QUEEN AND EMPRESS.
1770-1771.
The keynote of Struensee's foreign policy was to free Denmark from
outside interference, and the greatest offender in this respect
was Russia. The inauguration of the new regime, therefore, was the
occasion of a violent quarrel with the Russian court, to which a
personal element gave additional bitterness. Russia at this time meant
Catherine the Great, for the imperious Empress gathered all the reins
of government, both foreign and domestic, in her hands. She had come to
regard the King of Denmark as almost her vassal, and her first instinct
was to crush any signs of revolt against her influence. The Empress was
minutely informed of the changes at the Danish court and the causes
which had led to them. She knew all about the intrigue between Matilda
and Struensee. But she had no sympathy with the young Queen of Denmark,
whose career, in some respects, offered a curious parallel to her own.
Like Matilda, Catherine had been brought from a foreign country, when
little more than a child, and married to a weak and vicious prince,
in whose character there was a strain of madness; like Matilda,
she had been left alone in a strange and dissolute court, outraged
and neglected by her husband, ignored and set aside, and exposed to
every temptation. Catherine had found consolation in a lover, and
plotted with him and others. The outcome of her intrigues was the
deposition and subsequent murder of her husband, and the Empress's
elevation to the sovereign power. Rumour said that she was privy to the
assassination, but that must always remain a mystery. Of course, before
this point had been reached the parallel between the two women ended,
for Matilda, though she had undoubtedly intrigued with Struensee to get
the power into her own hands, was not of the same calibre as Catherine.
She was incapable of either her crimes or her vices; she had neither
her soaring ambitions nor her consummate powers of statecraft. Though a
woman of more than average ability, she had none of the genius of the
Russian Empress; and her heart would always hinder her from playing a
great part upon the world's stage.
The weakness of Matilda's position was her love for Struensee. At first
she wished him to take no part in politics. "If Struensee had taken my
advice, and had not become a minister, it would have been much better,"
she said, two years later in bitter retrospect, but he overruled her
in this as in all else. Everything he did was right in her eyes, and
though she sometimes trembled at the perilous path he was treading,
when he talked to her of his future policy and his sweeping reforms she
believed that he would be hailed as the saviour of the country. She
could not see that he was ignorant of statecraft, and made mistakes
which a little forethought would have avoided, for she worshipped
his commanding talents, and believed him to be a king among men. The
Danish Queen's all-absorbing passion for one man was regarded with
contempt by the Empress Catherine. It is needless to say she did not
condemn it from a moral point of view, for she was a very Messalina
in her passions, but because she considered it a fatal weakness in a
Queen who apparently aspired to reign over her husband's kingdom and to
inaugurate a new system of policy. So far from the similarity between
the trials of Catherine's early married life and the Queen of Denmark's
sorrows enlisting her sympathy, the Empress regarded Matilda with
dislike, mingled with contempt. "I have had the opportunity of seeing
the Empress of Russia's sentiments expressed in her own handwriting
relative to what is passing in Denmark," wrote Woodford. "The Empress,
in a letter to her correspondent, of September 24, says upon the
changes in Denmark, 'that allowances are always to be made for the
follies of youth, but accompanied with the marks of _a bad heart_ they
excite even a public indignation'."[145]
[145] Woodford's despatch, Hamburg, October 16, 1770.
There was undoubtedly some jealousy mingled with this dislike of the
Empress Catherine for a woman she had never seen. "The Semiramis of the
North" regarded herself as one to whom the ordinary rules of life and
conduct did not apply, nor even the immutable laws of right and wrong.
She was a woman of destiny, a sublime figure, above, beyond and apart
from all meaner mortals. Yet this foolish Matilda with her _bourgeois_
favourite and paltry intrigues had presumed to challenge comparison
with one who was incomparable, and even to imitate her idiosyncrasies.
Like Catherine, Matilda rode astride in masculine attire; like
Catherine, she donned the uniform of a colonel, marched at the head
of her regiment, and fired a musket with unerring aim. True, Matilda
had only one favourite where Catherine had many, but he was one who
gathered up (in her estimation and his own) the charm of a Poniatowski,
the bravery of an Orloff, the genius of a Panteomkine, the ardour of a
Korssakof, and the beauty of a Lansköi.[146] Struensee was responsible
for this somewhat burlesque imitation of the Empress; he held before
the Queen's dazzled eyes the vision of another woman ruling her people
with consummate ability to the admiration of Europe, and Matilda was
weak enough to listen to his flattery.
[146] Favourites of Catherine the Great.
Catherine regarded the attempts of the Queen of Denmark to follow in
her steps as preposterous, and the anti-Russian policy as impertinent.
The Empress did not at first treat it seriously, but the limit of this
presumptuous folly (in her opinion) was reached when the news came to
St. Petersburg that her former co-conspirator and later her declared
enemy, Count Rantzau, had been taken into favour by the Danish
court, and given an appointment in the Government. Then the anger
of Catherine, as Bernstorff predicted, knew no bounds. She regarded
the appointment of Rantzau as an insult, and sent instructions to
Filosofow to represent her displeasure in the strongest terms to the
court of Copenhagen. Filosofow, who was already goaded to the point
of madness by the humiliations heaped on him by Struensee, performed
his mistress's behest with such violence and so many expletives
that the Queen strongly resented his bullying tone, and his further
residence at Copenhagen became impossible. For this, as the English
envoy wrote, "they [the court of St. Petersburg] will be in a great
measure indebted to their own conduct--disgusting this court by an open
attack on Monsieur Rantzau, whose character, let his intentions be what
they will, ought to have been too well known to them to give rise to
any great apprehensions".[147] Filosofow demanded his recall, which
was granted, and before leaving requested a private audience of the
King. But this was refused by Struensee, who had made up his mind that
henceforth foreign envoys should have no more private audiences with
the King behind his back. Filosofow was told that he could only see the
King at an ordinary court, when he could take leave of his Majesty.
The haughty Russian replied that his health would not allow him to be
present, and he left Copenhagen without taking leave of any of the
royal family. Thus was Struensee avenged upon his enemy.
[147] Gunning's despatch, Copenhagen, February 12, 1771.
Gunning rightly regarded the Russian envoy's withdrawal from the Danish
court as the result of an intrigue, which had its origin in the insult
offered to Struensee a year before.
"This intrigue," he wrote, "sprang originally from an insuperable
disgust her Danish Majesty conceived against the person of Mr. Saldern
and latterly against that of Mr. Filosofow.... The latter, though a man
of great honour and worth, from a want of sufficient knowledge of the
world, and from being perhaps too sensible of the splendour and power
of the Empress, his mistress, studied not enough that refinement of
behaviour which was to be expected in a public character, and through
absence and inattention committed a piece of rudeness on a certain
occasion to the Favourite which his self-love (as indeed the self-love
of any other man might have done) induced him to impute to design. The
wound rankled in his heart, and I will venture to say the sense of it
was not confined to his own feelings. Her Danish Majesty was pleased to
think much the worse of Mr. Filosofow for it. In short the affront was
never forgiven, and the second Russian minister became equally, nay,
more, obnoxious to the Queen than the first."[148]
[148] Gunning's despatch, Copenhagen, April 4, 1771.
Struensee, now that he had gratified his personal animosity, had no
wish to become embroiled in a war with Russia. He thought that the
dispute had gone far enough, and it would be better to build for the
Empress Catherine a golden bridge, over which she might retreat with
dignity from a position which had become untenable. But unfortunately
for his plans he resolved to conduct the negotiations himself, for
he had not yet appointed a Foreign Secretary to take the place of
Bernstorff. It was only in the department of foreign affairs that
Struensee found himself at sea, not in regard to his policy, for his
mind was clear as to that, but with regard to the forms and phrases
usually observed in communications between courts and monarchs. He had
no training for this kind of work, and until the last two years had no
communication, direct or indirect, with princes and potentates. His
ignorance of forms and etiquette was equalled by his contempt for them.
But it could not be supposed that the King, his master, was ignorant
of these forms, and since communications with foreign sovereigns had
to be made nominally through him, errors of this nature revealed
either that the King had not been consulted, or he had not written the
letters issued with his name. Christian VII. perhaps took a malicious
pleasure in Struensee's ignorance, or he was too indifferent to correct
the glaring errors in letters signed by him, for many absurd mistakes
occurred.
Struensee thought that a personal letter from the King of Denmark would
appease the anger of Catherine, and he therefore drew up one of these
strange documents which purported to come from Christian. But he was
so ignorant of the ordinary usage that he began it "Madame" instead of
"Madame my sister," and ended as though it had come from a subject,
"I have the honour to be, Madame, your Imperial Majesty's very humble
and obedient servant," a preposterous ending to a letter from one
sovereign to another. The letter contained a good deal of irrelevant
matter, but the gist of it was an apology for the King's refusal of a
private audience to the Empress's minister, "under the pretext," writes
Gunning, "that one having been already denied to the Swedish minister,
it could not have been consistently granted to the Russian minister,
and further, that the audiences which have been so often given, and
were now almost claimed by the Russian minister, ought to have been
considered more as a matter of courtesy than that of right. But had
Monsieur Filosofow appeared in the court circle, his Majesty would
probably have called him into the closet." The English envoy adds:
"Though perhaps this apology will not bear the test of a too strict
examination, yet as it shows an earnest desire of acceding on his
Danish Majesty's part, it may be wished the Empress may suffer herself
to be appeased by it".[149]
[149] Gunning's despatch, Copenhagen, January 10, 1771.
So far from the Empress being appeased by the King of Denmark's letter,
she received it with derision. The form, the manner, the style, the
contents, all showed her that it was not composed by her royal brother
of Denmark, but, as she coarsely said to her whole court, by the
Queen's _cicisbeo_. The relations between the courts of Copenhagen and
St. Petersburg were strained to breaking-point and Struensee was at a
loss what to do next. It was at this juncture that he appointed Count
Osten to the foreign office at Copenhagen.
Osten was a Dane of noble family, but poor. He was educated at court
as a page in the household of Christian VII.'s father. As the youth
showed much ability, Count Moltke, who was then Prime Minister, sent
him to Leipsic to study languages, with the view of making use of him
in the diplomatic service. During his residence at Leipsic, Osten made
the acquaintance of Count Stanislaus Poniatowski (afterwards King of
Poland), and the two became great friends. On returning to Copenhagen
Osten became involved in some petty palace intrigue, which was directed
against the men who had benefited him, Moltke and Bernstorff. They
overlooked his ingratitude in consideration of his talents, but,
thinking it advisable that he should leave Copenhagen, they sent him
to St. Petersburg, as an _attaché_ to Malzahn, at that time Danish
minister in Russia. Malzahn died suddenly, and the secretary to the
legation being ill at the same time, Osten seized the opportunity
to receive and answer despatches, and to confer with the Russian
ministers. So well did he acquit himself that Bernstorff appointed him
Danish envoy at St. Petersburg, and told him that he must humour the
Grand-Duchess (later the Empress) Catherine, whose favour, as he was a
handsome and a brilliant youth, he had already won. Bernstorff already
foresaw the elevation of the Grand-Duchess to a prominent position in
councils of state. Osten paid his court assiduously to Catherine, and
during his residence at St. Petersburg Poniatowski came there. The
friendship between the two young men was renewed, and when there sprang
up an intrigue between Poniatowski and Catherine, Osten acted as a
go-between, and the lovers used to meet at his house.
Perhaps because of the part he had played in this matter, the Danish
court found it necessary to remove Osten from St. Petersburg to
Dresden, so that he had nothing to do with the plots which led to the
assassination of the Emperor Peter, and the elevation of Catherine to
the throne. But as soon as the Empress found her position assured,
she asked the King of Denmark to send Osten back to St. Petersburg as
Danish envoy, and her request was at once complied with. The handsome
young diplomatist returned, and for two years enjoyed the friendship
of the Empress, who not only admitted him to her confidence, but even
allowed him sometimes to be present at the councils which she held with
her ministers and her generals. Suddenly, without warning, Osten fell
out of favour. The Empress wrote to the King of Denmark to request his
instant recall, and the Russian minister for foreign affairs informed
all the foreign envoys at St. Petersburg by a circular note that the
Empress had withdrawn her favour from Count Osten, and regarded him as
"a vile and odious person". The cause of Osten's disgrace was not a
political one, but referred to some secret infamy.
Bernstorff did not wish to bring Osten back to Copenhagen, as his
talent for intrigue was so great that he might prove dangerous, nor
did he wish to lose his services altogether, for he had proved himself
a very able diplomatist; he therefore sent him as Danish envoy to
Naples. Osten went there for a time, but he never ceased to agitate for
his promotion from a post which he considered to be exile. Eventually
Bernstorff promised Osten the post of minister at The Hague; but before
his promise could be fulfilled, the once-powerful minister was himself
dismissed from office by Struensee and the Queen.
The office of minister of foreign affairs rendered vacant by the
dismissal of Bernstorff, whose knowledge of the tangled threads of
European diplomacy was very great, was no easy one to fill--at least,
from such material as Struensee was able to command. Rantzau, who
wanted it, was impossible, and Struensee at first thought of keeping
it in his own hands; but after the ridicule poured upon his letter by
Catherine, which threatened to make the Danish court the laughing-stock
of Europe, Struensee came to the conclusion that there were some things
he did not know, and he must find some one who was, at any rate,
conversant with forms. No statesman of repute in Denmark would accept
the post on Struensee's terms, so he went through the list of Danish
envoys at foreign courts, and finding in Osten a man whose record was
unscrupulous enough for his purpose, he recalled him from Naples and
placed him at the foreign office in the hope that he would bring the
Empress Catherine to reason.
Osten's appointment was regarded as a notable accession of strength
to Struensee's administration. His knowledge of Russian affairs was
unrivalled--a great advantage at this juncture--and Gunning, the
English envoy, who had a high opinion of the new foreign minister's
abilities, seems to have thought that he would not only restore
friendly relations with Russia, but would aid him in bringing about
an alliance between England and Denmark. "I think him well qualified
for the post he is in," he wrote, "and the only one here capable of
retrieving the affairs of this unhappy country."[150] Osten, who had to
take office on Struensee's terms, was really desirous of establishing
good relations with Russia, and one of his first acts was to write a
statesmanlike despatch to St. Petersburg, "with such representations
as he hoped would dispel the Empress's scruples regarding the late
transactions of this court, would explain all suspicious appearances,
and satisfy her Imperial Majesty".[151]
[150] Gunning's despatch, Copenhagen, April 4, 1771.
[151] _Ibid._, January 1, 1771.
Though Osten's despatch was treated with more respect by the court
of St. Petersburg than the King of Denmark's [so-called] letter, the
Empress refused to be mollified. Her pride had been wounded by the
flouting of her representative at Copenhagen, but as her interference
in the internal affairs of the Danish court had been quite unwarranted,
she could not well ascribe her resentment to the fact that it was no
longer permitted. She therefore seized upon Osten's appointment as
an excuse for maintaining her irreconcilable attitude, and declared
that if the conduct of foreign affairs continued in the hands of that
"vile and odious person," she would break the treaty of 1768, and
end all negotiations with Denmark. Osten did not heed the Empress's
abuse; he knew from experience that her outbursts of passion did not
last long, and believed that in time she would take a more reasonable
view. But Rantzau and Gahler urged Struensee to anticipate Russia by
a declaration of war, and Struensee was half-persuaded, for he knew
that at the moment Russia was unprepared. Osten used all his eloquence
to convince Struensee of the folly of such a proceeding, which would
give offence to England as well, and probably bring the King of Prussia
into the quarrel. In this he was ably supported by Falckenskjold, who
had great knowledge of Russian affairs, but for a time it seemed that
Osten would not succeed. As Gunning wrote: "The hopes I for some time
entertained of Mr. Osten gaining a proper ascendency over the Favourite
are not greatly raised by the manner in which I see the former is
obliged to act. It seems to manifest Mr. Struensee's aim, whom every
circumstance deigns to favour, to grasp the whole power of the
administration into his own hands, and as his experience in business is
of a very short date, so long as Count Osten's knowledge and abilities
shall be found necessary for his information and assistance, so long
this gentleman may have some appearance of power."[152]
[152] Gunning's despatch, February 12, 1771.
In the end Osten and Falckenskjold won, and Rantzau and Gahler were
defeated. But matters remained in an _impasse_: on the one hand,
the Empress Catherine refused to receive any communications through
Osten; on the other, the King of Denmark refused to remove him, as
that would be to submit to an arbitrary interference on the part of
Russia in the internal affairs of Denmark. It was at last resolved that
Falckenskjold, who was _persona grata_ at the Russian court, should be
sent to St. Petersburg to patch up the quarrel. Falckenskjold's mission
was not very successful, for the Empress declared she would only carry
out the treaty of 1768, the territorial exchange, if Bernstorff were
recalled to the Danish foreign office, and Osten and Rantzau were
dismissed from the Government. An open breach however with Russia was
for the moment avoided. Falckenskjold returned to Copenhagen, and when
he told Struensee that the Empress insisted on the dismissal of the two
ministers, Struensee, on Osten's advice, said, and did, nothing. The
Empress, on learning that her demands had not been complied with, tried
the effect of threats, and alarming rumours reached Copenhagen that she
had determined to bombard the city, and for this purpose was equipping
six ships of the line and four frigates, which would immediately set
sail from Kronstadt. In this crisis Struensee came out well. He knew
that, though Russia might have the ships, she could not at the time
furnish a sufficient number of sailors to equip a fleet. He therefore
betrayed no panic and uttered no threats, but without ado fitted out
three ships of the line and two frigates, and gave orders to build
several others as a counter-demonstration. The ships were manned with
great rapidity, and Copenhagen was soon defended from every point.
Catherine, seeing that her threats were of no avail, forebore from
provoking Denmark to the point of open hostilities. Her hands were at
that moment full of more important matters, and so she declared "if the
present rascally advisers of the King of Denmark had rope enough they
would hang themselves". In the end her foresight was justified, but
at the time the victory was with Struensee. By his firmness he freed
Denmark from the intolerable interference of foreign ministers, which
had been going on for the last twenty years, and the fact stands to the
credit of his administration.