Like everything in the Gary schools, this political practice is put into

effect on a broader scale. During a recent campaign the students’

council in the Emerson School arranged a public meeting at which

prominent men of the city appeared and argued for their respective

parties. The meeting was entirely organized and managed by the pupils.

Such practical application seems far more real and instructive than the

usual play at self-government.

Student organization in the Gary schools grows out of real work.

Athletic teams and sports of various kinds are connected directly with

the gymnasium work and organized play. Glee clubs and orchestras grow

out of the music work. A monthly paper is conducted by the high-school

pupils as part of their English work, and printed by them in the school

printing-shop. There are, strictly speaking, no “extra-curricular

activities” in the Gary schools. The curriculum deliberately provides

for all wholesome activities, and the student interests grow out of it.

Problems of “fraternities” and of the control of school athletics, which

confront so many schools, are thus avoided. The students do not get into

the habit of thinking of their clubs and teams as something outside of

the school community life.

An example of how spontaneous organization may spring up is that of the

boys’ ninth-grade English class last year in the Emerson School, which

formed itself into the Emerson Improvement Association. It tries to

suggest civic improvements for the school community, and the speaking

and writing necessary to the conducting of the affairs of the

organization provide the basis for the English work.

[Illustration:

DRAWING FROM A MODEL AT THE EMERSON SCHOOL

Notice frieze on wall designed and painted by the children themselves

]

This illustrates the way that effort is made to take advantage of all

the spontaneity and initiative which pupils display in organization. The

moral effects of this active form of education are clearly great.

Professor Dewey thinks it is a mistake to consider that an interesting

and free school “makes things too easy for the child.” In the ideal

school the interests and needs of the child are identical. It is a

mistake, he says, to think that interesting things are necessarily easy.

They may be hard, but the interest overcomes the difficulty, and it is

in the overcoming that the moral value lies. Irksome tasks may be

valuable, but it is not in their irksomeness that their value lies. Work

that appeals to pupils as worth while, that holds out the promise of

resulting in something to their own or the school’s interests, involves

just as much persistence and concentration as work given by the sternest

advocate of disciplinary drill.

Most of the visitors to the Gary schools bear witness to the excellent

tone of the pupils, “the free and natural way,” to quote one

authoritative teacher, “in which pupils govern themselves without the

rigorous discipline found in other systems.” Dr. Harlan Updegraff, of

the Federal Bureau of Education, says, “The pupils of the Gary schools

seem to display greater self-control, more self-respect, and more

thoughtful consideration for others than the pupils of the same age in

most of the better school systems of to-day. I am inclined to think that

it comes largely from their games and play, but a part of it is due to

the organization of the school, and to the practices that have evolved

in its administration. No child in Gary has a single teacher who is the

object of his hero-worship, upon whom he tends to become more or less

dependent, or his arch-enemy whom he detests with a growing hatred. The

Gary pupil has several teachers, each of whom affects him in a different

way. He becomes more conscious of his individuality in this way, and

learns to determine for himself what he should do and become. Under such

a system the influence of fellow pupils becomes relatively stronger than

in the ordinary school. It is, therefore, highly important that care be

taken to further the development of right ideals in the student body.

Organized play has its great value here. Self-control, coöperation,

courage, self-respect, consideration for others, and a sense of justice

have been developed in the Gary youth to a noticeable degree, largely,

it seems to me, through the spirit that prevails in consequence of the

administration of the physical training department. Pupils who love

their school better than the streets, who have a good physical tone

through their play and physical exercises, and who have good

self-control and independence of thought, must naturally have a more

favorable attitude toward school work.”

Such a school will evidently train character as a by-product.

Self-activity, self or coöperative instruction, freedom of movement,

_camaraderie_ with teachers, interesting and varied work, study, and

play, a sense of what the school is doing, social introspection,—all

combine to give an admirable moral training and to produce those

desirable intellectual and moral qualities that the world most needs

to-day. Not obedience but self-reliance does such a school cultivate.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

VIII

CRITICISMS AND EVALUATIONS

THE criticisms directed against the Gary schools by superintendents and

teachers are criticisms rather of the whole educational philosophy

behind the institution than objections to the detailed working-out of

the philosophy. Those who follow Professor Dewey’s philosophy find in

the Gary schools—as Professor Dewey does himself—the most complete and

admirable application yet attempted, a synthesis of the best aspects of

the progressive “schools of to-morrow.”

Concrete criticisms almost all concern the alleged additional burdens

laid upon the public, the teacher, and the pupil. As far as the public

goes, the fact has been brought out that the Gary school is actually a

cheaper kind of a school than is the ordinary public school, even when

run in the most economical and scientific manner. The charge that the

Gary schools are aided by private corporation enterprise has already

been discussed. The facts are, of course, that the schools are all

supported in the usual way, by local and state appropriations. The city

of Gary is not overtaxed to support its schools, neither does the United

States Steel Corporation pay more than its proportionate share of the

local taxes. Nor is there any truth in the impression that the operation

of the Gary plan is confined to the two larger school plants of the

city. Although these two plants accommodate three quarters of the

children of the city, the Gary plan is in operation in all the schools.

In the two larger schools, Emerson and Froebel, the academic work

extends from the kindergarten through all twelve grades. In the other

schools there are no high-school students. Four of the other schools

have eight grades, one has six, one is only for children in the

kindergarten and first two grades. These schools have no high-school

department because they are too small and the schools with high-school

departments are easily accessible. All the schools have real shopwork,

though in not all of them is the apprentice-repair feature possible. All

the schools have play and recreation facilities. The smaller schools

lack swimming-pools, but the children use the well-equipped Y.M.C.A. All

the schools have “auditorium,” science, music, and expression work. All

the schools either contain a branch of the public library or else use

the main building near by. All the schools have an eight-hour day.

The charge that the Gary schools are too costly for imitation cannot be

sustained. We have seen the ingenious efforts of the various features of

the Gary plans to reduce costs, and there is a wealth of figures to show

in detail the greater economy of the Gary plan. Superintendent Wirt has

made an estimate that for an outlay of $6,000,000, “part-time” could be

wholly abolished in the New York City public schools by an adoption of

the Gary plan. The requisition of the board of superintendents in 1914

was for an appropriation of $40,000,000, simply for new buildings, which

would require large sums for operation and maintenance and lack the

equipments of the Gary plan. By the multiple use of facilities,

Superintendent Wirt has shown that the number of school plants in New

York could actually be reduced and yet the part-time of 132,000 children

abolished. At the same time that this was done, the school day would

actually be increased and the facilities more than doubled. A comparison

between the _per-capita_ costs of instruction in the Gary and New York

City schools, figured in average daily attendance for 1913-14, has been

made by Mrs. Alice Barrows-Fernandez. (The Jefferson School in Gary is

used for the comparison because it is more like the elementary schools

in New York than any other school in Gary.)

_Pupil per-capita cost for Jefferson School, $31.72

Gary_, including instruction and supplies

_Pupil per-capita cost for elementary schools 40.24

in New York City_, including instruction

and supplies

_Pupil per-capita cost for the two Gary

schools which have kindergarten, elementary

school, and full vocational shops_—

Emerson, with one third of the school 56.12

high-school pupils

Froebel, with twelve per cent high-school 32.85

pupils

_Pupil per-capita cost in New York City_—

Elementary schools 40.24

High schools 104.74

Vocational schools for boys 86.48

Vocational schools for girls 142.32

“In other words,” says Mrs. Barrows-Fernandez in her report, “in the

Froebel School, which is typical of the average school because only

twelve per cent of its pupils are in high school, twelve years in

elementary school and high school costs the city for one pupil twelve

times $32.85, or $394.20. In New York, eight years in elementary school

costs the city for one student eight times $40.24, or $329.92, and four

years in high school costs four times $104.74, or $418.96; or for the

twelve years, $748.88. In Gary for the $394.20, a student could also get

more vocational training than is given in a separate trade school. The

New York boy would get none of this in the elementary school. Even if we

make allowances for the fact that the average salary of teachers in

elementary schools and high schools in New York City is one third higher

than in Gary, it is obvious that the balance of economy is immensely in

favor of Gary as against a large typical city school system operated on

the conventional lines.”

It seems established that the Gary plan imposes no burdens upon the

public, either in Gary or in the communities who imitate the plan, but

rather provides increased facilities at reduced cost, besides immense

facilities for adults. As for the burden upon the teacher, much has been

said to the effect that the Gary plan is unpopular among teachers

because of the extra work it entails. In connection with this criticism,

it must be remembered that the Gary plan postulates an educational

philosophy different from that of the ordinary public schools. Teachers

trained in schools managed with rigid administrative and disciplinary

methods naturally find adjustment difficult in a system which repeatedly

calls upon them for initiative, alters their relations to their pupils,

and requires a more practical attitude of “application” toward the

subject-matter of instruction. Experience seems to show that many

teachers who at first found this adjustment burdensome have later come

to prefer the Gary plan. One teacher with a fine scholastic training,

who had taught for many years under the traditional form of

organization, is quoted by Dean Burris as saying, “I did not like it

when I came here a year ago, but I begin to like it and see what it is

all about, so I am going to stay.”

This attitude would seem to be typical of the intelligent teacher who

comes to appreciate what it is all about and the valuable educational

advantages which the system provides for the teacher herself. And

although the problem of securing teachers has been somewhat difficult in

Gary, owing to the newness of the town, the large factory population,

and the relative absence of organized social life, most visitors are

impressed by the unusual personal caliber of the head teachers.

It is difficult to see where the Gary plan involves extra burdens for

teachers. The teaching period is only four hours a day, with an hour for

“auditorium” and an hour for “application.” This is certainly no more

exacting than the five-hour teaching day of the ordinary teacher. All

“home work” and “paper work,” moreover, is supposed to be done by the

Gary teacher during school hours, so that her school day is over when

the bell rings. This makes her real school day actually shorter than

that of the teacher in the ordinary school, whose afternoons and

evenings must often be spent in correcting papers, etc. The Gary teacher

is supposed to have leisure and to behave in school and out of school as

a good citizen actively interested in the community welfare. The

Saturday school work, for which the teachers are called upon in turn, is

paid for at a rate of one dollar an hour. The care and work involved in

the “register-teacher” plan is certainly offset by its valuable

educational value for the teacher herself.

It should be clear that the various features of the Gary plan tend to

relieve the teacher of burdens and particularly of nervous strain. The

teaching of special subjects by special teachers relieves the grade

teacher of the obligation of teaching, under the exacting direction of

supervisors, subjects like music and drawing with which she may be

little acquainted. The departmentalizing of subjects down through the

lower grades gives a breadth to the teachers’ work, and enables them to

concentrate on the subjects which interest them, rather than diffuse

their attention among many. The absence of uniform standards, the

absence of formal term examinations for which a whole class must be

prepared, the promotion of children by subjects rather than whole

classes, as well as the division of grades according to rate of

progress,—all this makes for a great saving in the teacher’s nervous

energy. She does not have the strain of passing her whole class in every

subject, of finishing her course on schedule time, of cramming for

examinations. She has some freedom in the division of her time and a

voice in the making of the course and curriculum. The less experienced

teacher has in her classroom the assistance and advice of the senior

teacher, as well as of the head teacher of her subjects in the head

school. Teachers are not rivals, but colleagues as in a college faculty.

The freer methods of discipline are much to the teacher’s advantage.

When the ideal is no longer to keep the classroom in a rigid military

silence, a large part of the teacher’s energy may go into teaching which

formerly went into the maintenance of discipline. Where “interest” and

“application” and “learning by doing” are the keynotes, and where every

one—teacher and pupil alike—is at some time in the course both teaching

some one and learning from some one, the teacher is no longer interested

in “making the child obey,” or “commanding his respect.” No official

gulf is set between teachers and pupils. It is discipline that wears out

most teachers,—and children too,—and a greater flexibility makes for the

lessening of nervous strain on both.

The custom of “helpers and observers,” the emphasis on discussion rather

than formal recitation, even take a certain amount of actual teaching

out of the hands of the teachers. The teacher, as in the Montessori

method, becomes the guide and mentor rather than direct preceptor. She

is no longer so much concerned with predigesting subject-matter and

presenting it in logical form to the pupil, only to draw it from him

again in recitation and written examination. She is rather concerned

with directing the large amount of practical work which the Gary child

does in every course, and in devising methods of “application,” or in

turning the work into practical value for the school community. Those

classes where the “helper and observer” system obtains are, to a large

degree, self-instructing. The older child tells the younger what he is

doing in shop or laboratory, etc., and when the younger child comes to

take up the work, he is already familiar with materials and apparatus

and the significance of the course. Raw new classes thus do not have to

be constantly broken in by the teacher. This means a very large saving

of labor for the teacher, while it makes for the more thorough

understanding on the part of the pupil. In the physical education work

and in the organized play, the older pupils are enlisted as assistants

to the teachers. Superintendent Wirt’s new plans involve the employment

throughout the different departments as teachers’ assistants of a class

of older pupils, selected for their interest and ability. Such work not

only gives the student the best possible training for developing

leadership, initiative, and the ability to assume responsibility, but it

also relieves the teachers and makes possible many small classes without

extra teachers and without extra rooms.

From the teachers’ point of view, then, the numerous ways in which the

Gary plan relieves the nervous strain and actual responsibility of

teaching, and removes the pressure of outside work, more than compensate

for the slightly longer actual time during which the teacher must be in

the school plant. And since this longer time means increased salary, it

is clear that the teacher under the Gary plan is the gainer in every

direction.

The criticisms of the Gary plan on the ground that the long school day

and varied curriculum overload the pupil can scarcely be sustained in

view of the fact that the “school day” is not merely a lengthening of

the ordinary public school day, but an absorbing, in healthful

activities of play, exercise and manual work, of time which would

otherwise be spent in demoralizing street and alley or in idleness at

home. We have seen that this additional activity is not gained at the

expense of the academic studies, but comes from giving the children

interesting things to do in the surplus hours in which they are usually

left to take care of themselves. The freedom of the Gary schools, and

the constant passing back and forth between school and home, church,

etc., does not seem to make for truancy. The percentage of attendance in

November, 1914, was for boys 92.9, for girls, 91.6,—a remarkable record

when it is considered that boy truancy in most city schools is much the

greater. For the year 1913-14 the percentage of attendance was for boys

89.5, for girls, 89.2.

The criticism of the Gary school on the ground that the shopwork either

involves the risk of exploiting the pupil, or else introduces him to

manual activity at too early an age, ignores the fact that the manual

work is really unspecialized and is introduced so gradually into the

child’s life that it is scarcely felt as work. “Play” and “work” are

merged in “interesting activity,” and almost unconsciously the child

finds himself absorbed in work which may be his vocation later on.

Whether it is to be his vocation or not, the Gary school believes that

such work is a good thing in the education of all children. Many

educators believe that the novel form of shopwork in the Gary school

offers a solution for the problems of industrial training. There is

great risk, in schools where shopwork is introduced apart from the

academic work, as in special technical high schools, of an undemocratic

and invidious distinction between the manual worker and the brain

worker. In plans of organization, such as the Ettinger plan in New York

City, with a preliminary course of “prevocational training,” in which

the prospective industrial pupil in the seventh and eighth grades

discovers by hasty experimentation which trade his aptitudes fit him to

pursue, there is great danger that the vocational work will be left

unassimilated to the rest of the school work and the child trained into

a narrow specialist. Such “vocational training” deserves all the

criticism that has been directed against it by the opponents of a too

“utilitarian” education. The Gary type of vocational training keeps the

industrial work constantly in touch with the other activities, and makes

it a really “cultural” branch of the school community work. And because

the children lay their foundations of skill and interest so early and

work at real work under real workmen, their training from a practical

point of view is as good as, if not better than, the special trade

school is likely to give them. More shops are actually supported in the

Gary school than even the most elaborate special trade school can afford

to provide. The correlation of day courses with evening continuation

courses, the great attention to science, the emphasis on the social and

communal bearing of all activities,—all this means a higher type of

vocational training than has been worked out generally in the public

school. If he is intelligent, he will be better qualified for skilled

work than the more narrowly trained worker. “This is the age,” says

Superintendent Wirt, “of the engineer, of machinery, and of big

business. The school business enterprises offer a type of industrial and

commercial education facilities ... adapted to modern industry and

business. There are big business problems and machinery problems in the

school.” These problems evolved in the life of a school community give

an education, he holds, superior to what can be given even in schools

narrowly devoted to shop-training. And it can give the training in small

groups or even to individuals, where the special school has to give

instruction in large classes to make it pay at all. As Mrs.

Barrows-Fernandez puts it, “If you believe that vocational education is

confined to specific training for a trade, and that this must be carried

on in a separate trade school, and that general education has no

relation to it except as it may add a fringe of culture, then you will

think that there is no vocational education in Gary. But, on the other

hand, if you belong to the group that believes that what children under

sixteen need in the way of vocational work is not specialized trade

training on top of an inadequate elementary-school education, but

fundamental industrial training closely related to the science and

academic work, and made real and natural because it is one of the many

activities of the whole school,—then you will come away from Gary

feeling that the vocational work there represents the soundest point of

view and the best practical accomplishment in vocational work for

children under sixteen that can be found anywhere in the country.”

In New York City, where an extended experimentation is being carried on

with the Gary plan, considerable controversy is said to have arisen over

the provision of the Gary scheme which permits outside institutions,

including churches, to coöperate with the school and take children for a

few hours a week for any special work, amusement, or instruction which

the schools cannot give. The fear was expressed there that this

provision would mean the entering wedge of religion into the public

school.

The Gary Schools · 第 7 / 10 段