CHAPTER XXVIII

_THE GREAT DELIVERANCE_

B.C. 701

2 _Kings_ xix. 1-37

"There brake He the lightnings of the bow, the shield, the sword,

and the battle."--PSALM lxxvi. 3.

"ᾠδὴ πρὸς τὸν Ασσύριον."--LXX.

"And the might of the Gentile, unsmote by the sword,

Hath melted like snow at the glance of the Lord."

BYRON.

"Vuolsi cosi colà dove si puote

Cio che si vuole: e più non dimandare."

DANTE.

"Through love, through hope, through faith's transcendent dower,

We feel that we are greater than we know."

WORDSWORTH.

"God shall help her, and that when the morning dawns."--PSALM

xlvi. 5.

In spite of the humble submission of Hezekiah, it is a surprise to learn

from Isaiah that Sennacherib--after he had accepted the huge fine and

fixed the tribute, and departed to subdue Lachish--broke his

covenant.[560] He sent his three chief officers--the Turtan, or

commander-in-chief, whose name seems to have been Belemurani;[561] the

Rabsaris, or chief eunuch;[562] and the Rabshakeh, or chief

captain[563]--from Lachish to Hezekiah, with a command of absolute,

unconditional surrender, to be followed by deportation. By this conduct

Sennacherib violated his own boast that he was "a keeper of treaties."

Yet it is not difficult to conjecture the reason for his change of plan.

He had found it no easy matter to subdue even the very minor fortress of

Lachish; how unwise, then, would it be for him to leave in his rear an

uncaptured city so well fortified as Jerusalem! He was advancing towards

Egypt. It was obviously a strategic error to spare on his route a

hostile and almost impregnable stronghold as a nucleus for the plans of

his enemies. Moreover, he had heard rumours that Tirhakah, the third and

last Ethiopian king of Egypt, was advancing against him, and it was most

important to prevent any junction between his forces and those of

Hezekiah.[564] He could not come in person to Jerusalem, for the siege

of Lachish was on his hands; but he detached from his army a large

contingent under his Turtan, to win the Jews by seductive promises, or

to subdue Jerusalem by force. Once more, therefore, the Holy City saw

beneath her often-captured walls the vast beleaguering host, and

"governors and rulers clothed most gorgeously, horsemen riding upon

horses, all of them desirable young men." Isaiah describes to us how the

people crowded to the house-tops, half dead with fear, weeping and

despairing, and crying to the hills to cover them, and bereft of their

rulers, who had been bound by the archers of the enemy in their attempt

to escape. They gazed on the quiver-bearing warriors of Elam in their

chariots, and the serried ranks of the shields of Kir, and the cavalry

round the gates. And he tells us how, as so often occurs at moments of

mad hopelessness, many who ought to have been crying to God in sackcloth

and ashes, gave themselves up, on the contrary, to riot and revelry,

eating flesh, and drinking wine, and saying: "Let us eat and drink; for

to-morrow we die."[565] The king alone had shown patience, calmness, and

active foresight; and he alone, by his energy and faith, had restored

some confidence to the spirits of his fainting people.

Although the city had been refortified by the king, and supplied with

water, the hearts of the inhabitants must have sunk within them when

they saw the Assyrian army investing the walls, and when the three

commissioners--taking their station "by the conduit of the upper pool

which is in the highway of the fuller's field"--summoned the king to

hear the ultimatum of Sennacherib.

The king did not in person obey the summons; but he, too, sent out his

three chief officers. They were Eliakim, the son of Hilkiah, who, as

the chamberlain (_al-hab-baîth_), was a great prince (_nagîd_);

Shebna, who had been degraded, perhaps at the instance of Isaiah, from

the higher post, and was now secretary (_sopher_); and Joah, son of

Asaph, the chronicler (_mazkîr_), to whom we probably owe the minute

report of the memorable scene. No doubt they went forth in the pomp of

office--Eliakim with his robe, and girdle, and key.[566] The

Rabshakeh proved himself, indeed, "an affluent orator," and evinced

such familiarity with the religious politics of Judah and Jerusalem,

that this, in conjunction with his perfect mastery of Hebrew, gives

colour to the belief that he was an apostate Jew. He began by

challenging the idle confidence of Hezekiah, and his vain words[567]

that he had counsel and strength for the war. Upon what did he rely?

On the broken and dangerous bulrush of Egypt?[568] It would but pierce

his hand! On Jehovah? But Hezekiah had forfeited his protection by

sweeping away His _bamoth_ and His altars! Why, let Hezekiah make a

wager;[569] and if Sennacherib furnished him with two thousand horses,

he would be unable to find riders for them! How, then, could he drive

back even the lowest of the Assyrian captains? And was not Jehovah on

their side? It was He who had bidden them destroy Jerusalem!

That last bold assertion, appealing as it did to all that was

erroneous and abject in the minds of the superstitious, and backed, as

it was, by the undeniable force of the envoy's argument, smote so

bitterly on the ear of Hezekiah's courtiers, that they feared it would

render negotiation impossible. They humbly entreated the orator to

speak to "his servants" in the Aramaic language of Assyria, which they

understood,[570] and not in Hebrew, which was the language of all the

Jews who stood in crowds on the walls. Surely this was a diplomatic

embassy to their king, not an incitement to popular sedition?

The answer of the Rabshakeh was truly Assyrian in its utterly brutal

and ruthless coarseness. Taking up his position directly in front of

the wall,[571] and ostentatiously addressing the multitude, he ignored

the representatives of Hezekiah. Who were they? asked he. His master

had not sent him to speak to them, or to their poor little puppet of a

king, but to the people on the wall, the foul garbage of whose

sufferings of thirst and famine they should share.[572] And to all the

multitude the great king's[573] message was:--Do not be deceived.

Hezekiah cannot save you. Jehovah will not save you. Come to terms

with me, and give me hostages and pledges and a present, and then live

in happy peace and plenty until I come and deport you to a land as

fair and fruitful as this. How should Jehovah deliver them? Had any of

the gods of the nations delivered them out of the hands of the King of

Assyria? "Where are the gods of Hamath, and of Arpad? Where are the

gods of Sepharvaim, Hena, and Ivvah? Have the gods of Samaria

delivered Samaria out of my hand, that Jehovah should deliver

Jerusalem out of my hand?"[574]

It was a very powerful oration, but the orator must have been a little

disconcerted to find that it was listened to in absolute silence. He

had disgracefully violated the comity of international intercourse by

appealing to subjects against their lawful king; yet from the starving

people there came not a murmur of reply. Faithful to the behest of

their king in the midst of their misery and terror, they answered not

a word. Agamemnon is silent before the coarse jeers of Thersites. "The

sulphurous flash dies in its own smoke, only leaving a hateful stench

behind it!" And in this attitude of the people there was something

very sublime and very instructive. Dumb, stricken, starving, the

wretched Jews did not answer the envoy's taunts or menaces, because

they would not. They were not even in those extremities to be seduced

from their allegiance to the king whom they honoured, though the

speaker had contemptuously ignored his existence. And though the

Rabshakeh had cut them to the heart with his specious appeals and

braggart vaunts, yet "this clever, self-confident, persuasive

personage, with two languages on his tongue, and an army at his back,"

could not shake the confidence in God, which, however unreasonable it

might seem, had been elevated into a conviction by their king and

their prophet. The Rabsak had tried to seduce the people into

rebellion, but he had failed.[575] They were ready to die for Hezekiah

with the fidelity of despair. The mirage of sensual comfort in exiled

servitude should not tempt them from the scorched wilderness from

which they could still cry out for the living God.

Yet the Assyrian's words had struck home into the hearts of his

greatest hearers, and therefore how much more into those of the

ignorant multitudes! Eliakim and Shebna and Joah came to Hezekiah

with their clothes rent, and told him the words of the Rabshakeh. And

when the king heard it, when he found that even his submission had

been utterly in vain, he too rent his clothes, and put on

sackcloth,[576] and went into the only place where he could hope to

find comfort, even into the house of the Lord, which he had cleansed

and restored to beauty, although afterwards he had been driven to

despoil it. Needing an earthly counsellor, he sent Eliakim and Shebna

and the elders of the priests to Isaiah. They were to tell him the

outcome of this day of trouble, rebuke, and contumely; and since the

Rabshakeh had insulted and despised Jehovah, they were to urge the

prophet to make his appeal to Him, and to pray for the remnant which

the Assyrians had left.[577]

The answer of Isaiah was a dauntless defiance. If others were in

despair, he was not in the least dismayed. "Be not afraid"--such was

his message--"of the mere words with which the boastful boys of the

King of Assyria have blasphemed Me.[578] Behold, I will put a spirit

in him, and he shall hear a rumour,[579] and shall return to his own

land; and I will cause him to fall by the sword in his own land."

Much crestfallen at the total and unexpected failure of the embassy, and

of his own heart-shaking appeals, the Rabshakeh returned. But meanwhile

Sennacherib had taken Lachish, and marched to Libnah (Tel-es-Safîa),

which he was now besieging.[580] There it was that he heard the "rumour"

of which Isaiah had spoken--the report, namely, that Tirhakah, the third

king of the Ethiopian dynasty of Pharaohs,[581] was advancing in person

to meet him. This was B.C. 701, and it is perhaps only by anticipation

that Tirhakah is called "King" of Ethiopia. He was only the general and

representative of his father Shabatok, if (as some think) he did not

succeed to the throne till 698.

It was impossible for Sennacherib under these circumstances to return

northwards to Jerusalem, of which the siege would inevitably occupy

some time. But he sent a menacing letter,[582] reminding Hezekiah that

neither king nor god had ever yet saved any city from the hands of the

Assyrian destroyers. Where were the kings, he asked again, of Hamath,

Arpad, Sepharvaim, Hena, Ivvah? What had the gods of Gozan, Haran,

Rezeph, and the children of Eden in Telassar done to save their

countries from Sennacherib's ancestors, when they had laid them under

the ban?[583]

Again the pious king found comfort in God's Temple. Taking with him the

scornful and blasphemous letter, he spread it out before Jehovah in the

Temple with childlike simplicity, that Jehovah might read its insults

and be moved by this dumb appeal.[584] Then both he and Isaiah cried

mightily to God, "who sitteth above the cherubim," admitting the truth

of what Sennacherib had said, and that the kings of Assyria had

destroyed the nations, and burnt their vain gods in the fire. But of

what significance was that? Those were but gods of wood and stone, the

works of men's hands.[585] But Jehovah was the One, the True, the Living

God. Would He not manifest among the nations His eternal supremacy?

And as the king prayed the word of Jehovah came to Isaiah, and he sent

to Hezekiah this glorious message about Sennacherib:--

"The virgin, the daughter of Zion, hath despised thee, and laughed thee

to scorn. The daughter of Jerusalem hath shaken her head at thee."[586]

The blasphemies, the vaunts, the menacing self-confidence of

Sennacherib, were his surest condemnation. Did he count God a cypher?

It was to God alone that he owed the fearful power which had made the

nations like grass upon the housetops, like blasted corn, before him.

And because God knew his rage and tumult, God would treat him as

Sargon his father had treated conquered kings:--

"I will put My hook in thy nose, and My bridle in thy lips.[587] And I

will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest." He had thought

to conquer Egypt:[588] instead of that he should be driven back in

confusion to Assyria.

It was but a plainer enunciation of the truths which Isaiah had again

and again intimated in enigma and parable. It was the fearless

security of Judah's lion; the safety of the rock amid the deluge; the

safety of the poor brood under the wings of the Divine protection from

"the great Birds'-nester of the world"; the crashing downfall of the

lopped Lebanonian cedar, while the green shoot and tender branch out

of the withered stump of Jesse should take root downward and bear

fruit upward.[589]

And the sign was given to Hezekiah that this should be so.[590] This

year there should be no harvest, except such as was spontaneous; for

in the stress of Assyrian invasion sowing and reaping had been

impossible. The next year the harvest should only be from this

accidental produce. But in the third year, secure at last, they should

sow and reap, and plant vineyards and eat the fruit thereof.[591] And

though but a remnant of the people was left out of the recent

captivity, they should grow and flourish, and Jerusalem should see the

besieging host of Assyria no more for ever; for Jehovah would defend

the city for His own sake, and for His servant David's sake.

Thereafter occurred the great deliverance.[592] In some way--we know

not and never shall know how--by a blast of the simoom, or sudden

outburst of plague, or furious panic, or sudden assault, or by some

other calamity,[593] the host of Assyria was smitten in the camp, and

one hundred and eighty-five thousand, including their chief leaders,

perished. The historian, in a manner habitual to pious Semitic

writers, attributes the devastation to the direct action of the "angel

of the Lord";[594] but as Dr. Johnson said long ago, "We are certainly

not to suppose that the angel went about with a sword in his hand,

striking them one by one, but that some powerful natural agent was

employed."[595]

The Forty-Sixth Psalm is generally regarded as the _Te Deum_ sung in

the Temple over this deliverance, and its opening words, "God is our

refuge and strength," are inscribed over the cathedral of St. Sophia

at Constantinople.

It is usually supposed that this overwhelming disaster happened to the

host of Assyria _before Jerusalem_. This, however, is not stated; and

as the capture of Lachish was an urgent necessity, it is probable that

the Turtan led back the forces which had accompanied him, and took

them afterwards to Libnah.[596] Yet, since Libnah was but ten miles

from Jerusalem, the Jews could not feel safe for a day until the

mighty news came that the

"Angel of God spread his wings on the blast,

And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed,

And the eyes of the sleepers waxed heavy and chill,

And their breasts but once heaved, and for ever grew still."

When the catastrophe which had happened to the main army and the flight

of Sennacherib became known, the scattered forces would melt away.

All the Assyrians who escaped were now hurrying back[597] to Nineveh

with their foiled king. Sennacherib seems to have occupied himself in

the north, except so far as he was forced to fight fiercely against

his own rebel subjects. He never recovered this complete humiliation.

He never again came southwards. He survived the catastrophe for

seventeen or twenty years,[598] and fought five or six campaigns; but

at the end of that period, while he was worshipping in the house of

Nisroch or Assarac (Assur), his god,[599] he was murdered by his two

sons Adrammelech (Adar-malik--"Adar is king") and Sharezer

(Nergal-sarussar--"Nergal protect the king"),[600] who envied him his

throne. They escaped into the land of Ararat, but were defeated and

killed by their younger brother Esarhaddon (Assur-âkh-iddin--"Assur

bestowed a 'brother'") at the battle of Hani-Rabbat, on the Upper

Euphrates. He succeeded Sennacherib, and ultimately avenged on Egypt

his father's overwhelming disaster. He is perhaps the "cruel lord" of

Isa. xix. 4, and it is not unnatural that he should have prevailed

against his parricidal brothers, for we are told that in a previous

battle at Melitene he had shown such prowess that the troops then and

there proclaimed him King of Assyria with shouts of "This is our

king."[601] He reigned from B.C. 681-668, and in his reign Assyria

culminated before her last decline.[602] He was the builder of the

temple at Nimrûd, and erected thirty other temples. Babylon and

Nineveh were both his capitals,[603] and he had previously been

viceroy of the former.

The glorious deliverance in which the faith and courage of the King of

Judah had had their share naturally increased the prosperity and

prestige of Hezekiah, and lifted the authority of Isaiah to an

unprecedented height. Hezekiah probably did not long survive the

uplifting of this dark cloud, but during the remainder of his life "he

was magnified in the sight of all nations."[604] When he died, all

Judah and Jerusalem did him honour, and gave him a splendid burial.

Apparently the old tombs of the kings--the catacomb constructed by

David and Solomon--had in the course of two and a half centuries

become full, so that he had to be buried "in the ascent of the

sepulchres," perhaps some niche higher than the other graves of the

catacomb, which was henceforth disused for the burial of the kings of

Judah. We have had occasion to observe the many particulars in which

his reign was memorable, and to his other services must be added the

literary activity to which we owe the collection and editing, by his

scribes, of the Proverbs of Solomon. His reign had practically

witnessed the institution of the faithful Jewish Church under the

influence of his great prophetic guide.[605]

The question whether the portent of the destruction of the Assyrian

was identical with that related by Herodotus has never been finally

answered. Herodotus places the scene of the disaster at Pelusium,[606]

and tells this story:--Sennacherib, King of the Arabs and Assyrians,

invaded Egypt. Its king, Sethos, of the Tanite dynasty, in despair

entered the temple of his god Pthah (or Vulcan), and wept.[607] The

god appeared to him with promises of deliverance, and Sethos marched

to meet Sennacherib with an army of poor artisans, since he was a

priest, and the caste of warriors was ill-affected to him. In the

night the god Pthah sent hosts of field-mice, which gnawed the

quivers, bow-strings, and shield-straps of the Assyrians, who

consequently fled, and were massacred. An image of the priest-king

with a mouse in his hand stood in the temple of Pthah, and on its

pedestal the inscription, which might also point the moral of the

Biblical narrative, Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρεῶν εὐσεβὴς ἔστω ("Let him who looks

on me be pious"). Josephus seems so far to accept this version that he

refers to Herodotus, and says that Sennacherib's failure was the

result of a frustration in Egypt.[608] The _mouse_ in the hand of the

statue probably originated the details of the legend; but according to

Horapollion it was the hieroglyphic sign of destruction by

plague.[609] Bähr says that it was also the symbol of Mars. Readers of

Homer will remember the title Apollo _Smintheus_ ("the destroyer of

mice"), and the story that mice were worshipped in the Troas because

they gnawed the bow-strings of the enemy.

But whatever may have been the mode of the retribution, or the scene in

which it took place, it is certainly historical. The outlines of the

narrative in the sacred historian are identical with those in the

Assyrian records. The annals of Sennacherib tell us the four initial

stages of the great campaign in the conquest of Phœnicia, of Askelon,

and of Ekron, the defeat of the Egyptians at Altaqu, and the earlier

hostilities against Hezekiah. The Book of Kings concentrates our

attention on the details of the close of the invasion. On this point,

whether from accident, or because Sennacherib did not choose to register

his own calamity, and the frustration of the gods of whose protection he

boasted, the Assyrian records are silent. Baffled conquerors rarely

dwell on their own disasters. It is not in the despatches of Napoleon

that we shall find the true story of his abandonment of Syria, of the

defeats of his forces in Spain, or of his retreat from Moscow.[610]

The great lesson of the whole story is the reward and the triumph of

indomitable faith. Faith may still burn with a steady flame when the

difficulties around it seem insuperable, when all refutation of the

attacks of its enemies seems to be impossible, when Hope itself has

sunk into white ashes in which scarcely a gleam of heat remains.

Isaiah had nothing to rely upon; he had no argument wherewith to

furnish Hezekiah beyond the bare and apparently unmeaning promise,

"Jehovah is our Judge; Jehovah is our Lawgiver; Jehovah is our King.

He will save us." It was a magnificent vindication of his inspired

conviction, when all turned out--not indeed in minute details, but in

every essential fact--exactly as he had prophesied from the first.

Even in B.C. 740 he had declared that the sins of Judah deserved and

would receive condign punishment, though a remnant should be

saved.[611] That the retribution would come from some foreign

enemy--Assyria or Egypt, or both--he felt sure. Jehovah would hiss for

the fly in the uttermost canals of Egypt, and for the bee that is in

the land of Assyria, and both should swarm in the crevices of the

rocks, and over the pastures.[612] Later on in 732, in the reign of

Ahaz, he pointed to Assyria,[613] as the destined scourge, and he

realised this still more clearly in 725 and 721, when Shalmaneser and

Sargon were tearing Samaria to pieces.[614] Contrary, indeed, to his

expectation, the Assyrians did not then destroy Jerusalem, or even

formally besiege it. The revolt from Assyria, the reliance on Egypt,

did not for a moment blind his judgment or alter his conviction; and

in 701 it came true when Sennacherib was on the march for

Palestine.[615] Yet he never wavered in the apparently impossible

conclusion, that, in spite of all, in spite even of his own darker

prophecies (xxxii. 14), Jerusalem shall in some Divine manner be

saved.[616] The deliverance would be, as he declared from first to

last, the work of Jehovah, not the work of man,[617] and because of it

Sennacherib would return to his own land and perish there.[618] The

details might be dim and wavering; the result was certain. Isaiah was

no thaumaturge, no peeping wizard, no muttering necromancer, no

monthly prognosticator.[619] He was a prophet--that is, an inspired

moral and spiritual teacher who was able to foresee and to foretell,

not in their details, but in their broad outlines, the events yet

future, because he was enabled to read them by the eye of faith ere

they had yet occurred. His faith convinced him that predictions

founded on eternal principles have all the certainty of a law, and

that God's dealings with men and nations in the future can be seen in

the light of experience derived from the history of the past. Courage,

zeal, unquenchable hope, indomitable resolution, spring from that

perfect confidence in God which is the natural reward of innocence and

faithfulness. Isaiah trusted in God, and he knew that they who put

their trust in Him can never be confounded.

No event produced a deeper impression on the minds of the Jews, though

that impression was soon afterwards, for a time, obliterated.

Naturally, it elevated the authority of Isaiah into unquestioned

pre-eminence during the reign of Hezekiah. It has left its echo, not

only in his own triumphant pæans, but also in the Forty-Sixth Psalm,

which the Septuagint calls "An ode to the Assyrian," and perhaps also

in the Seventy-Fifth and Seventy-Sixth Psalms. In the minds of all

faithful Israelites it established for ever the conviction that God

had chosen Judah for Himself, and Israel for His own possession; that

God was in the midst of Zion, and she should not be confounded: "God

shall help her, and that right early." And it contains a noble and

inspiring lesson for all time. "It is not without reason," says Dean

Stanley, "that in the Churches of Moscow the exultation over the fall

of Sennacherib is still read on the anniversary of the retreat of the

French from Russia, or that Arnold, in his lectures on Modern History,

in the impressive passage in which he dwells on that great

catastrophe, declared that for the memorable night of the frost in

which twenty thousand horses perished, and the strength of the French

army was utterly broken, he knew of no language so well fitted to

describe it as the words in which Isaiah described the advance and

destruction of the hosts of Sennacherib."[620]

They had been brought face to face, the two kings--Sennacherib and

Hezekiah. One was the impious boaster who relied on his own strength,

and on the mighty host which dried up rivers with their trampling

march--the worldling who thought to lord it over the affrighted globe;

the other was the poor kinglet of the Chosen People, with his one city

and his enfeebled people, and his dominion not so large as one of the

smallest English counties. But "one with God is irresistible," "one

with God is always in a majority." The poor, weak prince triumphs over

the terrific conqueror, because he trusts in Him to whom

world-desolating tyrants are but as the small dust of the balance,

and who "taketh up the isles as a very little thing."[621]

As Assyria now vanishes almost entirely from the history of the Chosen

People, we may here recall with delight one large and loving prophecy,

to show that the Hebrews were sometimes uplifted by the power of

inspiration above the narrowness of a bigoted and exclusive spirit.

Desperately as Israel had suffered, both from Egypt and Assyria, Isaiah

could still utter the glowing Messianic Prophecy which included the

Gentiles in the privileges of the Golden Age to come. He foretold that--

"In that day shall Israel be the third with Egypt and Assyria, as a

blessing in the midst of the land: whom the Lord of hosts shall bless,

saying, Blessed be Egypt My people, and Assyria the work of My hands,

and Israel Mine inheritance."[622]

"That strain I heard was of a higher mood!"

* * * * *

King Hezekiah can have no finer panegyric than that of the son of

Sirach: "Even the kings of Judah failed, for they forsook the law of

the Most High: all except David, and Ezekias, and Josias failed."[623]

FOOTNOTES:

[560] Isa. xxxiii. 8.

[561] Isa. xx. 1.

[562] Jer. xxxix. 3. The meaning of the name is not certain. _Sarîs_,

in Hebrew, is "eunuch"; but the word is not known in Assyrian records,

and we should expect _Rabsarîsîm_, as in Dan. i. 3.

[563] Rabsak perhaps means _chief officer_ or vizier, and is Hebraised

into Rabshakeh. Prof. G. A. Smith (_Isaiah_, p. 345) calls him

"Sennacherib's Bismarck." Rabshakeh, usually rendered "chief cupbearer,"

is an Aramaised form of Rabsak (great chief); but we know of no chief

cupbearer at the Assyrian court (Schrader, _K. A. T._, 199 f.).

[564] From an Apis-stêlê he seems to have reigned twenty-six years

(B.C. 694-668?).

[565] Isa. xxii. 1-13.

[566] Eliakim. See Isa. xxii. 21, 22.

[567] "Vain words"; lit., "a word of the lips." LXX., λόγοι χειλέων.

[568] Comp. Isa. xxx. 1-7; Ezek. xxix. 6. It seems to be an

over-refinement to suppose that Sennacherib refers to the divisions

between Egypt and Ethiopia.

[569] 2 Kings xviii. 23, A.V.: "Let Hezekiah give pledges."

[570] Heb., _Arâmîth_.

[571] 2 Kings xviii. 28, where _stood_ should be rendered _came

forward_.

[572] The coarse expression is softened down by the Chronicler (2

Chron. xxxii. 18).

[573] The kings of Assyria usually called themselves "great king,

mighty king, king of the multitude, king of the land Assur."

[574] Every one must notice the glaring inconsistency between this

_defiance_ of Jehovah and the previous claim to the possession of His

sanction. On Hamath, Arpad, etc., see Schrader, ii. 7-10.

[575] Isa. xxxiii. 8: "He hath broken the covenant, he hath despised

the cities, he regardeth no man."

[576] 1 Kings xx. 32; 2 Kings vi. 30.

[577] Sennacherib had already carried off vast numbers. See Isa. xxiv.

1-12; Demetrius _ap._ Clem. Alex., _Strom._, i. 403.

[578] Isaiah's phrase, _na'arî melek_, "lads of the king," is

contemptuous. LXX., παιδάρια.

[579] Heb., _ruach_; LXX., δίδωμι ἐν αὐτῷ πνεῦμα. Theodoret calls this

"spirit" _cowardice_ (τὴν δειλίαν οἶμαι δηλοῦν).

[580] Libnah means "whiteness." Dean Stanley (_S. and P._, 207, 258)

identifies it with a white-faced hill, the Blanchegarde of the

Crusaders.

[581] The dates usually given are Sabaco, B.C. 725-712; Shabatok,

712-698; Tirhakah, 698-672. Manetho, Τάραχος; Strabo, Τεράκων, ὁ

Αἰθιώψ. He was third king of the twenty-fifth dynasty, and the

greatest of the Egyptian sovereigns who came from Ethiopia. He reigned

gloriously for many years. We see his figure at Medinet Abou, smiting

ten captive princes with an iron mace; but he was finally defeated by

Esarhaddon, and in 668 by Assurbanipal at Karbanit (Canopus). He is

called by his conqueror "Tar-ku-u, King of Egypt and Cush" (Schrader,

_K. A. T._, 336 ff.).

[582] Heb., _Sepharîm_; Vulg., _litteræ_; 2 Chron. xxxii. 17. The more

ordinary term for a letter is _iggereth_.

[583] 2 Kings xix. 12 (Heb.); Ezek. xxvii. 23. On these places see

Schrader, ii. 11, 12. It had been indeed Sennacherib's work "to reduce

fenced cities to ruinous heaps." He boasts on the Bellino Cylinder,

"Their smaller towns without number I overthrew, and reduced them to

heaps of rubbish" (_Records of the Past_, i. 27).

[584] "It is a prayer without words, a prayer in action, which then

passes into a spoken prayer" (Delitzsch).

[585] The Assyrians are sometimes represented in their monuments as

hewing idols to pieces in honour of their god Assur (Botta, _Monum._,

pl. 140).

[586] LXX., κινεῖν τὴν κεφαλήν, "a gesture of scorn" (Psalm xxii. 7,

cix. 25; Lam. ii. 15). With the vaunts of Sennacherib compare

Claudian, _De bell. Geth._, 526-532.

"Cum cesserit omnis

Obsequiis natura meis? Subsidere nostris

Sub pedibus montes, _arescere vidimus amnes_ ...

Fregi Alpes, _galeis Padum victricibus hausi_."

KEIL, _ad loc._

[587] Comp. 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11 (Heb.); Psalm xxxix. 1; Isa. xxx. 28;

Ezek. xxxviii. 4, xxix. 4. The Assyrians drove a ring through the

lower lip, the Babylonians through the nose. See Rawlinson, _Ancient

Monarchies_, ii. 314, iii. 436.

[588] 2 Kings xix. 33. "The river of Egypt" (_Nachal-ha-Mizraim_) is

the Wady-el-Arish.

[589] Isa. x. 33, 34, xi. 1, xiv. 8; Stanley, _Lectures_, ii. 410.

[590] אוֹת. A sign "is a thing, an event, or an action intended as a

pledge of the Divine certainty of another. Sometimes it is a miracle

(Gen. iv. 15, Heb.), or a permanent symbol (Isa. viii. 18, xx. 3,

xxxvii. 30; Jer. xliv. 29)" (Delitzsch).

[591] The first year they should eat _saphîach_ (LXX., αὐτόματα;

Vulg., _quæ repereris_); the second year, _sachîsh_ (LXX., τὰ

ἀνατέλλοντα; Vulg., _quæ sponte nascuntur_).

[592] 2 Kings xix. 35: "It came to pass that night." Isaiah only has

"then"; Josephus, κατὰ τὴν πρώτην τῆς πολιορκίας νύκτα. Menochius

understands it "_in celebri illa nocte_." The LXX. omits "that," and

simply says "in the night" (νυκτός). Comp. Psalm xlvi. 5 (Heb.); Isa.

xvii. 14.

[593] Josephus, followed by many moderns, and even by Keil, suggests a

plague. The malaria of the Pelusiotic marshes easily breeds pestilence.

The "_maleak Jehovah_" is "the destroyer" (_mashchith_) (Exod. xii. 23;

2 Sam. xxiv. 16.) Comp. Justin., xix. 11; Diod. Sic., xix. 434.

[594] Comp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 15, 16.

[595] The Babyl. Talmud and some Targums, followed by Vitringa, etc.,

attribute to it storms of lightning; Prideaux, Heine, and Faber, to

the simoom; R. José, Ussher, etc., to a nocturnal attack of Tirhakah.

[596] It is, however, perfectly possible that a contingent was left on

guard. "Where is the [past] terror? Where is he that rated the

tribute? Where is he that received it?" (Isa. xxxiii. 18). "At the

noise of the tumult the people flee" (Isa. xxxiii. 3); "At Thy rebuke,

O God of Jacob, both chariot and horse are cast into a dead sleep"

(Psalm lxxvi. 6). Comp. Psalm xlviii. 4-6.

[597] This is the meaning of "he departed, and went, and returned."

[598] Not, only fifty-five days, as we read in Tobit i. 21.

[599] Jos., _Antt._, X. i. 5: "In his own temple to Araskê"; LXX.,

Ἀσαράχ; Isa. xxxvii. 38. One guess connects the word with Nesher, "the

eagle-god," often seen on the Assyrian bas-reliefs. Lenormant calls

him "the god of human destiny."

[600] Alex. Polyhistor _ap._ Euseb., i. 27; Kimchi _ad_ 2 Kings xix.

37. Buxtorf (_Bibl. Rabbinic._) says that Sennacherib entered the

temple to ask his counsellors why Jehovah favoured Israel. Being told

that it was because of Abraham's willingness to offer Isaac, he said,

"Then I will offer my two sons." Rashi adds that they slew him to save

their own lives. (See Schenkel and Riehm, _s.v._ "Sanherib"--both

articles by Schrader).

[601] See Schrader in Riehm's _Handwörterbuch_, _s.vv._ "Sanherib,"

"Asarhaddon." Esarhaddon, judging from what is called "Sennacherib's

will," in which the king leaves him splendid presents, seems to have

been a favourite of his father (_Records of the Past_, i. 136). He

says that on hearing of his father's murder, "I was wrathful as a

lion, and my soul raged within me, and I lifted my hands to the great

gods to assume the sovereignty of my father's house." See Appendix I.

[602] The Book of Tobit (i. 21) calls him Sarchedonas.

[603] 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11.

[604] 2 Chron. xxxii. 23.

[605] Wellhausen, p. 116.

[606] Herod., ii. 14. "Sin" (Tanis?), Ezek. xxx. 15. It lay in the

midst of morasses, and some attribute the catastrophe to the malaria.

[607] The deliverance is really connected with Tirhakah, whose deeds

are recorded in a temple at Medinet Habou, but the jealousy of the

Memphites attributed it to the piety of Sethos. See G. W. Wilkinson,

_Ancient Egyptians_, i. 141; Rawlinson, _Herodotus_, i. 394.

[608] _Antt._, X. i. 1-5.

[609] Comp. 1 Sam. v., vi., where, after a plague, the Philistines

sent an expiation of five golden mice.

[610] We may add that even the Chronicler drops a veil over

Sennacherib's actual capture of fortresses in Judah ("he _thought_ to

win them for himself," 2 Chron. xxxii. 1: comp. 2 Kings xviii. 13;

Isa. xxxvi. 1).

[611] Isa. vi. 11-13.

[612] Isa. v. 26-30.

[613] Isa. vii. 18.

[614] Isa. viii., xxviii. 1-15, x. 28-34.

[615] Isa. xiv. 29-32, xxix., xxx.

[616] Isa. i. 19, 20.

[617] Isa. x. 33, xxix. 5-8, xxx. 20-26, 30-33.

[618] Isa. xxxviii. 6. See for this paragraph an admirable chapter in

Prof. Smith's _Isaiah_, pp. 368-374.

[619] Isa. xlvii. 13.

[620] Stanley, _Lectures_, ii. 531.

[621] Isa. xl. 15.

[622] Isa. xix. 24, 25.

[623] Ecclus. xlix. 4.

The Expositor's Bible: The Second Book of Kings · 第 28 / 39 章