The Zurichers, with ranks swollen by the arrival of several thousand

solders, were encouraged by Lavater, again in their midst, and the

governor-general Frei, next him in command, to descend from the Albis

and hazard another battle. They earnestly begged the Bernese to march

up rapidly through the free bailiwicks and lend them support. The Five

Cantons, threatened thus in front and rear, would be compelled either

to fight, or to retreat. Diessbach refused. Even when Zurich, at his

request, withdrew her troops from the Albis, forsook her own canton and

joined the Bernese at Bremgarten, he still hesitated. The united

forces, now exceeding in number those of the Catholics, occupied five

days in advancing the distance of a few miles, where they again

encamped. Frei could no longer endure such treasonable inaction. On his

own responsibility, aided by the men of Basel, Schaffhausen, and St.

Gall, he pressed on by night to the Gubel. The Bernese slept without

concern. But the Gospel of Christ is not to be upheld by swords and

lances. A second time Zurich was beaten, and her brave captain fell

among the slain.

And yet the Catholics did not gain all they desired. Their faith, as

well as their former just position in the Confederacy, were now

secured, and the unnatural prohibition against the export of provisions

done away; but the Reformation still survived, and their victories did

not give them power sufficient to crush again the liberty of the

Gospel, where it had taken root, or to limit Zurich in her territorial

rights. This, however, they attempted to do, and directly after the

defeat at Cappel invited all the parishes on the further side of the

Albis, together with the entire population on the left shore of the

lake, to abandon Zurich, swear allegiance to them and give hostages for

their fidelity in the future; in return for which, they promised to

guarantee their original liberties and "receive and treat them, as

faithful, loving subjects should be by a mild and paternal government."

In case of refusal, they were to be dealt with in "a hostile and

warlike manner," without mercy. The offer was unanimously rejected, and

information sent to the Council of Zurich, which was repeatedly

assured, that they were resolved to abide by the Gospel till death. The

latter government also remained unshaken, even by the new disaster at

the Gubel; indeed, now for the first time, exhibited a degree of

courage and activity, that was not looked for. And although the Duke of

Wuertemburg had been informed that "the trade of our city is nearly

ruined," orders were sent, only four days after the defeat at Cappel,

to the Zurichan allies, who were still engaged in the siege of the

castle Musso, on the borders of Graubuenden: "Persevere, do not break

up, nor let our affairs trouble you, but prosecute the war boldly and

earnestly, and give the enemy no rest till he surrenders." This reply

was also made, when the Council of Bern, in contrast with the sluggish

leaders of her army, referred the mediators, sent from Solothurn,

Appenzell and Neunburg, to Zurich with the declaration that without her

consent their could be no talk of peace: "It shall never be forgotten,

but told to our children and children's children." Her town-clerk was

authorized, the very day after the battle on the Gubel, to inform the

soldiers on the Italian frontiers: "We are ready to pledge hide and fur

and all that God has given us, not to abandon the field, till the

religious rights of the bailiwicks are secured." Word was sent to the

camp at Baar: "We wish to know what happened at the defeat on the

mountain, who was to blame and who was innocent. You should remember

every day the disgrace of our city of Zurich and seek means to recover

our lost honor." Continually and repeatedly were the Bernese captains

and the government exhorted to prosecute the war with greater vigor;

and when the latter, in order to justify her irresolution, referred to

the armed preparations on the Rhine and on her western borders, against

which she was obliged to guard, when she communicated the fact that the

Archduke Ferdinand had, immediately after receiving the news of the

disaster at Cappel, sat more than half a day in council and, leaving

the Imperial Diet, ridden off to Inspruck, the indignant reply was

made. "We can get nothing more out of it than this, that all our

friends are on the other side of the Rhine, and your reports and ours

in no wise agree; and since these things are not half so dreadful as

represented to you, we beg you not to be frightened at such bug-bears,

but come manfully to our aid." The _Landgrave_ of Hesse, who had

offered money and a thousand men, and the Duke of Wuertemberg, who had

placed at their disposal all his heavy guns at Hohentwiel, were warmly

thanked; but as there was less lack of men than of concord in the camp,

it was resolved to decline this foreign assistance, which could

scarcely have been used.

In the camp itself undoubtedly lay the chief causes of the crippled

condition of affairs, the confusion and the unfortunate results. Not

only did a continual strife prevail between the Bernese and Zurichan

commanders, but the latter stood isolated among his own people. He

himself felt that he had lost the confidence of his troops, and

although he could point to undeniable proofs of his bravery in Italy,

and of his undaunted spirit and presence of mind in the popular

rebellion at T[oe]ss, and although he was among the last to leave the

battle-field of Cappel, and that only when all resistance had become

impossible, yet an inner voice perhaps whispered to him, that among the

glorious band, who had there laid down their lives, the name of the

chief commander should not have been wanting. Intimidated and

perplexed, he attempted no decisive measures. "Of Lavater many said,"

so Bullinger tells us, "that he was frightened, and durst no longer

talk among and with the people. The constrained position of the general

had its effect upon the army. Several of the cowardly and faithless

began to desert, rain set in, and provisions grew scarce. In spite of

every entreaty, to protect at least the Zurichan frontier, the army of

Bern retreated to Bremgarten." "Why do you hesitate to follow?" said

the ensign Hugi of Solothurn. "You shut your eyes on your own

necessities, as your fathers before you in the old Zurich war. As they,

so you are at variance; as they, so you have lost the hearts of your

Confederate brethren; you have no power to make further resistance, and

yet you will not give way."

And in fact the government did not consider it just then consistent

with honor and duty. It was resolved not to entertain the proposals for

peace made by the mediators; because one of the conditions of the

Catholics was, that in the Territories it should be decided by a new

vote whether they would return to the old or continue in the new faith.

Bern also assented to this course. But now an army of 4,000 men from

the Five Cantons, among whom were the lawless foreign mercenaries of Ab

Isola, rushed upon the cottages and hamlets of the unprotected

territory of Zurich, overran the left shore of the lake, and ravaged as

far down as Thalweil. Terror seized the canton. Many fled to the city;

all the roads were filled with weeping-women and children, mingled with

lowing herds, and the alarm-bells resounded on every side. The councils

were called together and the troops still lying at Bremgarten summoned

by their honor and oath to hasten up without delay. They obeyed, but in

vain were the Bernese, first by the treasurer Eddlebach and then by the

burgomaster Roist and two associate councilmen, conjured by everything

which they held sacred, this once to come to the rescue of their old

confederate-sister, only to enter the city for its immediate

protection, whilst the Zurichers would fight without the walls. The

cold answer was, that they would think over the matter, and write to

the troops at Zofingen and the government at Bern. Not all of

Diessbach's army shared this feeling with him. Jacob Mai thrust his

sword at the bear in the banner, as though he would rouse him up to

action. The field-chaplain Kolb spake thus to the assembled soldiery:

"Your forefathers in a like case would have swum through the Rhine to

attack the enemy; at the slightest call they marched to battle; the

Gospel itself does not move you." These words were uttered with

impunity; but yet they produced no effect. The men of Solothurn, Basel,

Schaffhausen, Biel and Muehlhausen also joined the Bernese. Captain

Friedbolt of St. Gall alone declared, that by order of his superiors,

he would place life and property at the disposal of Zurich, and a small

troop from Bischoffzell followed him. The majority of the Thurgovians

and Toggenburgers, who were still encamped with the Zurichers, returned

to their homes.

Meanwhile, the Catholics retired again before the Zurichers, marching

up the left shore, with a reinforcement of 1,000 Graubuendners, ferried

over from the right shore of the lake. The army under Hans Escher, who

had succeeded Lavater in the chief command, encamped above Horgen on

the heights of the Zimmerberg. Zurich now stood unsupported, except by

her confederates of Graubuenden and a few from St. Gall. The rural

districts were sighing for peace, and the Five Cantons began also to

desire it. The absence of all the able-bodied men increased the

distress at home, which was already great enough by reason of the

famine; the inclemency of an early winter gave few charms to a life in

the field, and the hamlets on the frontier, crowded with soldiers,

began to feel the pinchings of want. Under these circumstances a letter

was addressed by the Five Cantons to the "Parishes general and special,

who are subject to Zurich," requesting them to conclude a special peace

with the Catholics, in case the capital would refuse to do so. This

produced a great excitement. Deputies from various parts of the canton

appeared before the government, with the earnest prayer, that some

means might be devised to prevent further invasion and relieve them

from the burdens of the war, which had now became almost intolerable.

After a long and violent struggle, the peace-party triumphed in the

Council. Negotiations were opened; but the decision on the side

of the Zurichers, according to ancient custom, was transferred to

the commons-at-war, to whom the Council sent several of its most

influential members as deputies.

Whilst the latter were assembling, the leaders of the Catholics

deliberated over the conditions to be proposed. Their views were

conflicting. Several of the most violent asserted that now the time had

come to compel the city and canton of Zurich to return to the old

faith, and that the restoration of the mass should be made an

indispensable condition of peace.--Zurich, the _schultheiss_ Golder

declared, would never consent to this. He was supported in his opinion

by the _landammen_ Froger and Toss. And they even succeeded in securing

for the inhabitants of the Territories, with the exception of the free

bailiwicks and the burghers of Rapperschweil and Wesen, the privilege

of retaining the Reformation, provided all those, who henceforth might

wish to return to the mass, should be permitted to do so. One solitary

voice objected to this liberality. Ægidius Tschudi deplored the result.

"The counsel was pernicious," said he, "and a great injury to the true

Catholic faith, to which God had given the victory. Accordingly,

neither the _schultheiss_, nor they who followed him, namely, _amman_

Froger of Uri and _amman_ Toss of Zug, and several others, lived many

years afterward."

Meanwhile the consultation was opened in the Zurichan camp by Escher,

with the exhortation neither to be too fearful, nor yet too passionate.

He said that the position of Zurich was critical, but not at all

desperate; and that God would undoubtedly defend his Gospel, in which

we should persevere to the last extremity. So to do was the unanimous

resolution. But then opinions varied as to what should be done in

regard to the Territories. Several persons, and among whom Sergeant

George Mueller was prominent, made strong appeals to the sacred duty,

which bound them to act for the people of the Territories, who had been

summoned to a common resistance and assured of protection and help, as

they would for their own. Others, on the contrary, endeavored to uphold

the right of the Five Cantons to name conditions of peace in this case.

But the following speech of an aged _amman_, Suter of the Horgerberg,

had the greatest influence in bringing matters to a conclusion.

"Our general has spoken for a long time, and exhorted us not to be in a

hurry to make peace. This perhaps might suit our Lords in the city.

They have less to lose than we. Their support and revenues are sure,

but our houses and hamlets are exposed to destruction. We have now been

beaten twice by the enemy, and suffered a great defeat. It is easily

seen that luck is against us. And there is no use to comfort ourselves

because we have an abundance of supplies and provisions and our enemies

none. For the greater their need, the greater will be their desire to

injure us. Necessity drives them. It has already stirred up fury and

revenge amongst them, and wrought great mischief, not only that we have

violated the federal compact and the _Landfriede_ toward them, but also

that we have denied them the right to take away provisions; hence God

is now angry at us and fights himself against us. We cannot rely on the

aid of the Bernese. What good has all their force done us? We have not

yet been able to prevail on them, in spite of every prayer and

entreaty, to defend the city of our Lords, whilst we of the Horger are

willing to incur the risk of danger, notwithstanding, they can lie

there in security, since our Lords have commanded us to encamp against

the main body of the enemy. The Bernese marched up very slowly to the

battlefield of Cappel, and helped us very little, and they would not

consent to send their troops to the Zugerberg. Remember the old saying,

handed down from our forefathers: 'the men of Zurich will suffer loss

rather than dishonor; the men of Bern dishonor rather than loss.' When

we of Zurich undertake anything, we stake our all upon it, and look for

success or failure; but the Bernese are just the reverse, sharing the

victory with us in every enterprise, without putting their own skins in

danger.[2] Some one has said, 'A loss should bring a man to his

senses.' Since then we have experienced loss upon loss, we certainly

ought to stop and think."

After this the negotiations were prosecuted vigorously on all sides.

The commander-in-chief, with a numerous guard, went over to the leaders

of the Five Cantons; a second meeting was held the next day and a

treaty of peace concluded, of which the following are the chief

articles: The Reformation shall be guaranteed in Zurich and all her

immediate dependencies, as well as in those parts of the Territories,

where it has already been received; yet all those, who may wish to

return to the mass, or to prove by a new vote, which is the prevailing

party, shall be at liberty to do so. Church property was to be divided

according to the census. Zurich pledged herself to abstain from any

further intervention, where she had no claim to rule. The Christian

_Buergerrecht_ and the first _Landfriede_ were abrogated. The few

remaining articles were devoted to damages, or the restitution of

property, which had been seized. During the formation of the treaty the

name of "Confederates" was once more heard. And now, after its

conclusion, the deputies dismounted from their horses and knelt down in

prayer. Then Captain Escher stepped up to the _schultheiss_ Golder and

the bailiffs of the Five Cantons, and offered his hand to each of them.

Tears stood in every eye. They gave each other their canteens to drink

from, took a friendly leave and returned to their respective camps.

But then a hard destiny, fines, punishments, the oppression of

soldiers, quartered upon them, and a partial loss of their rights, were

looked for by the inhabitants of Rapperschweil, the people in Caster

and the free bailiwicks, and especially the cities of Bremgarten and

Mellingen. Zurich had attempted to do what she could, at least for the

latter, and invited them, through Rudolph Stoll, to send deputies to

her negotiation with the Five Cantons. They refused to do it, relying

on the protection promised by the Bernese, a part of whose forces were

yet lying in their neighborhood. But these retired, as soon as the

Catholics turned against them with serious purpose, and prepared for

action, after the conclusion of the peace with Zurich. Urgently and

sadly did the two cities beg the Bernese not to leave them helpless--to

make some proposals at least in their behalf. The _schultheiss_

Mutschli rode to Aarau after the commander Diessbach. He could

remember, he there said to him, that it was only with reluctance, and

after repeated orders from Zurich and Bern, that Bremgarten had

prohibited the sale of provisions to the Five Cantons--that the

vengeance of the enemy was sure, and their destruction very probable.

Thus also spoke the people of Mellingen, as well as those of the free

bailiwicks. "We do not treat you in this manner willingly," answered

Diessbach, "but under the pressure of necessity. Act according to

circumstances; Bern must take care of her own rights." Then Mutschli

turned away with the words: "Jeremiah, the prophet, has spoken: 'Cursed

be he who trusts in an arm of flesh!' This has been fulfilled to us

this day. You cast us off in our misery. How can we then ever respect

your claims? God in Heaven judge between us!" Once more they came to

Zurich with prayers for succor, and immediately five deputies were

dispatched to the Catholics at Muri, to intercede in their behalf. "You

shall ride night and day," so they were instructed, "and not give over

till the oppression of the people is removed, and you have obtained

peace for them." But the Five Cantons remained inexorable, and the best

that Zurich could do for her forsaken allies was to open her own gates

for the reception of the most needy. Richly did one of these fugitives

repay her for that act of kindness. In Henry Bullinger, the canton

found the most worthy successor of her reformer. His talent, his

mildness of character, his wise limitation of himself to what belonged

directly to his calling, appeased the wide-spread discontent with the

clergy, especially those from abroad, to whose instigations the late

confusion and disaster were attributed; whilst on the other hand, his

ample stores of knowledge, his unshaken firmness, where duty was

concerned, and his unwearied zeal maintained the freedom of the Gospel

and the cause of the Reformation, as far as could be in the midst of

the general exhaustion. Meanwhile there was no hindrance to the return

of the old estate to the limits of the canton and outside of it.

Numerous altars were restored. The Catholic church and her priests

awoke to renewed activity. Into the desolate cells of St. Gall, Muri,

Einsiedeln, Wettingen, Rheinau, Katharinenthal, Hermatschweil and

Gnadenthal marched back their exiled, or fugitive occupants, and in the

feeling of victory, arose to new and stronger power. And now, what does

this history teach? What does it teach every succeeding generation?

That in all centuries wisdom and mildness, as well as rashness and

violence, are the same. The former are a blessing to the nations, full

of light and warmth; the latter only lead to unfruitful reactions.

Whatever the Reformers did and said for the liberty of the Gospel has

remained and borne rich fruits. All attempts on the other hand, to help

this liberty to a triumph, in the way of violence, have only wrought

injury. So, too, in our times, no good is to be hoped for from _any_

party, whether under civil or ecclesiastical form, the inspiring soul

of which is not the divine breath of love. The stronger the

independence of the individual and the power of national feeling rise

along with the everywhere growing freedom of the press, that engine of

reformation in the hands of the Almighty, the more indispensable does

it become for those who would lead others, to win them over by

conscientious persuasion. But he alone can produce any permanent

impression, who along with the free, true and loving word unites the

power of his own example. Thinkers, indeed, might be willing to listen

to the former, but the latter, speaks more clearly than any mere

doctrine ever can, to the very heart of the people. Henceforward, naked

power can establish nothing. No longer can the strong mind (and this is

the character of the coming age) rule the world; only the strong and

good will be able to show, _how God rules it_; but the princes and

nations, who recognize this the soonest, shall become the wisest, and

they also will attain the greatest power.

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER NINTH:

Footnote 1: The author did not think it necessary to give here all the

particulars of the battle. A fuller description of it may be found in

his larger work: "_Geschichte der Eidgenossen wæhrend der Zeiten der

Kirchentrennung_." II. 373, ff. Gelzer has a still more circumstantial

account in a special work, "_Die Schlacht bei Cappel_." Zurich,

Schultheiss. 1831. But the most accurate, including the minutest

details, even to the names of all who were killed, and everything that

could be collected from contemporaneous reports, is contained in

Bullinger's Chronicles, which were published a few years ago.

Footnote 2: On the contrary, in the civil wars between the two

religious parties during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the

Bernese "put their skins in danger," whilst the Zurichers did not;

though with just as little success, at least in the first.

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