THE DICTATOR.
1771.
When the court removed from Copenhagen to Hirschholm for the summer,
it was officially announced that the Queen was likely again to become
a mother. The fact had long been known to people about the court,
but the publication of it was unduly delayed. Some months before its
announcement Gunning wrote to England: "As no declaration has yet
been made of her Danish Majesty's pregnancy, I have long entertained
scruples with regard to the propriety of mentioning it; but as nobody
seems to make the least doubt of its truth, I am at length convinced I
ought no longer to suppress so important a piece of intelligence".[164]
Extraordinary mystery was observed. The Saxon minister informed
his court that at the last drawing-room held before the Queen's
confinement, no one ventured to inquire after her Majesty's health,
though it was the usual custom.
[164] Gunning's despatch, Copenhagen, February 12, 1771.
The news was ill-received by the Danish people, who had hitherto not
been disposed to judge the young Queen too harshly. Except by the
clergy, and some women, Matilda was more pitied than blamed, and
spoken of with sorrow rather than with anger. But when her pregnancy
was at last declared, and an order issued for prayers to be offered for
her in the churches, many people (even those who had tried to believe
the best) regarded the announcement as a confirmation of their worst
suspicions. The clergy in many instances did not obey the order to pray
for the Queen, and in some of the principal churches in Copenhagen
half the congregation rose up and left the church when the prayer
was read. The Danes, though accustomed to the profligacy of their
kings, had hitherto regarded their queens as above suspicion. The old
Queen-Mother, Sophia Magdalena, had been a model of respectability:
Queen Louise was almost worshipped on account of her domestic virtues:
even Juliana Maria, the Queen-Dowager, unpopular though she was,
on account of her intriguing and vindictive disposition, had never
given occasion for the slightest whisper against her fair fame. When,
therefore, Matilda, who had come to Denmark little more than four years
before, a child-bride with golden hair and blue eyes, the incarnation
of innocence, and who (during the early years of her married life) had
won all hearts by the way she had borne her sorrows, suddenly put aside
her modesty and dignity, surrounded herself with ladies of easy virtue,
and compromised herself with a man of inferior position, she alienated
the sympathies of the people.
It is true that, even admitting the worst, of which there was no
positive proof, the young Queen of Denmark was only imitating the
conduct of the Empress Catherine of Russia and her predecessors,
the Empresses Ann and Elizabeth. But Russia was a more barbarous
country than Denmark, and the priests of the Eastern Church took a
more tolerant view of breaches of the seventh commandment than the
puritanical clergy of Denmark. Moreover, Catherine conducted her amours
with more discretion than Matilda; her conduct in public was a model
of decorum, however shameless it might be in private; she was careful
always to conciliate the clergy, to respect the rights and privileges
of the national Church, and to be regular in her attendance at public
worship. But Matilda, urged by Struensee, had attacked the rights of
the established Church, and had needlessly shocked the conventions. And
whereas the favourites of the Empress of Russia were puppets in her
hands, the Queen of Denmark was a puppet in the hands of her favourite.
[Illustration:
TWO RELICS OF QUEEN MATILDA IN THE ROSENBORG CASTLE, COPENHAGEN.
(1) THE INSIGNIA OF THE ORDER OF MATILDA; (2) THE WEDDING GOBLET.]
It must be repeated that much would have been forgiven the young and
beautiful Queen had her favourite been other than he was--had he been
a Dane of good birth, who respected the proprieties sufficiently to
keep himself in the background. Had the young Queen been first, and her
favourite second, she might have gathered as much power in her hands
as she would, and have aroused little opposition except at the court
of the Queen-Dowager, and those whose interests she attacked. She
would certainly have reigned still in the hearts of the people, who
were willing to make great allowance because of her wrongs. But when
her favourite was a German, an upstart, who flaunted his power over
the Queen in the face of the public, and made her do a hundred things
which were not in keeping with her rank as a queen, or her dignity as a
woman, when every one knew that it was he who dictated the new policy
of the King, and used the Queen as a buffer between him and the popular
indignation, when he attacked the national institutions and flouted
the national sentiment at every turn--it is no wonder that a cry of
indignation went up, not only against the minister, but also against
the Queen.
This indignation deepened when it was announced on July 7, 1771, that
the Queen was delivered of a daughter. Mounted messengers at once
conveyed the tidings from Hirschholm, whither the court had gone
three weeks before, to Copenhagen, and the birth of the princess was
proclaimed in the usual manner from the balcony of the Christiansborg
Palace. Royal salutes were discharged from the cannon on the ramparts
and at the arsenal, and heralds in gorgeous tabards blew a blast of
trumpets from the town hall and the principal church towers. But so
far from the event arousing any public rejoicing, ominous murmurs were
heard among the people, and the free press did not hesitate to abuse
its freedom by more scurrilous articles and gross caricatures. Though
there was no proof, the newborn infant was generally believed to be
the child of Struensee, "who," said his enemies, "had shamelessly
dishonoured the King's bed, and introduced his vile posterity in the
place of the pure blood of Oldenburg". It must be stated here, however,
that even if the Queen's indiscretion with Struensee were admitted,
it was not impossible that the Princess should have been the King's
child, and this was the view taken later by the Queen's most inveterate
enemies. Unfortunately, colour was given to this damaging report by
Struensee assisting with Berger at the accouchement of the Queen; no
other physicians were called in, and all the etiquette usual on these
occasions was abolished.
With incredible recklessness Struensee chose this time, when his
unpopularity was at its height, and the air full of evil rumours, to
put the crown upon his audacity by seizing the kingly power in a way no
subject had ever dared to attempt before. Struensee's nominal office
hitherto had been that of Master of Requests; in reality he had been
dictator, and governed both the state and the court. But this was not
enough for his boundless ambition; he was no longer content to work
behind the King and Queen, and through his creatures Rantzau, Gahler
and Osten. He therefore induced the King to appoint him (or rather he
appointed himself) "Privy Cabinet Minister," and to invest him with
absolute authority.
An extraordinary order, signed by the King, and counter-signed by
Struensee, was published from Hirschholm, July 15, 1771, a week after
the birth of the Princess, and copies were sent to every department
of the Government, and the ministers of foreign courts. Briefly, this
document ordained that henceforth all orders or directions issued by
Struensee and signed by him would have the same force and validity
as if they were given under the royal sign manual; and whether the
orders of the Privy Cabinet Minister came addressed to the heads of
departments, or to their subordinates in office, they were to be
instantly and implicitly obeyed. "The cabinet orders issued in this
way," wrote the King, "shall have the same validity as those drawn up
by Our hand. They shall be immediately obeyed."
This decree, which amounted to a virtual abdication on the part of
Christian VII. in favour of Struensee, was received with consternation
and indignation from one end of the kingdom to the other. At first
it seemed impossible that the King could thus vest any subject with
unlimited power, but, since no other meaning could be attached to the
document, the people declared that it could only have been wrested
from the King by force or undue influence. It was now realised that
from the beginning Struensee had aimed at absolute power. He first
persuaded the King to abolish the Council of State and proclaim himself
an absolute monarch, and then forced him to delegate the whole power
to him as Privy Cabinet Minister. The Danish nation were, in fact, no
longer ruled by their hereditary monarch but by a foreign adventurer,
who had usurped the kingly functions, and, having abolished all
ministers and councils, gathered up into himself every branch of power
and prerogative. The unscrupulousness of the man was only equalled by
his audacity. It was the last straw on the back of the long-suffering
Danes. Hitherto, the agitation against Struensee had been confined to
certain classes; now it represented the whole nation, and not all the
laws he had passed for the benefit of the people, nor all the doles he
had meted out to them, could avail to quell the tempest of indignation
aroused by the publication of this royal decree. Its promulgation at
such a time, within a week of the Queen's delivery, gave credence
to the rumour that the infant Princess was not the King's child but
Struensee's, and it was said that this insolent tyrant, who stopped
at nothing, had already formed a plan of getting the King out of the
way, of marrying the Queen, of assassinating the Crown Prince, and
establishing himself and his posterity upon the throne of Denmark.
The Princess was christened on the Queen's birthday, July 22, 1771,
under the names of Louise Augusta--the first name having been that of
the King's mother, the second that of the Princess-Dowager of Wales.
The King, himself, stood as principal sponsor to the child, the others
being his brother Prince Frederick, and the Queen-Dowager, Juliana
Maria. Whispers of the current scandal had reached the ears of the
Queen and Struensee, and the choice of these sponsors was a way of
contradicting them. The Queen-Dowager and Prince Frederick were present
at the express command of the King, and dared not disobey. They must
have come very unwillingly, for Juliana Maria had already stated in
private what she afterwards proclaimed in public--that the legitimacy
of the Princess was open to grave suspicion. The child was generally
spoken of by the courtiers as "the Ma'amselle".
The Queen's birthday and the royal christening formed the occasion
of a further elevation of the all-powerful Minister. With reckless
effrontery, Struensee chose this day of all others for the King to
confer upon him and his colleague, Brandt, the title of Count, the
highest title in the kingdom.[165] No estates were granted to the
recipients of these honours; it was announced that the King had
offered large domains, but Struensee's modesty would now not allow him
to accept this further mark of the royal favour. Both Struensee and
Brandt had received large sums from the treasury, and since Struensee
could take practically what he liked, he probably thought it would
look better to waive any claim to estates for the present. So he made
a parade of his disinterestedness, and contented himself with a brand
new coat of arms, and other outward signs of his new dignity. The coat
of arms must have cost him much thought, for its composition showed
remarkable ingenuity. He symbolised in it every department of the
state, which he now governed as absolute minister.
[165] Keith's despatch, Copenhagen, July 23, 1771.
"The escutcheon (symbolical of the state) was divided into five fields,
the centre one of which represented a sailing vessel (the symbol of
commerce) with a crown over it, typical of the monarch and the persons
representing him. The first and fourth quarters displayed four rivers
(exports and imports idealised) on a field _or_, which was the symbol
of Denmark, rich in corn, and Norway, abounding in metal, wood and
fish. In the third and second quarters was a crown surrounded with palm
leaves (the symbol of peace and victory) and two crossed keys (the
image of authority and might) on a field _azure_, which allegorically
typified fidelity and constancy. Below the coat of arms was the royal
crown with the badge of the Matilda Order, surrounded by a laurel
wreath (the symbol of fortune, joy and honour), from which flowed two
rivers running round the chief escutcheon (the state), supported by
two beavers (the representatives of architecture and industry) guarded
by _bourgeois_ helmets (emblems of national armament), counts' crowns
(the symbol of the servant of the state), and an owl holding a key in
its mouth (as allegories of thought and wisdom). Above the whole was
displayed, between two eagle wings (the symbols of power, strength and
victory), a man-of-war in full sail (typical of the navy), and above
this, again, a suspended crown, surrounded by palm branches (the type
of peace)."[166]
[166] Wraxall's _Life and Times of Caroline Matilda_.
Struensee had all his life professed the most radical ideas. He had
begun his political career as one who despised rank, titles and
display--and yet he crowned it by framing this heraldic absurdity. He
had the preposterous coat of arms engraved on the seal which he affixed
to cabinet orders; he built himself a magnificent coach, resplendent
with crimson and gold, and blazoned it on the panels. He vested his
servants and running footmen in gaudy liveries of scarlet and white,
and decked them with diamond badges. When Struensee's valet appeared
for the first time in his new livery he fell down the palace stairs,
and in his fall broke his badge and his nose, and the blood spoiled
his finery. On Struensee being told of this ill-omened mishap, he
gave his usual answer to any unpleasant news: "As God wills". This
fatalistic answer also gives the measure of his arrogance, for he had
come to consider himself an instrument chosen by God. Certainly, from
his rapid rise to power, and the way in which he moulded everything
to his will, Struensee may well have believed, with many others, that
there was something supernatural about him, though his enemies declared
that his power came from the devil. At this time, notwithstanding
the universal hatred which he inspired, the Privy Cabinet Minister
seemed omnipotent and his tenure of power assured. So much was this
the case that Gunning, a very keen observer, thought it would be best
to accept the peculiar relations which existed between the Queen and
her favourite, and turn them to the advantage of England. In a long
and important despatch, written nominally for the guidance of the
English Secretary of State, Lord Halifax, in reality for George III.,
he described at length the situation at the Danish court, and gave a
detailed description of the principal personages then in power. As his
general view is the one taken in these pages, it is not necessary to go
over the ground again, but the following word-portrait of Struensee may
be quoted; the more so as it is studiously dispassionate:--
"Mr. Struensee, the Favourite, ... was bred a physician, and till
within these ten months continued the practice of his profession.
He is supposed not to be destitute of some knowledge, acquired at a
German university, but with respect to any political attainments,
either as they may concern the state of Europe in general, or this
country in particular, he has them almost wholly to make. He is said
to have carried the freedom of thinking as far as any man, but as
his conversation discovers nothing of that vivacity and grace by
which other men in a disadvantageous situation have won their way to
royal favour, it is universal matter of wonder how he has managed to
gain so entire an ascendency over their Danish Majesties. His manner
of treating business is dry and ungraceful. He, however, possesses
a clear and ready conception of things. A great share of natural
confidence, and indifference with regard to the ideas others may form
of his principles or abilities, brings him at once without ambiguity or
affectation to the point in question, so that he is always intelligible
though he may not be agreeable. He appears to have no vanity, but it
is supplied by no small share of insolence. A stronger or juster idea
of this gentleman's character cannot be conveyed than by contrasting
it (the article only of understanding excepted) with that of Count
Bernstorff. The latter was characteristically timid, cautious and
irresolute; the former is bold, enterprising and firm. The Minister
possessed great extent of political knowledge; the Favourite is
uncommonly circumscribed in what relates to this kind of acquisition.
Count Bernstorff displayed great refinement of manners with an easy
flow of eloquence; Mr. Struensee's address is simple, and his way of
speaking inelegant and embarrassed. The Minister's conduct exhibited a
conspicuous example of morality and religion; that of the Favourite is
said to be deficient in both."
After drawing character-sketches of Rantzau, Gahler and others,
and reviewing the quarrel with Russia, Gunning went on to show how
Struensee might be used to the advantage of England:--
"As the Queen of Denmark _is now in full possession of the most
absolute power_, and free from all imaginable control, it were to be
wished that some means dictated by the wisdom of our Royal Master
[George III.] were made use of to give her Danish Majesty a true and
just idea of the importance of a close and permanent alliance between
Great Britain, Denmark and Russia, and prevent her any longer from
seeing a connection with the latter through the medium of personal
resentment, so that the views of this court might be brought back
into their natural channel. Mr. Struensee, in whom her Majesty places
the most unreserved confidence, and whose vast influence with her
is unquestioned, as he is attached to no particular system, might,
with proper management, be induced to forget his personal prejudice,
and heartily to concur in, and recommend, such measures as the court
of Great Britain would wish her Majesty to pursue. This would (if I
may presume to offer my opinion) be more advisable than to attempt
his removal, which, considering the ascendency he has, could not but
be attended with danger. If he was secured, he might easily be made
instrumental to the views of the two courts. But as there can be little
hopes of gaining the other two [Rantzau and Gahler], or if there
were, of any reliance being placed on them, their dismission ought
to be effected. The critical state of the King of Denmark's health
makes it of the last importance, both to the Queen's happiness and
the tranquillity of this kingdom, that she should not, in case of the
regency devolving on her, be surrounded and advised by men so extremely
unpopular and so justly detested as these are universally. I must not
conceal from your Lordship that there is scarcely a single family
or person in these dominions of any considerable rank, property or
influence, who has not been disobliged, disgusted and (as they think)
injured; and whose disaffection, there is reason to apprehend, only
waits for a favourable opportunity of manifesting itself."[167]
[167] Gunning's despatch, Copenhagen, April 4, 1771.
Gunning's view did not appeal to the King of England. George III.,
a model of the domestic virtues, would under no circumstances enter
into negotiations with Struensee. To do so would be to condone, or
recognise, the position the favourite held with his sister. The
official answer to Gunning's despatch was a note informing him of
his promotion as ambassador to Berlin. George III. recognised his
minister's diplomatic abilities, but it seemed to him that what was
wanted at Copenhagen at the present juncture was a man of action
rather than a diplomatist. He regarded the state of affairs at the
Danish court as impossible to last, and therefore replaced Gunning by
a man personally known to him, who could be trusted to intervene when
matters came to a crisis on behalf of the Queen. The new envoy was
Lieutenant-General (afterwards Sir Robert) Murray Keith.[168]
[168] Keith's _Memoirs_ have been published, but they do not include
his despatches, now published in these volumes for the first time.
Keith was a Scotsman. Born in Ayrshire, in 1730, he was the son of a
British Ambassador at Vienna. He was a man of all-round ability, though
he was perhaps more of a soldier than a diplomatist. In early life
he wrote some poems of considerable merit, and on arriving at man's
estate entered the army. He fought at the battle of Minden, and later
was appointed major-commandant of three new companies of Highlanders,
known as "Keith's Highlanders," who distinguished themselves in many
a hard-fought fight. Eventually they were disbanded, and then some
employment had to be found for their distinguished commander. In 1769
he was appointed British Minister at the court of Saxony, and he
remained at Dresden until 1771, when George III., looking round for
some one whom he could trust, and whose fidelity to his royal house was
undoubted, chose Keith to succeed Gunning at Copenhagen.
Keith arrived at the Danish capital in June, 1771, shortly before
the birth of the Princess Louise Augusta. He did not take up his new
duties with any zest. "Climate, comfort and society are all against
me," he wrote to his father shortly after his arrival at Copenhagen.
But he found the place "by far a finer city than I had figured to
myself, or had a right to expect from the other Danish towns I had seen
upon the road. The streets are broad, the openings and the squares
spacious, and the palace, as well as several of the public buildings,
magnificent."[169]
[169] _Memoirs of Sir Robert Murray Keith_, vol. i.
Keith found the situation dominated by Struensee, and like Gunning (who
had now gone to Berlin) thought that his tenure in power was assured:
"While I am in expectation of his Majesty's orders on this head," he
wrote, "I shall be equally cautious not to court too far or to disgust
this gentleman.... From all I have heard of his character, it seems
assiduous to the greatest degree, enterprising and active.... It may
not be judging too rapidly of Mr. Struensee to suppose that having
laboured so hard to get on the pinnacle of power his chief care may for
some time be to secure his situation."[170] And again: "I shall only
add that if the general opinion here is to be trusted--for hitherto
I have been able to form few opinions of my own--the new Count and
Minister will show himself at any risk, and by all means whatever, as
tenacious of the power he has grasped as he has been daring and active
in attaining to it".[171]
[170] Keith's despatch, July 10, 1771.
[171] _Ibid._, July 27, 1771.
Keith quickly found that it did not depend on the King of England's
orders for him "to court or to disgust" Struensee as he pleased. The
precise degree of intimacy which was permitted him at court, or with
the affairs of the government, was regulated by Struensee himself, and
a line was laid down beyond which Keith could not pass. The Minister,
who probably guessed the motive which prompted George III. to send
Keith to Copenhagen, treated the English envoy with marked coldness,
and would not permit him to have private audience either with the
King or with the Queen. Keith thus found himself checked on the very
threshold of his mission; he sent home a bitter complaint of his
reception at the court of Denmark. He writes:--
"Count Struensee, after removing from the court every person of this
country who could give him umbrage, has at last been prompted by his
jealousy of the foreign ministers to make an entire change in the forms
of the audiences granted to them." ... [Here follows an account of how
the Russian envoy had been refused audience.]
"When I presented copies of my credentials to Count Osten, he was so
civil as to offer to conduct me himself to the audiences at Hirschholm,
_as there was no Master of the Ceremonies_, and I cannot suppose that
the Count foresaw a repetition of the above innovation in my case,
as, on the contrary, he talked with pleasure of the gracious and
even distinguished reception I might expect, being the bearer of the
strongest assurances of the friendship and affection of the King for
both his Sovereigns. For my part, I had no suspicion of such intention,
not being able to figure to myself that any court could pretend to
establish _by surprise_ a regulation subversive of the very nature of
private audiences.
"When I was ushered into the room, where his Danish Majesty stood
alone, I imagined that the folding doors, which had been opened only
at my entrance, were again shut after me; but during the audience I
found that one, or both, of the doors _behind me_ had been left ajar,
or pushed open, after I had begun to deliver the compliment with which
I was charged to the King of Denmark.
"I was afterwards carried through several rooms of the palace into
one where, _unexpectedly_, I found her Danish Majesty alone, and
the doors on each side of that apartment stood wide open. But, as
the Queen was supposed to be within a few hours of her lying-in, I
did not judge it proper to make any difficulty with regard to that
circumstance, and therefore delivered the King's letter, accompanied
with the expressions contained in my instructions. It had occurred to
me from the beginning that to retire in the midst of the audience from
the King, or to refuse that of her Majesty _in the apparent situation
of her health_, might be interpreted as disrespectful to one or other
of their Danish Majesties.... When I spoke upon this matter to Mr.
Osten, he was so far from vindicating the innovation that he assured
me in positive terms that none such had been intended, and that the
door of the King's room being open must have been owing to accident.
I have since had good reason to believe that Mr. Osten was either
misinformed in this affair, or not sincere in what he advanced....
About a fortnight ago Baron Hamilton was sent by the King of Sweden
upon his accession with a compliment to this court, and the audiences
granted to him upon this occasion were _with open doors_.... The affair
now came to a crisis, and, as I was sensible how much my court was
averse from a dispute of this nature, I not only said all in my power
to Count Osten, but, in order to prevent any harsh step being taken,
I offered to wait upon Count Struensee at Hirschholm, to lay before
him in the most dispassionate manner the forms observed by all the
great courts of Europe upon this head, and the impropriety, not to say
impracticability, of excluding all private audiences whatever, which
was evidently the object of the intended regulation. Count Osten was
waiting to see the event of a representation in writing he had just
made to the same effect, but if that should fail he accepted my offer
of visiting the Cabinet Minister.
"This happened on Wednesday last, prior to our going to pay our court
at Hirschholm, and I cannot tell your Lordship how much I was surprised
at Count Osten's acquainting me the same evening that his endeavours
were unsuccessful, and my intended conference needless, as it had been
declared to him _positively_ that the King of Denmark would abide by
the resolution of granting hereafter no audiences to foreign ministers
with shut doors."[172]
[172] Keith's despatch, Copenhagen, July 29, 1771.
Keith soon found that nothing remained for him but to play the waiting
game at the court of Denmark. He was subjected to a form of boycott,
and both at court and the foreign office he was kept at arm's length.
"At the court," he writes, "where everything is carried on with an
affection of mystery, where the Sovereign and the Prime Minister are
equally inaccessible, a foreign envoy is obliged to watch ... the
slightest indications to form a judgment of the system of politics
likely to be adopted."[173] And again he writes to his father
privately: "An intercourse of an hour for once a week with the court,
a formal supper once a fortnight with the fashionable people--make the
whole of my public appearances. And what may form a sure prognostic of
the future society, I can safely assure you that in a residence of two
months I have not been admitted to any one visit that I have made to
man or woman, Dane or _diplomatique_."[174]
[173] Keith's despatch, Copenhagen, August 31, 1771.
[174] _Memoirs of Sir Robert Murray Keith_, vol. i.
In October he writes again to his father: "I am sorry to say that
the climate, society and politics of this kingdom are equally
uncomfortable.... The little of summer I saw was sultry and languid,
August and almost all September rotten and rainy, and the few clear
days we have had lately too chilly to be abroad with pleasure. Five
months of a dismal and variable winter are now awaiting us, with as
little defence against the cold, both of body and spirit, as can well
be imagined. After looking round me with an anxious yet a benevolent
eye for anything that may be called 'society,' or even a single friend,
male or female, I am forced to own to myself that there is not any hope
of succeeding."[175]
[175] _Memoirs of Sir Robert Murray Keith_, vol. i.
Shortly after the arrival of Keith at Copenhagen another person
reappeared upon the scene. Reverdil, the Swiss, was recalled to the
Danish court, after an absence of three years. His return was due to
the fact that Brandt had become tired of his position as sole guardian
of the King. Christian VII. was a troublesome charge; he was often
morose and sometimes quarrelsome, and a good deal of friction arose
between him and Brandt, until the latter found his post exceedingly
wearisome. He often left the King in charge of Moranti, a black boy,
whom Christian dressed in uniform and made an inseparable companion.
Meanwhile Brandt amused himself with the beautiful Countess Holstein,
one of the Queen's ladies-in-waiting, with whom he had an amour.
Gallantry, music and the dance were much more congenial to him than the
society of the semi-imbecile King. He therefore told Struensee that he
must find some one else to take his place, or at least relieve him in
part of his duties. Struensee was reluctant that Brandt should resign
his position as permanent attendant to the King, for it was necessary
to keep him closely guarded from outside influence. But as Brandt
insisted, after some reflection, Struensee resolved to recall Reverdil,
who, if not his friend, was at least free from any intrigue against his
authority.
[Illustration: QUEEN MATILDA AND HER SON, THE CROWN PRINCE OF DENMARK.
_From the Painting at the Rosenborg, Copenhagen._]
Reverdil was much astonished when he received a letter from Struensee
saying that the King of Denmark desired his return to court, and wished
to resume with him the scheme for enfranchising the serfs, and asked
him to name his own terms. Reverdil demurred a little at first, and
pleaded for time to consider the offer. He communicated with a trusted
friend in Copenhagen, and also asked the advice of Count Bernstorff,
who was living in retirement at Grabow, near Borstel. Reverdil's friend
at Copenhagen sent him a list of persons who had been appointed and
dismissed during Struensee's administration, and gave him to understand
that if he accepted the office he would hold it on a very precarious
tenure. Bernstorff, though greatly prejudiced against Struensee, urged
Reverdil to go, for the King had need of him, and it was his duty to
succour the unfortunate Sovereign. He wrote him a long letter, the gist
of which may be summed up in the following quotation:--
"Go to Copenhagen, appear at court, but do not enter into engagements
until you have reconnoitred the ground for yourself. If you can do
good, do not refuse to do it for a country that needs it. May Heaven
grant you merit and glory; but if you see that the means are refused
you, do not allow yourself to be drawn into any subordinate, doubtful
and odious employment, dictated by harsh, dishonest evil-doers. Do not
allow your name to be associated with the names of men about whom the
nation is already weeping and posterity will weep for a long time."[176]
[176] Letter of Bernstorff to Reverdil, June 9, 1771. _Mémoires de
Reverdil._
Reverdil determined to follow Bernstorff's advice, and wrote to
Struensee accepting the post on the conditions that he might return
home when he thought proper, and the King should pay his travelling
expenses both ways. On his journey to Copenhagen, especially in the
duchies, Reverdil was struck with the hatred and odium which the name
of Struensee inspired among all classes. At Schleswig he met the
Princess-Dowager of Culmbach, the great-aunt by marriage of the King,
and the Prince and Princess Charles of Hesse. They all lamented the
terrible state of things at the Danish court, the insolence of the
favourite, and the infatuation of the Queen, and agreed that such an
intolerable state of affairs could not long be allowed to continue. The
thought appears to have crossed Reverdil's mind to turn back, but upon
reflection he dismissed it, and proceeded on his journey.
Reverdil reported himself at Hirschholm in July (1771). He relates in
his _Memoirs_ that he was received by Brandt, who welcomed him with
effusion, and told him of the King's wretched mental condition, of the
necessity he had of a constant companion, and his desire that Reverdil
should fill the place, since both he and the King had grown weary of
one another. Reverdil listened in silence and without enthusiasm. He
was then presented to the King and the Queen, who received him with
great cordiality. The Queen spoke to him kindly, as, indeed, had
always been her wont, and the King was very civil, nothing in what
he said revealing his malady. Reverdil was invited to dine at the
royal table, and after dinner was admitted to private audience of the
King. Christian made some sort of apology for his abrupt dismissal
of Reverdil three years ago, and threw the blame of it on Holck. The
King's manner and speech were those of a perfectly sane man, and he
appeared to talk quite freely and without constraint. Reverdil had been
told in the provinces that every word the King said was dictated to
him beforehand by the favourites, but no sign of this was visible in
his conversation. The next day Reverdil took a drive with the King and
Brandt. Brandt treated the King with scant respect; he occupied the
whole of the back of the carriage, and lounged out of the window, that
all might see him who passed by. The poor King crouched up in a corner
of the other seat with a sad and frightened air, and seemed glad when
the drive was over.
Reverdil now entered upon his duties, and remained alone with the
King in his apartments. Before long Christian's mania manifested
itself, despite his efforts to conceal it. His mind began to wander,
and he broke out into rapid and incoherent speech. Occasionally he
would recite lines from _Zaire_, in which he had acted years before;
often he would address Reverdil as "Brandt," sometimes as "Denize" or
"Latour"--two French actors who had been in his service--sometimes
by his right name. Now and then he would vaunt himself, and recall
the fact that he had been greeted like a god by the English nation,
and declare that his glory and magnificence were above those of all
other kings on earth. On other occasions he would become depressed
and melancholy, and belittle himself, saying that no matter what he
did he would never be more than a "little man" of no reputation. He
talked much about his infirmities, and sometimes threatened to commit
suicide. "Shall I drown myself?" he would say. "Shall I throw myself
out of the window, or dash out my brains against the wall?" But this
was only talk, for the King feared death greatly. For instance, one
day when they were in a boat on the small lake round the palace of
Hirschholm, the King said to Reverdil with a look of despair: "I
should like to throw myself into the lake"; but he added as a quick
after-thought: "and be pulled out again directly". He was aware of his
mania, and strove hard to overcome it, but in vain. There were three
marked degrees which he indicated by three German expressions. The
first was: "_Ich bin confus_" (I am confused); the second: "_Es rappelt
bei mir_" (There is a noise in my head); and the third: "_Er ist
ganz übergeschnappt_" (I am quite beside myself). And often he would
declare: "I can bear it no longer".
The King now talked to Reverdil in German, which, in deference to
Struensee, had become the court language, though, formerly, Christian
had made it a rule that Danish only should be spoken, except to
foreigners, whom he addressed in French. German was never heard at the
Danish court during his reign until the advent of Struensee. Though the
King said little, he had a shrewd idea of what was going on between the
Queen and Struensee. Once Reverdil took up one of the King's books, and
found it marked at the history of Rizzio, the favourite of Mary Stuart.
But the King never showed the slightest symptoms of jealousy or
resentment at the relations between Struensee and the Queen, and, when
he alluded to them, it was to treat the affair as a matter of course.
Sometimes he spoke of Struensee as the Queen's _cicisbeo_, and on
another occasion he asked Reverdil whether he thought that the King of
Prussia had an amour with the Queen of Denmark. "The King of Prussia!"
exclaimed Reverdil. "I mean Struensee, of course," said the King,
thereby showing the mastery which Struensee had acquired over him; for
the King of Prussia, Frederick the Great, had always been Christian's
ideal of a great ruler.
Reverdil found that the rumours which had been spread abroad of the
revels of Hirschholm were much exaggerated. The conversation and
conduct of the court were quite decent, and, whatever might be going
on beneath, little or no hint of it appeared on the surface. But
despite the extravagance and luxury everywhere visible, the tone was
_bourgeois_. Reverdil says that "the conversation of the company
resembled nothing so much as that of the servants of a large house who
sat down to table in the absence of their master".[177] The _corps
diplomatique_ noticed this peculiarity also, and had a hundred good
stories to tell their several courts of the ridiculous incidents which
came under their notice. As Keith wrote to his father: "This court has
not the most distant resemblance to any other under the sun".[178]
[177] _Mémoires de Reverdil._
[178] _Memoirs of Sir Robert Murray Keith_, October 30, 1771.
Reverdil gives a curious sketch of the daily life of the court at
Hirschholm. When there was no hunting, the King, the Queen, Struensee
and Brandt, and some of the ladies and gentlemen-in-waiting assembled
at _déjeuner_ between eleven and twelve o'clock, and, if the weather
were fine, the _déjeuner_ was followed by a walk in the gardens and
woods. Struensee gave his arm to the Queen as a matter of course, the
King to some lady-in-waiting whom he elected to honour, Brandt to the
Countess Holstein, and each of the other gentlemen to the lady allotted
him. In procession they paraded the grounds, and frequently would dine
in a summer-house some distance from the palace. On these occasions
etiquette was wholly banished from the royal table. The King and Queen
and the company were waited on by pages, who only entered when a bell
was rung and left immediately they had changed the courses. The Queen
placed herself at table between the King and Struensee, and if the
King's mania asserted itself, as it was apt to do at awkward times,
the Queen would command Brandt to lead him out of the room. Sometimes
instead of the promenade the King would drive out in the same carriage
as the Queen and Struensee. They generally managed to drop the King at
some point where his attendant was waiting for him, and often returned
late at night together, quite unattended.
Reverdil noticed a great change in the Queen. Formerly her manners
were courteous, affable and winning, and she exerted herself to say
pleasant things, and place every one at his ease. Now she talked only
to Struensee, and ignored the rest of the company. If by chance she
addressed a few remarks to any one else, Struensee was always close by,
and listened to what was said. The Queen was devoted to her children,
especially to the infant Princess. Reverdil had heard rumours of the
Crown Prince's ill-treatment, but he acquitted the Queen of any blame
or neglect; she spent as much time with her children as her position
allowed, and thoroughly enjoyed the happiness of being a mother. On
rainy days, when the court was obliged to remain indoors, the Queen
often appeared in the circle, carrying her daughter and leading her
son, who clung affectionately to her dress. She always loved children.
They were her joy in the hour of her prosperity and her consolation in
the day of her adversity.
END OF VOL. I.
THE ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS LIMITED
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
Archaic, inconsistent and unusual spellings from the original book
have been preserved in this ebook. Obvious typos have been fixed. The
spelling of many family names in this book varies from the spelling
used in historical documents today.
In the original book, "Ibid." was used in the footnotes only when the
same source was cited in adjacent footnotes on the same page. In this
ebook, the use of "Ibid." has been changed to appearing only when
adjacent footnotes on the same paragraph cite the same source. This
change is not noted in the details below.
Details of the changes:
Table of Contents:
The Preface, Contents, List of Illustrations and the Transcriber's
Note were added. Only Chapters I-XIX were in the original Table of
Contents.
List of Illustrations and the caption of the illus. facing page 304:
Originally: THE PALACE OF HIRSCHHOLM, TEMP. 1770
In this ebook: THE PALACE OF HIRSCHHOLM. _Temp. 1770._
Page 46:
Originally: love of out-door exercise seemed to show
In this ebook: love of outdoor exercise seemed to show
Page 221:
Originally: in the corridors and antechambers of the palace
In this ebook: in the corridors and ante-chambers of the palace
Page 347:
Originally: another person re-appeared upon the scene
In this ebook: another person reappeared upon the scene