so, because he had given in it a true picture of himself. About Fable
he set his mind at ease. Unfavorable reports of him had since arrived;
and there was no one in Zurich, who did not laud Zwingli's attainments
to the skies. But his life offered another difficulty. A minority at
least found fault with it. A part of them saw in his fondness for music
a worldly disposition; others said that he had not confined himself in
Glarus to good society; and at a very recent date a rumor began to
spread abroad, that he had been guilty of too familiar intercourse with
a daughter of a citizen of that place. A further examination of his
fitness for the office was committed to the Provost Frei and two
members of the canonicate, Utinger and Hofmann. The latter, an aged,
severe man, formerly a zealous preacher against the mischief of foreign
pensions, was particularly anxious to know what might be in the affair.
"Write to me about it"--concludes he--"not, because you need first
prove to me the falsehood of the charge, but because I wish to
contradict those who are ill-disposed."
A letter from Zwingli to the canon Utinger immediately followed, in
which he honorably confessed the crime, yet affirmed that he had not
been the seducer, but the seduced. With shame and anguish he made this
confession, and vowed that, for the future, by daily and nightly
searchings and labors, he would keep himself free from stains of this
sort. "Nevertheless"--continued he--"if such charges are spread abroad
by my enemies, your people must have a poor opinion of me, and if I
should be elected, the preaching of the Gospel must suffer damage. It
is advisable, therefore, for you to consider well beforehand, what the
public sentiment may be, and to listen rather to God than men. Speak
frankly about me, with whomsoever you may find it necessary. Show my
scrawl," (for that it is and no vindication) "to Myconius, and to any
one else you please. I lay my fate in your hands. Whatever the result
may be, withdraw not your love; mine for you always remains."
That, after all this, Myconius and Utinger pushed on matters with
redoubled zeal; that Hofmann came out on his side; that of the
twenty-four canons seventeen cast their votes for him; that in Zurich,
and among all the sons of Zurich in foreign lands, the liveliest joy
prevailed, shows us that the favorable opinion, held of him, did not
suffer much by his confession. It was the same case in the scene of his
former labors. The inhabitants of Glarus, to whom he had gone, towards
the close of December, in order to resign his post, which he had
retained till this time, respected him so highly, that, on the strength
of his recommendation, they passed themselves over to the care of
Valentine Tschudi. At Einsiedeln, Geroldseck acted in the same way. He
chose Leo Judæ, the friend of Zwingli, as his successor in that place.
The guardian power of the monastery, the Council at Schwyz, wrote to
him, "Although we in part regret that you must leave us at Einsiedeln,
yet, on the other hand, we rejoice with you in everything that
contributes to your profit and honor." Through Glareanus the tidings
came from Paris, "All the Swiss youth, who are here, were delighted;
they exulted, particularly the sons of Zurich. What concerns me is,
that I have less reason to wish you happiness than to pity my friends
in Glarus." Thus then, he who was taking leave, stands in his true
image before us, exhibited in his weakness as well as in his
prepondering virtue; no saint--only a man; but a man full of courage
and faith. Well! let us accompany him to the enlarged sphere of that
ministry of his, whose results will endure for ages.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FIRST:
Footnote 1: Dinner was eaten at ten, or at the furthest eleven
o'clock.
Footnote 2: Gaston of Foix, Duke of Nemours.
Footnote 3: The Mincio.
Footnote 4: Over the Oglio.
Footnote 5: He confounds it with the Adda, which empties into the Po.
Footnote 6: Again a change of names. The Ticino is meant.
Footnote 7: Even in representations designed for _the people_ such
malevolent charges are found. These exaggerations are to be corrected
not by concealment, but by a candid statement of the facts.
Footnote 8: This could scarcely have taken place, as may be supposed,
during his ministry at Einsiedeln.
Footnote 9: He seems to have made his first open attack on the whole
system of pilgrimages in the year 1522, when at the invitation of
Geroldseck, he preached once more at Einsiedeln, since, in this year,
the 14 September fell on a Sunday, the time of the greater festival of
the Consecration of the Angels. The government of Schwyz, which had
hitherto favored it, now first opened its eyes.
CHAPTER SECOND
ZWINGLI IN ZURICH. BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION. POLITICAL AND
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS UP TO THE FIRST RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE.
Just as Zwingli began his reformation in Switzerland, Martin Luther
made his appearance in the German Empire. Many in those times tried to
disparage the work of Zwingli by asserting that he only took the words
out of Luther's mouth.--Learned men are since divided, some attributing
the first step to the one and some to the other. As far as religion is
concerned the question is of little consequence. The corruption of the
church was the same in Switzerland as in Germany. Both were men of
independent character. Each was developed in his spiritual
peculiarities, according to his own nature and the custom of his
people. But since Zwingli himself has set forth his relation to Luther,
it may be worth our while to listen to his own language: "The great and
powerful of this world have begun to proscribe and render odious the
doctrine of Christ under the name of Luther; so that they, by whom it
is preached, are called Lutherans. Thus it happened also to me. But
before any one in our country ever heard the name of Luther, I had
commenced to preach the Gospel in the year 1516, since I never went
into the pulpit without placing before me the words, read in the Gospel
of the mass for that day, in order to explain them from the Holy
Scripture alone. In the beginning of the year, when I came to Zurich,
no one yet knew anything of Luther, except that a book was published by
him on indulgences, but it taught me little, for I had already been
instructed concerning the fraud of indulgences by a disputation, which
my beloved teacher, Thomas Wittenbach of Biel, held at Basel, although
during my absence. Who then shall give me the nick-name of Lutheran?
And when Luther's little book on the Paternoster appeared, and I had
shortly before explained the same Paternoster in Matthew, I well knew,
that many pious people suspected me of making that book and adding
Luther's name to it. Who then could nick-name me a Lutheran? I point
out this with all the circumstances, so that every one may learn, what
the base intentions of several noblemen are, when they venture to tack
the name of Luther to all, who preach the Gospel, so as thereby to make
the doctrine odious to men, by giving you the name of a man, which is
truly nothing else than a gross blasphemy, and a sure sign of a
corrupt, godless conscience. Luther is, as it strikes me, an excellent
soldier of God, who with great earnestness has looked through the
Scripture as no one has ever done in a thousand years on earth, and
with manly, undaunted spirit, has attacked therewith the Pope of Rome,
as no one has ever done like him, as long as the Papacy has endured,
yet without receiving abuse from others. But of whom is such an act? of
God, or Luther? Ask Luther himself and, I well know, he will say, 'Of
God.' Why then do you ascribe the doctrine of other men to Luther, when
he himself ascribes it to God? Does Luther preach Christ? Then he does
just what I do; although, God be thanked, by him a countless world more
will be led to God, than by me and others, whose measure God makes
greater or smaller, as he will. Nevertheless I will bear no name but
that of my captain, Christ, whose soldier I am, who will give me office
and pay as much as seems to him good. Now, I hope, every body will
understand, why I do not wish to be nicknamed Lutheran; although I
esteem Luther as highly as any man living." He proved by his actions
that he spoke the truth, for when the Papal Bull of excommunication
against Luther was already sent out, though not yet made known, he
strove as far as it was in his power, first by representations to the
acting attorney of the Legate in Zurich, and afterwards, by an
anonymous publication, to hinder it as much as possible. So Zwingli
stood then, acknowledging the high merit of the Saxon Reformer,
supporting him, at his side; but now let us turn back to his national
career.
The destructive influence of foreign mercenary service and pensions on
the character of the people was no less visible in Zurich than in other
States of the Confederacy, and the number of families, who were able to
resist the charms of gold, displayed freely on all sides, was small,
especially in the city. Indeed, the councils and people had, in the
year 1513, executed a solemn oath against "Wages and Bribes," as it was
called, and two years later, at the rumor of a high-handed breach of
it, the people of the lakes rose up and by threats produced the flight
of some of the bribed, and the dismissal and punishment of others; but
the oath was taken on one day, uproar followed on the second, and then
new transgressions on the third. When Zwingli came to Zurich, a
suspicion, that had more or less foundation, rested on some of the
first men in the government. This was increased by the notorious
intrigues of the many foreign embassies, who were present, and
their followers also not seldom helped on the demoralization of the
city. In Bern the state of morals was better than in Zurich. "The
Bernese"--wrote Sebastian Wagner to Zwingli--"appear to me not so
morally corrupt as our people of Zurich. Their dress and their manners
have a certain air of ancient Swiss simplicity." Bullinger also says,
"Before the preaching of the Gospel Zurich was almost like Corinth in
Greece. Much lewdness and frivolity prevailed, because diets were held
there and many strangers flocked in, where the embassies of lords and
princes were staying." George Mangolt of Constance tells us that he
heard Zwingli himself say from the pulpit in the year 1520, that on a
former visit to Zurich "he found so much wickedness there, that he
silently resolved never to become a pastor in that city and prayed God
to prevent it," and some years later, when reform began to gain ground,
one of his friends, Anthony Dublet, wrote to him from Leyden, "I cannot
tell you, what joy possessed me, what comfort stole into my heart, when
I heard, that the first state of the Confederacy, your men of Zurich,
till now, it seemed, born only for war and murder, more beasts than
men, have laid aside their godless avarice joined to a godless cruelty,
and in good faith pledged themselves to the simple Gospel and Christ,
the Lord, the true Mediator. Truly, God is mighty, who can from such
stones raise up children to Abraham!" The number of executions, one of
which occurred nearly every month, was not able to keep down outbreaks
of the lawless spirit, which ruled the nation, and the sentences of the
judges on the bench not seldom bore marks of the rudeness of the age.
In the second year of Zwingli's ministry, a witch was burnt, because
she confessed on the rack, that she had sold herself to the Devil, had
enjoyed connection with him, had ridden on a stick to Schaffhausen, and
to an assembly of wicked spirits on the Heuberg, lamed cattle, and
conjured up a frost and five hail-storms. New saints also were wantonly
manufactured. The journeyman-tailors proclaimed St. Goodman as their
patron, left off work, and went dancing about to the music of a drum.
The authorities were compelled to interfere with sternness. All this
shows the difficulties, that met the Reformer, on the part of the
people, to whom he was sent.
And as it regards the government and the clergy his path was in no
degree smoother. That some of the most distinguished members of the
council were honestly and decidedly national in their feelings cannot
be doubted. There is no evidence to show, that the burgomaster Mark
Roist ever preferred his private advantage before the public weal, and
his son Diethelm also, who sat next his father in the council, was an
acknowledged man of honor. The deputy Rudolph Thumeisen had likewise
maintained an unspotted reputation, and George Berger and Hans
Effinger, even in Italy, among so many degraded characters, proved
themselves incorruptible. Hans Edlebach, the treasurer Werdmueller, the
banneret Schweizer, and of the younger men, Ulric Funk and Lavater,
_landvogt_ at Kyburg, enjoyed universal esteem. But besides these,
there was another party, composed of men, who as the crowd says, meant
well, though they were weak, and not inaccessible to the corrupting
influences of the time, and hence undecided in moments of peril. The
second burgomaster Schmied, his successor, the deputy Walder, and the
senator Jacob Grebel may be pointed out as belonging to this class. On
the other hand, there was yet a third class, who, were ready to desert
any cause, and to help on and take part in any bold, disorderly
proceeding. Accustomed to splendor and good-living, they had been
reduced to poverty by idleness and prodigality, and hence were always
in the market for the highest bidder. And yet by reason of their noble
descent, and their extensive connections they were able to wield a
considerable influence, for most of them were members of the
aristocracy. Among these appear the G[oe]ldins, the Stapfers, the
Landenbergs, some of the branches of Zieglers and the Rahns, and bold
men, like Onofrion Setzstab, who were prepared for any undertaking.
Zwingli could foresee in them all, his deadly, and at a later period
perhaps his powerful enemies.
Among the clergy, the new people's priest was brought into direct
intercourse with the canons, who elected and had control over him.
Although they had his kind wishes, he yet resolved, to act freely
according to his convictions, supported by a feeling of spiritual
superiority. He could scarcely have rejected good counsels from the
trustee Utinger, and the canons Erasmus Schmied, Walder, Bachofen and
some others perhaps, who at the very first extended to him the hand of
friendship. His beginning will appear more difficult when we consider,
that they acted by authority, and whoever, supported by it, ventured to
come out into more decided opposition against him, could be certain of
a strong support. That he therefore had to look for cold respect, but
no hearty co-operation from one portion of the circle of his
ministerial associates, and secret dislike, yea, even burning hatred
from another, might be inferred from the nature of the human passions
and the circumstances of the case.
In this way, his position had already become suspicious to the higher,
and much more to the lower clergy, on account of their general dislike.
The reputation, which had preceded him, made the race of monks tremble,
for by their degeneracy, they had fallen into deserved contempt with
the mass of the people. Still, distinguished patrons, and adherents in
public and private remained true to him. Zwingli could not at least
expect skillful opponents from this quarter. Their gross ignorance left
them at his mercy. But just in the very consciousness of his
superiority lay a temptation, so much the stronger to rash and
premature action, and by this the Reformer was threatened with the
greatest danger. Thus affairs stood in Zurich, when Zwingli began to
teach. He arrived there on the 27 December, 1518, and immediately
presented himself to the convent of the canons. Here he was made
acquainted with the duties of his office. Of the fourteen articles of
direction, the two shortest were those relating to the pulpit. Twice in
a year he had to read aloud longer passages from the Gospels, to preach
on Sundays, to announce the festivals, and to notify the chapter of the
so-called anniversaries, or to see that it was done by one of his two
assistants. The other articles treated of his presence in the choir,
obedience, style of dress, the reading of the mass, baptism, simony
(the selling of benefices or obtaining them by fraud), but especially
the care of the revenues of the chapter. All his duties were detailed
therein with the greatest precision and minuteness. An article was
afterwards added, which made it the duty of the people's priest not to
leave the city during seasons of pestilence.
At this meeting Zwingli declared that he regarded preaching as his
chief business. First of all, the people must be taught to understand
the Holy Scriptures. So it had been in ancient times. But now nothing
was heard, except solitary extracts, and even these in a foreign
language. He did not pass by the remark, that the church thus orders
it, but appealed on the contrary to its oldest statutes, and proved
clearly the modern origin and ruinous consequences of the change.
What he had told the canons, he made known to the congregation on the
first of January, 1519, and on Sunday the second, began to expound the
Gospel of Matthew. It is easy to imagine, that, when he first came out
in this unwonted manner, a large number of hearers would be collected
to-gether; but to retain them, demanded an inward call, combined with a
vast range of knowledge. The applause, which he drew forth, continually
increased, for he knew how to attract both the high and the low. His
sermons were life-pictures; and this gave them their charm, their
power, their practical effect. The doctrine of Christ, designed for all
nations and all ages, is so simple, and can be traced back to such a
few principles, that by a mere repetition, paraphrase, or exclusive
explanation of these only, the most dexterous orator, obliged to appear
so often, must become dull and cold; but infinitely rich, and ever new,
is life surveyed in the light of this same doctrine. The appearance of
Zwingli, not only every week, but almost every day, was, for this
reason, always welcome. Now, when the occasion called for it, there
were representations of the fate of Jesus and of the apostles; and then
again, narratives or pictures from Christian or Jewish, and sometimes
even heathen history, events of the day, and praise or blame, which,
without fear of offence, he wove into his discourses. "Take it not to
yourself, O pious man!" he was accustomed to say. Indeed this mode of
preaching raised an excitement nearly like the press in our times. Yet
one difference between the old and the new teachers of the people is
not to be overlooked. The former employed throughout the rule of the
Gospel, and was concerned for the advancement of religious truth and
not mere party views.
In proportion, meanwhile, as his knowledge of the people of Zurich and
their circumstances increased, his sermons became more direct and
pointed. If any one found fault with them, and it came to the ears of
the preacher, he might be sure of an answer at the first opportunity.
He did not hesitate to speak of them by name, and sometimes gave free
play to his wit. Whatever was done, in convent-walls, bar-rooms, and
even in the hall of the council, contrary to truth, reason and sound
morals, was exposed without mercy from the pulpit. Just then, 1519, the
throne of the German Empire became vacant by the death of Maximilian I.
Intrigues in regard to the choice of a successor kept the diet
assembled in Zurich, in constant employment. Envoys were repeatedly
sent to Italy in the service of the Pope; France attempted once more to
bring about a closer alliance, and towards the north, in spite of all
the dissuasion of the allied powers, whole troops of deserters streamed
to the banner of Duke Ulric of Wirtemberg, who, driven from his own
capital, was engaged in war against the Swabian League. Amid these
circumstances Zwingli took occasion to speak sometimes a word from the
pulpit concerning politics. In this, the Gospel gave him less
countenance, than the example of those Jewish prophets, who formerly
made bold to bring the rule of kings under their examination, warning,
or censure. But the times were no longer the same, and such a
transgression of the bounds marked out by prudence, might well awaken
concern in the bosoms of individual statesmen, who were not deserving
of reproach.
And yet amid all, he still gained firmer footing in Zurich. Every man
of unbiased feeling was obliged to confess, that he was inspired by
religion, and had the welfare of the state as well as the church truly
at heart. Moreover, it could not escape any one, familiar with history,
that only the most decided measures can eradicate deep-seated
corruption. The universal abhorrence of the traffic of indulgences came
to his aid. The miserable Samson, after filling his pockets at Bern,
had ventured to approach Zurich. Both the spiritual and secular
authorities approved of the attacks, which Zwingli made against him. He
was prevented from riding into the city. Even the Diet, to which he
appealed, would have nothing to do with him, and went so far as to give
Felix Grebel, who was setting out for Rome, a commission to lay
complaints of him before the Pope. Immediately the monk received
evidence of Leo's displeasure. "The thirteen cantons of the
Confederacy"--was written to him--"have complained to His Holiness,
that, in the promulgation of indulgences, you have fallen into errors,
which it were out of place here to enumerate. The Holy Father is much
astonished at this, and has given orders, to enjoin upon you in his
name, to be subject in all things to the will of the aforesaid lords of
the Confederacy. You shall remain there, for the execution of your
commission, if they demand it, but in no way oppose them, if they
desire you to return to Italy; for it is the will of the Holy Father,
that you be entirely obedient to these lords, his well-beloved sons, in
all things that can contribute to the welfare of their souls. You will
also show this letter to them."
There was great rejoicing over this conclusion of the matter,
especially on the part of the General-vicar of the Bishop of Constance,
Faber, who had formerly been Zwingli's fellow-student in Vienna, and
had since then kept up a certain intimacy with him. Indeed at Zwingli's
first bold debut the general-vicar seemed to wish it still closer.
"Why"--wrote he to him--"do you make so careful and sparing a use of my
friendship? Why do you seem to mistrust me? Do not doubt! Begun under
favorable auspices, it will last forever." Still later he invited him
to his house, communicated his plans to him, asked his judgment
concerning books, and proclaimed aloud his praise, especially where he
knew that it would reach Zwingli's ears. But the Reformer looked
deeper. Modesty was a prominent trait in his character from youth
upwards. In the one appeared the love of the world, the struggle to
elevate himself by any means in his power, the vain fancy that he could
hood-wink others by the assumption of a mask; in the other, a strong
love for truth. Nevertheless, Zwingli wished to avoid a breach with his
former friend; and now, especially, when he and the bishop seemed not
unwilling to favor further reforms. In reference to this he thus
expresses himself in the letter to Valentine Compar already quoted
from: "I have sent humble and dutiful letters to the Bishop of
Constance, and pointed out to him publicly and privately and in every
way, how he ought to apply himself to spreading abroad the light of the
Gospel; and that it would redound to the honor of the whole race of
Landenberg, if he were the first bishop, who would cause the Gospel to
be freely preached; but I do not know how the weather has changed.
They, who were so prompt before, have given me no answer, either by
mouth, or pen, except, what they have done in general. But this was
unlike the former, because (in consequence of it) the vicar let me
understand orally and by writing, the Bishop would not endure too much
urging from the Pope."