the resolution, said he should not waste their time by offering any
apologies for his unfitness to address them upon that occasion. He
had come forward to state facts, and he should at once proceed to
discharge that duty to the best of his ability. He should first
of all advert to the state of the labourers in his own immediate
neighbourhood. He could state that the wages of those labourers
had of late been reduced nominally from 12s. to 10s., and in some
parts of the county to 9s. a-week; while the real reduction was
much greater, because, in consequence of the depressed condition
of their employers, they had been deprived of that piece-work
by which they had formerly earned a further sum of 1s. or 2s.
a-week. Since he had come to London he had received a statement of
the condition of the labourers in a part of Leicestershire which
adjoined South Nottinghamshire, and from that statement he found
that during the winter there had been many unemployed labourers
in that district; and that latterly, even at the approach of the
spring-time, eight of those labourers had been going about begging.
They had not asked, however, for alms, but for employment, by which
they could have obtained an honest livelihood for themselves and
their families. (Hear, hear.) Now, he appealed to every one whom he
was addressing, whether a cultivator of the soil could be placed
in a more heartrending situation than when he found himself unable
to afford employment to an honest and industrious, but necessitous
labourer? But, feeling dissatisfied with things at home, he had taken
some trouble to ascertain how the labourers are situated in other
districts with which he had no immediate connexion. As a matter
of course, he had thought that the place in which he might expect
to find perfection was the estate of Sir Robert Peel. (Loud cries
of "hear, hear," jeers, and laughter.) He had read the document
issued some time since by Sir Robert Peel to his tenantry, and
through his tenantry to the country at large; and from the wording
of that document he had been led to suppose that in the parish of
Kingsbury, the property of Sir Robert Peel, the labourers were fully
employed, well housed, and well fed. But he would tell them what
he had seen there only a few days ago. The parish of Kingsbury was
an extensive one, and the farms there were large, for that part of
the country, as they varied from 300 to 400 acres. But instead of
the labourers in Kingsbury being lodged in comfortable cottages, he
found scarcely any labourers' cottages upon the estate. There were
no small holdings, no cottage allotments in the parish; and he had
been told that the labourers employed in it resided at a distance
of two or three miles from the place. The fact was, that for some
years a system had been carried on in that parish for reducing the
number of its agricultural labourers, (hear, hear,) and removing the
poor off the property. He confessed he only wondered that the "Times
Commissioner" had not been down there (hear, and laughter,) to tell
the tenantry how much of the physical force of the labourer was lost
by living so far from his work. But he had found worse than that.
He had found that English labourers were being gradually displaced
by low-priced Irish labourers. He had found that the tenants of Sir
Robert Peel had been employing during the winter, is well as during
the summer, six or eight Irish labourers each, to whom they paid
little or no money wages. (Cries of "shame.") Now he should not have
thought much about that if he had found that the Irish labourers were
prospering, as they are British subjects; but he had seen them in a
very wretched condition, to which the English labourers also were
being rapidly reduced. The Irish there have no house to live in, no
bed to lie on, or fire to go to, but lay on straw in an outhouse;
therefore this system has this tendency,--to depress the English
labourer to the Irish or Continental level, without elevating the
other. He would pass, however, from the parish of Kingsbury to a
district represented by another lion of the day. (A laugh.) They
would recollect that Mr C. Villiers, the member for Wolverhampton,
had stated at the commencement of the session that there had been
L.91,000,000 a-year saved to the country by the fall in prices
which had followed the adoption of the free-trade policy. Now it
had occurred to him that the constituents of Mr Villiers must have
obtained a pretty good share of that sum. But he had found that in
Wolverhampton the poor-rates had been gradually increasing during the
last eight or ten years. It appeared that, during the twelve months
ending in March 1842, the poor-rates in the union of Wolverhampton
had not amounted to half the sum which they had reached during the
twelve months ending in March 1850. It further appeared that in the
year ending March 25, 1849, they had amounted to only L.10,007, while
in the year ending March 25, 1850, they had amounted to L.11,625. He
had mentioned these facts for the purpose of showing that the people
of Wolverhampton had derived no advantage from the supposed saving of
L.91,000,000 a-year effected by the adoption of a free-trade policy.
But he said, without fear of contradiction, that no such saving had
been made. He admitted that that sum had been lost to one class in
this country (hear, hear,) but he denied that it had been gained by
any other. (Cheers and laughter.) Lord John Russell said last Friday
night week, that if Mr Henley brought forward a direct motion in
favour of protection, he should be prepared to show that the great
mass of the people were in possession of as great comforts as they
ever had been. Now this was three months after the country had been
said to have been the gainer of L.91,000,000 a-year, and yet all that
Lord John Russell could say was that the people were in "as good"
a position as ever they were. He would admit, if necessary, that
this sum had been lost to one class, but it had not been gained by
another. He should not be so much dissatisfied if the farmers had
lost it, if only some other class had gained it. But the farmers
had lost it and no one in this country had gained it. (Cheers.)
Two-thirds of the people of this country were engaged in agricultural
pursuits, and could any policy, he would ask, be more suicidal than
to deprive them of L.91,000,000 a-year, without conferring any
benefit on the remaining one-third of the population? (Hear, hear.)
He had no hesitation in saying that the agriculturists, as a body,
had never been in a worse position than that in which they were at
present placed. He felt convinced that, if the existing prices for
agricultural produce were to continue much longer, the tenant-farmers
would be wholly unable to afford full employment to labourers; great
efforts had been made last winter to employ the labourers; and when
parliament met we were told, because we had employed them, that there
was no distress. But if the class of able-bodied labourers were
offered no alternative but to perish from destitution or to enter the
workhouse, he had no hesitation in saying that this country would
soon be reduced to a state which he should be most sorry to witness.
Already the agricultural labourers talked of combinations; and
although the farmers might be able to stem the torrent by affording
them employment until the termination of the harvest, he could not
help anticipating the most serious perils after that period. The
labourers did not blame the farmers for their condition, for they
were well aware that the farmers had not the means for affording them
employment; and under those circumstances, could it be expected that
the farmers would mount their horses for the purpose of opposing
the just demands of their humbler fellow-countrymen? (Hear, hear.)
If a man was willing and able to work in this country, he had a
right to have the means of living in comfort in it. (Hear, hear.)
Mr Cobden had said what he would do if a system of protection were
re-established, and what would then become of the landlords. But I
will say openly and publicly, that if the landlords will stick to us,
we will stick to them. (Loud and enthusiastic cheers.) But I will go
further than that--I have not yet quite finished the subject. We own
nine-tenths of the horses of the kingdom, and we have the men to ride
upon them. (Vociferous cheering.) And we go further still: we will
support the Crown as well as the landlords. (Cheers.) Her Majesty
need not fear, if she turn her back upon the towns, that she will
not be supported. Protected ourselves, we will protect her against
all assailants. (Loud cheers.) Mr Chouler then proceeded to say
that, in his opinion, it matters not what prices were, provided all
interests were placed upon the same footing. But if one interest were
reduced below another, if employment were lessened whilst taxation
was kept up, if more money left the country than came into it, the
result must be beggary. (Cries of "Hear," and "Now for the rents.")
He would come to that directly; but first stop a bit. (Laughter.) He
had not quite done yet, (cheers;) but would mention to them the case
of a tenant-farmer who had applied to him for advice as to what he
should do under his present circumstances. This gentleman occupied
three farms, had a large family, and employed a good deal of capital.
The ages of his children varied from 24 to 9. He stated that his
wheat wanted hoeing, and that he had no money to do it with; that
he intended to have placed his family on the farms, but that if he
were to do so they could not live. What could he do with them? Some
of them were too old to be put to trades, and then, if he were to
take out his capital, all his dead stock would go almost for nothing.
He (Mr Chouler) knew he could not do anything for him. The man was
a good cultivator, in good circumstances, and that was the case of
hundreds and thousands of tenant-farmers. (Hear, hear.) Rent had
been alluded to by some one just now. He had always regarded rent
as a private bargain between two individuals. He did not come there
to find fault with either his own landlord or the landlord class
generally, because, as a class, he had seen them act as the very
best friends of the people. But he did think that in this particular
movement, latterly, they had left it almost entirely not only to
the tenants to do the work--that he should not care anything about;
but to defray all the expenses. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, if the
tenant-farmer could not cultivate his land properly, his labourers
and himself would get worse off, and he would be in a worse position
to pay his rent, his tithes, and his taxes; and if no tithes and rent
were paid, how are the clergy and aristocracy to pay their taxes and
servants? (Cheers.) With regard to taxes, he would ask, was there a
class of men in any other country who produced an article that was
taxed from 75 to 100 per cent, before they could use it themselves?
for that was the case with the malt-tax in this country at the
present moment. (Cheers.) Sir Robert Peel had told them that the food
of the labouring man should be free from taxation; but what was the
fact? Why, he held in his hand a list of no less than 15 articles,
all of which were eatables or drinkables, and necessaries to the
poor man, which had to pay taxes at this moment. They were--butter,
cheese, cocoa, coffee, corn and meal, eggs, fruits, hams, rice,
spices, spirits, sugar, refined ditto, molasses, and tea; and they
produced a revenue to the country of L.13,677,795. And yet this
"wiseacre" had said that the food of the working man should be
free from taxation. In addition to that, there were the articles
of tobacco and snuff, which produced upwards of L.4,000,000 more.
(Hear.) And was not tobacco a necessity of the working man? (Hear,
hear.) Well, that brought the amount up to L.18,000,000 sterling,
or more than one-third of the whole of the general taxation of the
country, raised upon articles of food. (Laughter and cheers.) With
regard to the malt tax, he thought that no impost was more unjust,
because there was not a great quantity of malt liquor consumed by the
higher classes, the greater portion being consumed by the working
classes; and, with the exception of one or two cyder counties, malt
liquor, in one shape or other, was the universal beverage of the
labourers. But beer must be taxed, forsooth! That was not the food
of the people! (Hear.) There is only one other point (continued Mr
Chouler) upon which I will make an observation, and that is with
reference to the great "Exhibition" of 1851. (Oh, oh! groans and
hisses.) I have heard of many curious things in my lifetime; but
there is one thing which I have always regarded as visionary, or as
never having had an existence--but it has actually been realised
in this 19th century, and in this great city--ay, in this year of
grace 1850--a "mare's" (mayor's) nest has been discovered. (Roars
of laughter.) Yes; and in this "mayor's nest" was "the Prince," and
what does "the Prince" say? Now I beg that it may be distinctly
understood that I mean no disrespect to my Sovereign or the Prince;
but I came here to speak the truth, and I have spoken it fearlessly,
and the truth I will know before I go home. The Prince says that,
when you get the productions of all countries and nations before
you, you have only to choose which is the cheapest and the best.
Well, if you are to do that, is it not to show you that you have the
opportunity of buying them? (Hear, hear.) A little umbrage has been
taken at this exhibition as savouring somewhat of free-trade, and
the royal commissioners have told us that they do not intend that
the articles shall be sold, but that they shall be merely shown. But
do you believe that the foreigner will bring his produce across the
Channel or the Atlantic, and take it back again without receiving
English money for it? Now, I want to know who does speak the truth?
(Cries of "the Prince.") I suppose the Prince does. (Shouts of "no.")
Well, well, have it as you like. (Roars of laughter.) I am come here
as a delegate from the part of the country in which I reside. I came
to seek the truth, and I will know it and declare it. I ask, is the
foreign corn that will be imported into England in the year 1851,
to come in and be looked at without being sold? (Loud cheers.) What
will the foreigner say? Why, he will say "I care nothing about your
'looks,' give me your money" (Cheers and laughter.) That is what
he will say. It is my duty then to ascertain whether or not it is
intended still to encourage the sending out of the country money
which it would be better to circulate at home. And I hope I am not
exceeding my functions as a delegate in asking that question. Now you
have heard my opinions upon this subject, and the concluding remarks
I shall make are these: that without an alteration this country will
be so shaken--after harvest, mind you, as there will be a good deal
of work until then, not before--that I am perfectly confident it will
be totally impossible to preserve the public peace. (Loud cheers.)
I am not surprised at untruths coming from the royal commission,
considering whom that commission is composed of, when I find Peel and
Cobden amongst them. (Groans and hisses.) There is one name amongst
them, however, which I am always in the habit of speaking of with
respect and honour, and that is the name of Lord Stanley. (Cheers.)
How far he will come out from among these royal commissioners without
harm (bravo, loud cheers, and laughter,) from such a den of--you must
supply the rest--I do not know, but I have confidence in the man.
(Loud cheers, and great laughter.)
The resolution was put from the chair, and carried unanimously.