The statesman, zealous for the good of his country, as well as the

thinker, busied with the higher interests of mankind in general, must

both acknowledge in the difference and mutual wants of the sexes, in

their union by marriage, the chief source of all civilization, the

ground-pillar of all domestic, social and political well-being. Far be

it from us to oppose merely natural impulses to purity of heart,

endeavors after improvement, struggles for self-dominion; nay rather,

marriage requires and makes all these the more easy. What victories

over ease and self, what offerings of renunciation do not our duties to

husbands, wives and parents demand? They are only the purer and nobler,

because they spring from love, not compulsion. Still more--it is proved

by all experience, that just in proportion as the marriage tie is

worthily apprehended and held sacred, the heart is at the same time

expanded with love for all men, and the sharing of common joys and

sorrows in our own families teaches us to understand and share those of

others also.

Hence Christianity has declared marriage to be pure and by no means

placed him, who feels called to it by God and nature, below another,

who has the power or inclination to remain independent in order to

labor for the good of his brethren. The latter ought to be highly

esteemed, but the choice left free to each one according to his own

will, or necessity.

This is not the place to quote the passages, in which the Holy

Scriptures speak of marriage, even in the case of preachers of the

Gospel, the shepherds of the congregation. They are too numerous, too

decided, too striking for any one to overthrow or weaken. Laying hold

of these, Zwingli had drawn up the papers just mentioned. Ten of his

associates signed with him the one addressed to the Bishop. Others

approved of the thing, but did not yet venture to avow it openly. The

concluding words of the memorial to the Confederates will here exhibit

the character of the author in the clearest light:

"These and many other reasons, derived from the Holy Scriptures, have

moved us, O honorable Lords, to petition Your Worships in regard to

marriage, which we design to enter into, yea to make known several

among us, who have entered into it, that Your Worships may not be

adverse thereto, seeing the great scandal thus given to all men; seeing

our wounded consciences, with which we daily attend to the

administration of God's Word and the sacraments, though everywhere our

continual weakness is acknowledged and no peace is left to us.

Therefore we exhort Your Worships as our Fathers (for we have all

sprung from one glorious Confederacy, and are yours and of yours); by

God, our Creator, who made us all of _one_ clay, so that we recognize

each other as brethren; by the blood of Jesus Christ, which he shed for

all alike, so that no one can claim for himself more than another; by

the Holy Ghost, who is God, and in all his illuminations and

inspirations has never forbidden marriage to the priesthood, but rather

enjoined it: Take pity on us your true and willing servants, so that,

though it be not sinful for us before God, it may not be shameful for

us before men. And since we have been faithfully devoted to your honor

all our lives long at home and abroad, grant us deliverance from this

disgrace of unchastity, that we may lead honorable lives among you. For

it were indeed unkind, if they, whose honor we have increased, would

not at once place us in an honorable position, not only before friends

and associates, but strangers also. Not in _one_ hour of calamity

_only_, have we shared love and sorrow with you, and ever adhered to

you as good, honest people. We have not been prompted to bring this

before Your Worships by a spirit of wantonness, but by a desire after

pious, conjugal purity. For had it been by wanton desires, these might

have been better gratified by having no wives. We also know well that

troubles, cares and labors attend the married estate. We know well how

very easily we can, any day, abandon the women with whom we have taken

up. Therefore it has not been suggested by wanton desires, but by shame

and love for the souls, committed to our care, that they do not become

eternally polluted. The greater part of us have worn out our children's

shoes, and are nearer 40 than 30 years of age. You should not listen to

those who may cry out and cast up unjustly many things against us on

the other side. 'How dare they marry? Have they not taken an oath of

chastity?' Hear this, gracious Lords! No one has promised chastity in

other words than those I will now write. The Bishop, when about to

consecrate a priest, asks if he will remain pure; the candidate

answers: 'Yes, as far as human frailty can bear and suffer.' See,

gracious Lords! with this condition have we sworn and not otherwise.

This we can prove by the Lord Bishop himself, but there is no need of

it. No one, we hope, will deny it. Since now, neither oath nor promise

binds us, and St. Paul speaks as above quoted, suffer yourselves to be

moved by this public confession, which we make before you, for, were

not the desire of honor so great, we would not have uncovered our

shame."

Whatever may be our opinion of this affair, it must be admitted that

Zwingli did not wish to appear better than he really was. Nothing was

more foreign to him all his life long than hypocrisy. For this we ought

not to honor him, but the Lord and blaster, whose word he proclaimed.

Wholly unconcerned about the reproach it might occasion, the author

took the position we have represented. A noble spirit was never yet

injured by candor; but hypocrisy has ruined millions weaker. Truth no

less than love is a fundamental requirement of the Gospel.

The astonishment, to which this step gave rise on all sides, can

readily be imagined. It was so much the greater, because Zwingli had

purposely provided for a wider circulation of the Latin and German

memorials, and sent copies of them to his friends for gratuitous

distribution. Neither from the Bishop nor the governments did he

receive any answer. The decision in the department of Zurich was very

decided and of the most favorable character as might be expected. From

Luzern, Myconius wrote to him: "Only a few give their approval to your

petitions. Many express neither praise nor blame. They say: 'You

attempt a thing you can never carry out. The Bishop, yea the Pope

cannot grant your request. Only a Council can do it.' The priests are

dissatisfied. How the people think, I do not know. This much only I can

see, that they neither know, nor wish to know anything about the

Gospel. The demon of war has laid hold of them. They are blind to all

that is higher." The prebendary Botzheim of Constance informed Vadianus

that there was a powerful movement among the people. The canon

Kilchmeier at Luzern, and Trachsel, pastor at Art, who had signed with

Zwingli, as well as John Zimmerman of Luzern and the assistant

Bernhardin of Cham put their lives in jeopardy by betrothing

themselves, and were compelled to prepare for flight. Even in Zurich,

though individuals gave Zwingli a firm support, there was yet a wide

gulf between approval and simple permission of public marriage by the

authorities.

Just then the Government of Zurich was obliged to be particularly

prudent in its relations to the other Confederates. An immediate result

of this step of Zwingli was, that ecclesiastical innovations were for

the first time discussed at the diet, in the summer of the year 1522.

Urban Weiss, pastor at Fislispach, in the bailiwick of Baden, though a

member of the Zurich chapter, as he returned from a meeting of his

associates, declared from the pulpit, by their unanimous resolution,

that henceforth nothing should be preached, except it could be proven

by the Holy Scriptures--hence, that the saints ought to be no longer

invoked, that the marriage of priests was in no wise contrary to the

commandments of God, and as soon as it was approved, (and he hoped it

would be shortly), he intended to take a wife himself. The Bishop

complained of him to his superiors at the diet, and new indignation

broke loose in their midst. The pastor would have been led off

immediately to prison, had not several of the clergy in connection with

the congregation prevented it by heavy bail. But, on their return home

the deputies found the petition of Zwingli, and this made the prospects

of the pastor rather worse, so that at the next sitting of the diet, in

the beginning of winter, it was actually resolved to send him to

Constance.

But the Confederates gave matter for serious thought to the Council of

Zurich not by this act alone. In spite of every refusal of the French

alliance, in spite of all the vigilance of the authorities, there were

still seventeen captains in that service, who succeeded by cunning arts

in enticing to themselves several troops of inveterate deserters and

disobedient youth, partly citizens of Zurich and partly of other

places, and leading them to the army, for which so severe a

chastisement was kept in store at Biocca. Justly indignant, the Council

ordered all its officers to bring these seducers captive to Zurich,

whenever they would again enter the canton; only if they came of their

own accord, to answer for their deeds, a safe conduct should be

promised to them. The Confederates declared this proceeding to be a

violation of the compact. Zurich appealed to the fourth article of the

treaty of Stanz, which was certainly in her favor. But the exasperation

increased the more. It rose to a still higher pitch, when Zwingli took

occasion from the defeat at Biocca to address a written exhortation "to

the oldest Confederates at Schwyz, to beware of foreign lords and to

get rid of them." He counted on the aid of his friends there at

Einsiedeln, and the clerk of the court, Balthasar Staffer, was his

devoted adherent, having at an earlier period received assistance from

him during a season of trial in his family. With a perception at once

intuitive and full of power he contrasts in this letter the strength of

even a small nation, that trusts in God and a good conscience, with

the windy boasts of the reigning corruption. "Our ancestors"--says

he--"overcame their enemies and established their liberty, by no other

power, than that of God. For this end they never slew Christian people

for pay, but fought for freedom alone, that their persons, lives,

women, children might not be so painfully subject to a licentious

nobility. Therefore has God multiplied to them on all sides victory,

honor and fortune, so surely, that no lord has ever conquered them,

though never so strong; which, without doubt, is not to be attributed

to human ability, but to the power and grace of God. Yea, when they

defended their fatherland and freedom at Morgarten, Sempach and Næfels,

where three hundred and fifty men attacked fifteen thousand for the

twelfth time in one day and at last beat them, among whom ye good

people of Schwyz had thirty, and in many other places, when they went

to battle and returned home always with joy and honor, then they rested

in peace, stained by no disgrace. But now, since we are lifted up in

our own conceit, and think ourselves wise; since we have become filled

with pride and boasting, though it is nothing but air; how should we

escape not having shame and loss imputed to us by God, though we have

spread our names so far with such vainglory: _We_ have done this; _we_

will do this; _we_ can do this; no one is able to withstand _us_; as if

we had a covenant with death; although a heavy scourging and punishment

passes by, may it not yet come over _us_; since we place our hope in

lying and tricks and are protected thereby--just as if we were iron and

other men gourds; just as if no one could harm us like the heroes, who

saved themselves from the deluge by that enormous pile, the tower of

Babel. It is very certain that our pride is not His gift. He waits

long, and that only, for us to do better. If we do not, then it will be

done unto US as it was done unto Sodom and Gomorrah." This letter

alone, or in connection with other reasons, which may have brought it

about, actually prevailed at Schwyz, after a stormy meeting, over the

national inclination toward the French, and it was resolved for the

next 25 years to reject foreign alliances and pensions; Nidwalden also

joined in the resolution. As may easily be imagined, this greatly

strengthened the hatred against Zwingli. "Thy truly Christian summons

to the people of Schwyz"--writes Berthold Haller from Bern--"is

severely condemned among us, indeed in the highest degree." Embassies

were sent to Schwyz and Nidwalden, to warn them back, and one also to

Zurich with the request, that if they wished always to keep apart, they

would at least abstain from influencing other members of the

Confederacy, and keep careful watch over the seditious libels that

issued from their city. The government remained firm to the principles

laid down for its guidance in political affairs. Transgressors of the

prohibition against desertion and pensions were punished with severity

and even executed; in ecclesiastical measures it was at variance and

wavering.

Zwingli felt more and more, that, though many individuals on all sides

were proud of his course and defended his cause, he yet in reality

stood alone; that many mad-caps, coming out far more rudely than he,

did him more injury by their eccentricities than they gave him help;

that his true friends, unless he continually kept them in breath,

informed them and encouraged them, were in danger of yielding to

faint-heartedness. Even his faithful Myconius wrote to him in such a

moment: "What canst thou do, when the whole world speaks against thee,

yea, opposes thee with all its powers?" When some, who, on account of

his extraordinary acquirements, had ranged themselves among his most

prominent supporters, began to draw back, Vadianus became cooler

and Erasmus put into his scanty and formal letters expressions of

ill-humor. How worthy of all honor did the man stand here, who did not

suffer himself to be bowed by all this!

It was evident to him, notwithstanding that his work, in order to have

stability, needed a firmer basis, that the acknowledgment and

protection of the government of the canton was indispensable to its

success. But the authorities, far more than Zwingli, thought themselves

bound to the existing church-order, and no support from them could be

counted on against the protest of the bishop. Thus the Reformer had

first to come to a clear understanding with them, and the Bishop

himself opened the way. He had carefully abstained from instituting an

examination of the erroneous doctrines said to be preached in Zurich,

after the Council had invited him so to do, and only exhorted the

government in general terms to allow no changes in church matters

amongst them; on the contrary he addressed a pastoral letter to the

collective clergy of his diocese, complaining of manifold heretical

teachings, warning against them, yea, condemning them, as well as a

special admonition at the same time to the convent of canons at Zurich

not to suffer them in their midst. Not less than sixty nine points of

complaint and wishes for amendment were contained in it. When the

letter was read before the assembly every eye was turned toward

Zwingli. "You find yourselves"--said he--"indebted to me for all these

accusations. I desire that they be placed in my hands, so that I can

answer." This was done, and now he was determined to battle for life

and death against the spiritual powers. Hence a glance at their present

condition and influence becomes necessary.

On the 1st of December, 1520, Pope Leo X. died, and on the 9th of

January the Cardinals had elected his successor Adrian VI. But he did

not come to Rome before the 29th of August. Till then, he staid in

Spain as vicegerent of Charles V., who was also king of that country.

The College of Cardinals, empowered to rule in the interim, had pursued

the policy of the deceased Pope in regard to Swiss affairs.

Ecclesiastical matters were kept in the background, and Zurich,

although verging toward revolt, was treated with special favor, because

she not only continued averse to the French alliance, so hated by Rome,

but besides this, faithful to former treaties, had dispatched a body of

troops for the immediate protection of the Papal government. The short

reign of Adrian (he died on the 13th of September, 1523) brought about

no change. On the contrary, even by him, who, as Grand Inquisitor in

Spain, had seized on Luther's collective writings, brilliant offers

were made to Zwingli. Franz Zingg, his friend and the same time

chaplain of the Pope, received a commission to treat with him, and

expressed himself thus scornfully against Myconius: "In Rome everything

will be granted to a bold preacher except the Papal Chair." During the

following year, 1523, two letters from Adrian, addressed to Mark Roist

and Zwingli, were delivered by the legate Ennius. In the first the

burgomaster was assured, that the Pope, fully aware of his public and

private services in behalf of the Roman See, would exhort him to

persevere in his friendly disposition, that he also was mindful of it,

as the legate would detail at large. In the second, to Zwingli, this

passage occurs: "Although our legate is enjoined to conduct our affairs

with your nation in a public manner, yet, because we have a certain

knowledge of thy distinguished merits, and especially love and prize

thy loyalty, and also place particular confidence in thy honesty, we

have commissioned our chosen Nuncio to hand over to thee separately our

letter, and bear witness to our most favorable intentions. We exhort

thee also, reverend and faithful in the Lord, to give all credit to it,

and with the same disposition, in which we are inclined to remember thy

honor and thy profit, to bestir thyself also in our affairs and those

of the Apostolic See, wherefore thou wilt be gladdened by our very

special grace."

It is not to be doubted that Adrian had been informed by his legates of

the condition of the church in Zurich; still we may be allowed to

conjecture at least, why he made another attempt upon Zwingli. Of

German descent and himself a friend and judge of German science,

conscious moreover of an honest purpose, he might perhaps have

cherished the hope, that he would be better able to exert a reconciling

influence upon the Germans than his Italian predecessor. On the Saxon

Reformer, over whom ban and outlawry had already been pronounced, such

a thing was no longer possible; but the Switzer was untouched as yet.

Still the Pope was greatly mistaken in regard to him. It was not the

person but the court, which Zwingli would avoid. Let us hear what he

has to say in regard to the relation in which he stood to the latter,

as it appears in the 'Explanation of the Final Discourse:'

"For three whole years now I have preached the Gospel in Zurich with

earnestness, for which the Papal Cardinals, Bishops and Legates, whilst

the city has not been well spoken of, have often sought to blind me by

their friendship, prayers, threats, and promises of large gifts and

benefices; these I did not wholly reject, having accepted a pension of

50 florins, which they paid me yearly (indeed they would have given me

100, but I would not be enticed); I had declined it in the year 1517,

though they would not stop it till three years after in 1520, when I

refused it in my own hand writing. (I acknowledge my sin before God and

all men; for prior to 1516 I adhered too closely to the authority of

the Pope, and deemed it becoming to receive money from him, although I

always gave the Roman envoys to understand in plain language, when they

exhorted me not to preach anything against the Pope: they should not at

all expect me to suppress a single word of the truth for the sake of

money, on which account they might either take it back or not, as it

pleased them). When now I had laid down the pension, they saw well I

would have nothing more to do with them, and then they made public my

refusal and receipt, both of which stood in one letter, through a

spiritual father, a preacher-monk, for the purpose of driving me off

from Zurich by it. But in this they failed, because the honorable

Council knew well that I had not spared the Pope in my teachings; that

I had not been wrought upon by money; that I had not aided them in

their plans, and now for the second time refused a pension; and also,

since it was the doctrine of former ages, that I could not be convicted

of a violation of honor or my oath. And thus the above-named honorable

Council has acknowledged my innocence.--So each and every one may see,

if I had wished to enrich myself with the gold of foreign lords, I

would not have refused the pension of the Pope, for to receive it from

him would have been disgraceful in the least degree to one in clerical

orders. But I declare it before the Judge of all men, God, that I have

never received pension or wages from prince or lord, or been bribed in

any way. And what I do to-day I do alone, because my office demands it

of me. I pray also that it may aid in checking the evil. For I would be

ever a murderer in the eyes of pious people, if I did not continue to

rebuke it severely. I am ready also at all times to give answer to all

men for my teachings, my writings and my actions, and dare take it on

my soul, that hereafter I will use all diligence to bring the word of

God clearly before all men, yet not I will do it, but God, and

therefore it deeply concerns me that our glorious Confederacy may

remain in existence. Although every one may think of me, as seems good

to him, yet I am conscious of innocence in regard to my teaching and

actions in that whereof my enemies accuse me. Moreover, though I exceed

many men in other faults, yet shall they not injure the truth of God

and a pious government. Let each for God's sake regard in the best

light my simple explanation of the affair of the foreign lords, which I

might have presented with far greater lustre to my reputation, had I

desired it. _For, a few days back, I received a letter from the Pope

and mighty verbal commands, which I have answered by God's grace in a

Christian manner, without being moved_; since I do not doubt, I would

become greater than any other man, if the poverty of Christ were not

dearer to me than the splendor of the Papists. Let every one regard it

in the best light. Since I must look to the wants of many, who have

claims on me elsewhere, I ought not to conceal my innocence of the

thing in my own spirit, but reply, after the example of Paul, in a

becoming manner; for the enemies of Christ often injure his doctrine

through my name, against which they utter falsehood; whom I have

followed now and to whom, as I hope, done no injustice."

With this we have enough about Zwingli's relation to the Papal See.

That he had broken with it decidedly will be inferred from what has

been quoted. By the government also Rome was not particularly feared.

It seemed to set more value on its connection with the Bishop, which

leads us now to take a glance at affairs in Constance.

Since the year 1496 the episcopal chair in that place was occupied by

Hugo of Hohenlandenberg. History has a great deal to tell about his

legations in the name of the Emperor, his treaties with the

Confederates, his synodal constitutions, his ordinances and his

pastoral letters. He was, particularly in his old age, an active,

grasping man, restlessly employed in the maintenance and extension of

his cathedral chapter, especially of its revenues. Scandalous facts

could be adduced to prove the latter. The knowledge of his character

made the Confederate governments shy of him, so that he was not always

successful in his negotiations with them. In regard to scientific

culture he needed foreign support, and when with the beginning of

reform circumstances became more difficult, he was forced to a greater

dependence on his general-vicar.

The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli · 第 7 / 33 段