

Birmingham, state of manufactures in, 365.

Boddington, Mr G., at the protection meeting, 766.

Booker, T. W., at the protection meeting, 749.

Boston, state of the shipping interest at, 356.

Boston Atlas, the, on Canada, 257.

Brandenburg, prophecies regarding, 561.

Bricks, proposed abolition of the duty on, 513.

BRITAIN'S PROSPERITY, a new song, 389.

BRITISH AGRICULTURE AND FOREIGN COMPETITION. No. I., 94

--Peel on the lowest remunerating price of wheat, _ib._

--Ducie and Kinnaird on high farming, 95

--and Caird, 97, 104

--quantities of grain available for importation, 99

--prices of grain abroad, 100

--expense of freight, &c. 103

--the Auchness system of farming, 105

--returns from various farmers, of produce, expenses, &c. under

protection and free trade, 107 _et seq._

--remarks on these, 119

--policy urged by Cobden, &c. 120

--The Times on Agricultural prospects, 121

--answer to the arguments founded on rise of rents, 122

--on Mr W. E. Gladstone's speech at Fettercairn, 124

--inconsistencies of the Free-traders, 127, 131

--effects of free trade on live stock, 128

--and on the provision trade, 129

--one-sidedness of recent legislation, 130

--contrast between the manufacturers and agriculturists, 132

--concluding remarks, 135.

No. II. Reply to the Times on former article, 222

--letter from Mr Watson in answer to it, _ib. et seq._

--reply to the Morning Chronicle, 225

--comparative rates of rent in England and Scotland, 226

--inability of high farming to contend against free trade, 227

--increase of cultivation on the Continent, 228

--probable future prices, 229

--Continental prices, &c. 230

--importations from Moldavia, 231

--on professor Low's Appeal, 232

--cost of raising wheat, &c. in the United States, _ib._

--Peel's letter to his tenantry, 233

--reply to it, 235

--effects of free trade on live stock, 237

--increased burden of taxation, 241

--present tactics of the Free-traders, 242

--Lord Drumlanrig's letter, 243

--state of the cotton manufactures, 247

--The newspaper press on No. I. Appendix.

Britannia, the, on "British Agriculture, &c." Appendix, 17.

Broad, W., letter from, on farming statistics, 111.

Brown, Peter, letter from, on farming statistics, 112.

Brown's life of Howard, on, 52.

Buckland, Dr, on Agriculture, &c. 95.

Budget, the, 513.

Bullion, alleged increase of, and its causes, 372.

Burke, eulogy on Howard by, 63

--and Goldsmith, anecdote of, 142.

Burn, Mr, statistics, &c. of the cotton trade by, 595.

BURN'S HIGHLAND MARY, to, 309.

Cadiz, Urquhart's account of, 282.

Caernarvon, state of the shipping interest at, 356.

Caird's High farming, on, 97, 104.

CAIRD'S HIGH FARMING HARROWED, 447.

Caldecott, Mr W., at the protection meeting, 765.

California, sketches in, 35

--conduct of the United States toward, 263.

Calzolari the singer, 698.

Camel, the, 683.

CANADAS, CIVIL REVOLUTION IN THE, 249

--geographical sketch, &c. of the, 259.

CANADIAN LOYALTY, an ode, 345.

Canning, sir Stratford, sent to Greece, 531.

CARLYLE'S LATTER-DAY PAMPHLETS, review of, 641.

CASH AND PEDIGREE, 431.

Cassio, on the character of, 483.

CATO THE CENSOR, CAIRD'S HIGH FARMING HARROWED BY, 447.

Cattle, importations, &c. of, 128

--effects of free trade on the rearing of, 237.

Cervi, the island of, case regarding, 538.

Charles Albert, the final overthrow of, 3.

Chartists, overthrow of the, 3.

Cheltenham Chronicle, the, on "British Agriculture, &c."

Appendix, 79.

Chester Courant, the, on "British Agriculture, &c." Appendix, 35.

Cheyne, Mr, on the cattle trade in Argyle, 239.

Chouler, Mr W., at the protection meeting, 752.

Christopher under Canvass, No. VI., 481

--No. VII., 622.

Citizen of the World, publication of the, 149

--notices of the, 296, 298, 306.

CIVIL REVOLUTION IN THE CANADAS, 249.

CLEARING OF THE GLENS, THE, 475.

Cobbett, anticipation of, as to the effects of free trade, 519.

Cobden, inconsistencies of, 131

--on the effects of free trade, 353.

Coblenz, prophecy regarding, 567.

Cocoa, diminished consumption of, 385.

Coffee, diminished consumption of, 386.

Coleridge, S. T., on the character of Iago, 482

--on Othello, 484

--criticism on, 623, 624.

Coletti, Greek minister, 527, 530.

COLLINS, WILLIAM, R.A., MEMOIR of, 192.

Cologne cathedral and city, prophecies regarding, 564, 567.

Colonial government, new system of, announced by ministers, 377.

Colonial policy, Carlyle on, 655.

Colonies, recent legislation toward the, and its effects, 249

--general discontent in, 380.

Commerce, reaction of Agricultural distress on, 385

--depressed state of, as shown by the trade circulars, 589

_et seq._

Commons, speeches in, on the address, 349.

Conservatives, conduct of the, in regard to the Reform Bill, 608.

CONSTANTINOPLE, A MONTH AT, 679.

Constitutionalism, failure of, in Greece, 534.

Cork, state of the shipping interest at, 356.

Corn Laws, their repeal foreseen by Mr Alison, 609

--his anticipations as to its effects, 610.

Cotton trade and manufactures, statistics relating to the, 247, 361,

385, 590, 595, 597.

COURT MARTIAL, A LATE CASE OF, 269.

Cultivation, state of, in Greece, 532, 533.

Currency bill, effects of the, 520.

Currency system, Alison on the effects of the changes in, 614.

Δ. THE DARK WAGGON, by, 71.

Daily News, the, on Canada, 253.

Dantzic, prices of wheat at, 231, 232.

DARK WAGGON, THE, by ΔΔ., 71.

Day, Mr, exposure of Cobden by, 131.

Denmark, price of wheat in, 102.

Derby Mercury, on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 30.

Deserted village, notices of the, 298, 304.

Dies Boreales, No. VI., 481

--on the character of Iago, _ib._

--on Othello, 483

--on the question as to his being a negro, 485

--opposite characteristics shown in him, 486

--majesty of his character, 487

--impression left by the tragedy, 488

--the time of the tragedy, 489 _et seq._

--proof of short time, _ib._

--of long, 498

--attempt to show mixed, 506

--No. VII., 622

--errors of poets in delineating nature, 623 _et seq._

--Othello continued, 626

--on the Greek tragedy, 636.

Direct taxes, amount of, repealed since the peace, 517.

Dixon's life of Howard, review of, 50.

Dogs of Constantinople, the, 684.

Doncaster Chronicle, the, on "British Agriculture, &c.,"

Appendix, 40.

Dorset County Chronicle, the, on "British Agriculture, &c.,"

Appendix, 84.

Doubleday, Mr, anticipations of, as to the effects of free

trade, 245.

Douglas, captain, the case of, 269.

Drama, causes of the decline of the, 689.

Drogheda, state of the shipping interest at, 357.

Drumlanrig, lord, letter to his tenantry by, 243.

Dublin Mail, the, on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 29.

Dublin Press, the, on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 28.

Duclos, anecdotes of Louis XIV. by, 188, 190.

Dudgeon, Mr, statistics of farming produce, expenses, &c., by, 108

--letter from, to the editor of the Kelso Chronicle,

Appendix, 104.

Dumfries Herald, the, on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 51.

DUMAS' LE VELOCE, REVIEW OF, 281.

Dundee, statistics of the provision trade from, 129.

Dundee Courier, the, on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 51, 53

--letter to, by Justitia, Appendix, 93.

DWARF AND THE OAK TREE, THE, 411.

Eastlake, Mr, and the National Gallery, 205.

Economist, the, on the Cotton manufacture, 247

--on the state of the cotton trade, 362

--on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 88, 89, 99, 109

--answer of Mr Watson to it, 103

--and of the editor, 118.

Edinburgh Advertiser on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 25.

Edinburgh Evening Courant on "British Agriculture, &c.,"

Appendix, 66.

Edinburgh Evening Post on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 24.

Edinburghshire, statistics of farming, &c. in, 116, 117.

Eddowes' Worcester Journal on "British Agriculture, &c.,"

Appendix, 79.

Eglinton, the Earl of, at the protection meeting, 768.

Election, system of, in Greece, 535.

Emancipation, Carlyle on, 655.

Emigration, increase of, from the Highlands and Islands, 239, 240

--statistics &c. of, from Liverpool, 592.

Emilia, on the character of, 504.

England, rates of rent &c. in, compared with Scotland, 226

--statistics of cotton spinning, &c. in, 595 _et seq._

Essex, the earl of, speech of, on the address, 348.

Europe, general reaction against revolution in, 2 _et seq._

--increase of grain cultivation in, 228.

Exeter Gazette, the, on "British Agriculture, &c.," Appendix, 85.

Exports, 1845 and 1849, comparison of, 370

--the alleged increase in, examination of it, 383.

FAREWELL TO NAPLES, A, 279.

Farming, statistics of, under protection and free trade, 107 _et seq._

Faust, observations on the, 415.

Felix Farley's Bristol Journal, on "British Agriculture, &c.,"

Appendix, 44.

FESTUS, 415.

FEZENSAC, M. DE, his journal of the Russian campaign reviewed, 573.

Fiars, the Scotch, 382.

Fig packing at Smyrna, 683.

Finances, the French, effects of the Revolution on, 12.

Financial reform, prospects of, 347.

Ford's Spain, remarks on, 281.

Forster's life of Goldsmith, remarks on, 139, 140.

Fothergill, C., sketches of the Canadas by, 259.

France, reaction in, 2, 3

--variety of interests assailed in, by the Revolution, 11

--effects of it on the finances of, 12

--prophecy regarding, 563, 564.

Lord STANLEY.--Gentlemen,--I need hardly say to you that I have