_May 1._—As soon as up, I went to the Cathedral, which has a fine tower.

On entering I saw many pictures. None that I saw seemed particularly

good. The church was pretty full of people, who really seemed devout.

They were not the old and weak, but there was of every age. The young

maiden was seen by the side of decrepit age, beauty by deformity,

childhood by manhood. The effect on the mind is contagious. Many masses

were going on at the same time. A woman went round for money for the

chairs. Here I saw the first Christian caryatides.

We soon set off for Brussels. Between V. and that town the road is

beautiful; a canal on one side, fine trees forming a long avenue

diversified with glimpses of a rich country. We passed the Castle of

Lac, the former residence of Buonaparte. It has a fine front upon an

eminence, but the dome stands forth in glaring ugliness. We entered

Brussels by the Allée Verte, a fine promenade.

Brussels, the old town, is not so fine as Antwerp, Ghent, or Bruges. The

Grand Marché is very beautiful, only the buildings seem to be neglected.

Fine public offices, with a tall spire, on one side—the Mairie opposite.

The Place Royale is very fine; the fronts of the houses and hotels

around seeming together to form parts of one great palace; and the

church on one side, with the housy wings, has a fine effect in spite of

the ugly tower at the top. The gardens are beautiful with green, and

well laid out in walks, with groups and termites—the Palace opposite.

The entrance from the Place Royale presents a fine front, and the

suburbs round it are also good. We are at the Hôtel d'Angleterre. Saw

_Morning Chronicles_, which are again dutysied.

Brussels was not at all fortified in the Waterloo time. The Germans at

one time had retreated as far as the gates, which were obliged to be

shut against them. In case of a retreat there would have been a pleasant

rush, almost as great as at a fashionable rout, as they must all have

passed through Brussels. The carriage was put under hand. Crowds of

English.

_May 2._—We have seen many, many soldiers. No wonder they were light of

foot when not more heavy of age, for none have beards yet except some

few cavalry.

The English women are the only good-looking women in Brussels; though,

with true English Bullism, they vest _here_ a complete Anglomanian

costume, preserving their French fashions for the English winds to waft.

The women of Brabant and the Netherlands are all ugly to the eye after

the piquant begins to pall, for there are no regular beauties or beauty

of expression, except that levity which tells of lightness of cares and

youth.

It is not for a foreigner to call a thing absurd because it does not

tally with his ideas, or the ladies' costume, except the black mantle,

should be put down as such by me. The men also are short and

bad-looking, either consummate impudence or complete insignificance—no

individuality. The indelicacy of these Belgians is gross; all kinds of

disgusting books publicly sold, and exposed to the eyes of all young

damsels—beastliness publicly exhibited on the public monuments—fountains

with men vomiting with effort a stream of water—and still worse. The

town (Brussels) is situated on an eminence, and is really poor in

comparison of the other Belgic towns by us seen.

After dinner, having dressed, I went, having written two letters, to the

theatre. Mounting a voiture, I was soon there. Ascending some stairs, I

came to a door where, after some knocking, a man took my money, and gave

me tickets, which, changed twice, brought me to the first row of boxes.

The first look at the lobbies was sufficient to give me an idea of all

the rest—misery, misery, misery, wherever one turned—to the floor, to

the ceiling, to the wall, to the box-wall, all garret of the St. Giles

style. Most of the doors had _Abonnement_ written on them. I got into

one, and what a sight! boxes dirty with filth. One chandelier was

sufficient for the pockets of a Brussels manager, hung from the middle.

Pit divided into two parts of different prices, boxes into three, and a

gallery. Chairs, not benches, in the boxes. Ladies came and sat and

talked, and talked and sat and stood, and went away. Many English

ladies. Orchestra began—all violins, seven in all. Curtain up—a farce:

no—it did not make me laugh. How call that a theatrical amusement which

only seems fitted to excite the pleasurable sensation of yawning? It was

French. An actress, the best amongst them, spoke French like a base pig;

another contorted the fine lady into one with a paralytic stroke after

sitting up at cards; the gentlemen like purlieu-bullies; and high life

was copied from the waiting-maids of butchers' ladies. I was a little

surprised at the applause that a lady actress gained. It moved me

astonishingly: not her acting, but the lookers-on acting pleasure. At

last came the wind whistling through the reeds, the thunder-hurling

cheeks, and lashing hands, to my great admiration. It moved phlegm.

One who was to act Blondel was vomiting at home. I went behind the

scenes, and saw dismay in every face, and terror in every limb. The

curtain drew up, and the play began. Hisses, hisses, hisses. It fell,

and fear increased. Some time was spent in cogitation. The venturous

gold-decked hero advanced, retired, was rebuked by the police and forced

to advance. Hisses. He said to the audience he was forced to advance.

They listened, and quiproquos commenced between the players and the

audience, with the sonorous hiss of anger. The police saw all was in

vain, and ordered the actors off the boards. I in the meantime was

chatting with two apparent goddesses, who very concisely explained the

trembling of the actors, etc., by telling me of real showers of eggs,

etc. As I left the house I heard groans and hollow sounds, and cries of

"Give me back my money: I am an _abonné_, and have seen nothing." I

ran—I and the police pushing on, the mob pushing us back, etc. Going

along the lobbies, what was my wonder to stumble on a bookseller's shop,

where was an assemblage of delicacies fit for the modest, and wondrous

delicate!

_May 3._—I saw in the street three dogs, of the bulldog race, dragging

up a hill at a good pace what I am sure two men would not have strength

to drag. I saw also a goat fastened to a child's car. I went all over

the town for a calèche—bought one for 75 louis. In the evening, having

procured redingotes (which I did not use), we mounted a coach and drove

to ——. Returned home, ate, and slept.

_May 4._—Having risen, foolishly paid 40 naps. to the coachmaker. My

Lord and servant stepped into the calèche. I and a servant got on

horseback, and went to Waterloo. We soon entered Soignies, which on both

sides formed a beautiful wood (not forest, for it was not wild on either

side) for several miles. The avenue it formed varied in length:

sometimes the end was formed by a turn of the road, sometimes by the

mere perspective effect of narrowing. The trees are all young—none of

above thirty years' growth. We then reached Waterloo, where were the

head-quarters of Napoleon. An officious host pressed us to order dinner.

We ran from his pressing, and advancing came to St. Jean, where the boys

continued the offerings we first had at Waterloo of buttons, books, etc.

This was the village which gave the French name to the battle, I

believe, as it was the spot which Napoleon tried to gain. The view of

the plain, as we advanced to the right, struck us as fields formed

almost with the hopes that spirit and war would make their havoc here.

Gentle risings, sufficient to give advantage to the attacked—few

hedges—few trees. There was no sign of desolation to attract the

passer-by; if it were not for the importunity of boys, and the glitter

of buttons in their hands, there would be no sign of war. The peasant

whistled as blithely, the green of Nature was as deep, and the trees

waved their branches as softly, as before the battle. The houses were

repaired. Only a few spots with white plaster between the bricks pointed

out the cannon's ruin; and in ruins there was only Hougoumont, which was

attacked so bravely and defended so easily—at least so I should imagine

from the few killed in the garden and the appearance of the whole, while

so many French lay dead in the field. In the garden were only 25 English

killed, while in the field 1500; and on the other side 600 French, not

counting the wounded, were slain. Indeed, the gallantry, the resolution

and courage, which the French displayed in attacking this place, guarded

from the heights by our cannon, and by our soldiers through the

loop-holes, would alone ennoble the cause in which they fought. Before

arriving at Hougoumont, the spots where Hill, Picton, and the Scotch

Greys did their several deeds, were pointed out to us. The spot which

bore the dreadful charge of cavalry is only marked by a hedge. The

cuirassiers advancing, the Scots divided—showed a masked battery, which

fired grape into the adverse party's ranks—then it was the Scots

attacked. I do not now so much wonder at their victory. The cuirasses

which we saw were almost all marked with bullets, lance- and sabre-cuts.

Buonaparte and the French, our guide said, much admired the good

discipline and undaunted courage of the short-kilted Scot. Going

forward, the spot at which the Prussians, the lucky gainers of the

battle, emerged, was pointed out to us—and, a little farther on, we were

shown the spot where Colonel Howard, my friend's cousin, was buried

before being carried to England. Three trees, of which one is cut down,

mark the spot, now ploughed over. At Hougoumont we saw the untouched

chapel where our wounded lay, and where the fire consumed the toes of a

crucifix. We there inscribed our names amongst cits and lords. We found

here a gardener who pointed out the garden—the gate where the French

were all burnt—the gap in the hedge where the French attempted, after

the loss of 1500 men, to storm the place—the field, quarter of an acre,

in which were heaps of Gallic corpses. The gardener and the dog, which

we saw, had been detained at Hougoumont by General Maitland in case of a

retreat. The peasants declare that from 4 to 5 the affair was very, very

doubtful, and that at the last charge of the Imperial Guards Napoleon

was certain of being in Brussels in _quatre heures_. Wellington, after

the defeat of the Prussians etc., on the 17th went to Waterloo, and

determined where he would place each corps. This was a great advantage:

but, in spite of the excellence of his position, he would certainly have

been defeated had it not been for the fortunate advance of the

Prussians. From Hougoumont we went to the red-tiled house which is the

rebuilding of the house where was Buonaparte's last station and

head-quarters. It was from this spot that he viewed the arrival of the

Prussians, under the idea of their being the corps of Grouchy. It was

here he felt first the certainty of defeat, just after he had led the

old Imperial Guard, in the certainty of victory, to his last attack. La

Belle Alliance next appeared along the road, here where Wellington and

Blücher met. The name is derived from a marriage in the time of peace:

it is now applicable to a war-meeting. Thence we returned to St. Jean,

after going again to Hougoumont. There we were shown cuirasses, helms,

buttons, swords, eagles, and regiment-books. We bought the helms,

cuirasses, swords, etc., of an officer and soldier of cuirassiers,

besides eagles, cockades, etc. Beggars, the result of English profusion.

A dinner, measured by some hungry John Bull's hungry stomach. We rode

off the field, my companion singing a Turkish song—myself silent, full

gallop cantering over the field, the finest one imaginable for a battle.

The guide told us that the account Buonaparte's guide gave of him after

the battle was that he only asked the road to Paris, not saying anything

else.

At Hougoumont various spots were pointed out: amongst the rest the one

where Maitland stood watching a telegraph on the neighbouring rise,

which told him what was going on on both sides.

We rode home together through Soignies forest—black. The twilight made

the whole length of the road more pleasing. On reaching home, we found

the coach was jogged; so much so that it would not allow us to put

confidence in it, etc. At last we gave it into Mr. Gordon's hands. My

friend has written twenty-six stanzas (?) to-day—some on Waterloo.

There are a few points in this narrative of May 4 which call for a

little comment.

1. As to "the spot where Colonel Howard, my friend's cousin, was buried

before being carried to England." Few passages in the 3rd canto of

_Childe Harold_, which in its opening deals with Byron's experiences in

these days, are better known than the stanzas (29 to 31) where he

celebrates the death of "young gallant Howard." Stanza 30 is the one

most germane to our immediate purpose—

"There have been tears and breaking hearts for thee,

And mine were nothing, had I such to give.

But, when I stood beneath the fresh green tree

Which living waves where thou didst cease to live,

And saw around me the wide field revive

With fruits and fertile promise, and the Spring

Come forth her work of gladness to contrive,

With all her reckless birds upon the wing,

I turn'd from all she brought to those she could not bring."

2. The statement that "the coach was jogged" refers to that calèche

which had been just bought in Brussels for the servants—not to the

elaborate travelling-carriage. Some trouble ensued over the calèche. The

coachmaker who had sold it tried to make Lord Byron pay up the balance

of the price. Not carrying his point, he got a warrant-officer to seize

a different vehicle, a chaise, belonging to the poet. The latter, so far

as appears, took no further steps.

3. To write twenty-six stanzas in one day is no small feat; especially

if these are the nine-line stanzas of _Childe Harold_, and if the

substantial work of the day consisted in riding from Brussels to

Waterloo and back, and deliberately inspecting the field of battle. The

entry, as written by Charlotte Polidori, stands thus—"26 st.," which I

apprehend can only mean "stanzas." If one were to suppose that the

stanzas thus written on May 4 were the first twenty-six stanzas of

_Childe Harold_, canto 3 (but this of course is not a necessary

inference), Byron now got up to the stanza which begins

"And wild and high the 'Camerons' gathering' rose."

I made up my accounts, and was not a little startled by a deficit of 10

napoleons, which I at last found was a mere miscalculation. Rode about

thirty miles in all.

Forgot to say I saw Sir Nath[aniel] Wraxall at Dover, who, having

introduced himself to Lord Byron as a friend _de famille_, began

talking, knocking his feet in rattattat, still all the while oppressed

by feeling very awkward.

[I do not find in Byron's correspondence any reference to this

interview, on April 25 or 26, with Sir Nathaniel Wraxall. But, in his

letter of April 25 to his half-sister, he mentions that he met on the

24th with Colonel Wildman, an old school-fellow, and later on the

purchaser of Newstead Abbey, who gave him some details concerning the

death of Colonel Howard at Waterloo.]

At Brussels, the people were in a great stew, the night of the battle of

Waterloo—their servants and others waking them every minute to tell them

the French were at the gates. Some Germans went there with mighty great

courage, in flight. Lord W[ellington?] sent to a colonel to enquire

whether he was going to fly from or to the battle, giving him his choice

to act in either way. On hearing this, the said colonel boldly faced

about, and trotted to Brussels with his troop. A supernumerary

aide-de-camp, the brother of N., with two others, was riding between the

ranks while the French were firing; when, ours crying out "They aim at

you," all three were struck in the jaw, much in the same place, dead.

After the battle, a friend asking what was become of N., the serjeant

pointed to his feet, saying "There," which was fact. Dacosta, the guide,

says that Buonaparte was cool and collected till the Prussians arrived;

that then he said to Bertrand, "That appears to be the Prussian eagle";

and, upon Bertrand's assenting, his face became momentarily pale. He

says that, when he led up the Imperial Guard, on arriving at the

red-tiled house, he went behind a hillock, so as not to be seen, and so

gave them the slip. Wellington acted the soldier when he should have

acted the general, and the light-limbed dancer when he should have been

the soldier. I cannot, after viewing the ground, and bearing in mind the

men's superior courage, give Wellington the palm of generalship that has

been snatched for him by so many of his admirers. Napoleon only took one

glass of wine from the beginning of the battle to the end of his flight.

_May 5._—Got up at ten from fatigue. Whilst at breakfast, there came a

Mr. Pryse Gordon for L[ord] B[yron]. I entertained him. He has been to

Italy, and travelled a great deal—a good-natured gentleman. Took him to

see the carriage: there he introduced me to his son by means of a

trumpet. After his departure we set off for the Château du Lac, where we

found the hind front much finer than the other for want of the startling

(?) dome and low windows. It has all its master-apartments on the

ground-floor: they are extremely well laid out both with regard to

comfort and magnificence—they were furnished by Nap[oleon]. We saw the

bed where Josephine, Marie Louise, and the Queen of Holland, have been

treading fast on one another's heels. The hall for concerts divides the

Emperor's from the Empress' rooms—it has a rich appearance, and is

Corinthian. The flooring of the Emperor's is all wood of different

colours—checked—having to my eye a more pleasing appearance than the

carpeted ones of the Empress. I sat down on two chairs on which had sat

he who ruled the world at one time. Some of his eagles were yet

remaining on the chairs. The servant seemed a little astonished at our

bowing before them.

We returned, it raining all the while. After dinner Mr. G[ordon] came

for us to go to coffee. We went, and were graciously received; Lord

B[yron] as himself, I as a tassel to the purse of merit. I there saw a

painting of Rembrandt's wife or mother by himself, which was full of

life, and some verses by Walter Scott written in the hostess' album,

where he says Waterloo will last longer than Cressy and Agincourt. How

different! They only agree in one thing—that they were both in the cause

of injustice. The novels of Casti were presented to me by Mr. Gordon,

which I was rather surprised at. We came over. Scott writes in M[rs].

G[ordon's] book—

"For one brief hour of deathless fame" [Scott].

"Oh Walter Scott, for shame, for shame" [Byron].

[The novels of the Abate Casti (who died in 1803) are notoriously

licentious: hence, I suppose, Polidori's surprise at the presentation of

them by Mr. Gordon. Byron, it is stated by this gentleman, was asked by

Mrs. Gordon on May 5 to write some lines in her album. He took the

volume away with him, and on the following day brought it back, having

inserted in it the two opening stanzas on Waterloo forming part of canto

3 of _Childe Harold_—from

"Stop, for thy tread is on an empire's dust,"

to

"He wears the shattered links of the world's broken chain"]

_May 6._—Mr. G[ordon] and son came while at breakfast; gave us letters,

etc. Saw the little child again; B[yron] gave it a doll.

It may be excusable to suppose that this trifling incident is not wholly

foreign to a stanza, 54, in the 3rd canto of _Childe Harold_. This

stanza comes immediately after Byron has begun to speak of the Rhine,

and incidentally of the affection which his half-sister bore him. Then

he proceeds—

"And he had learn'd to love—I know not why,

For this in such as him seems strange of mood—

The helpless looks of blooming infancy,

Even in its earliest nurture. What subdued,

To change like this, a mind so far imbued

With scorn of man, it little boots to know:

But thus it was; and, though in solitude

Small power the nipp'd affections have to grow,

In him this glow'd when all beside had ceased to glow."

The _carrossier_ came. Set off at two, passing through a country

increasing in inequalities. We arrived first at Louvain, where we saw

the outside of a beautiful Town-hall, which is one of the prettiest

pieces of external fretwork I have seen. Thence we went to Tirlemont,

where was a Jubilee. Saints and sinners under the red canopy (the sky

dirty Indian-ink one) were alike in the streets. Every street had stuck

in it, at a few paces from the house-walls, fir-branches 16 or 17 feet

high, distant from one another 5 or 6 feet. Thence to St. Trond, where

we ate—and slept, I suppose. The country is highly cultivated, and the

trees older. The avenues have a more majestic appearance from the long

swells of ground and the straight roads, but there is more squalid

misery than I have seen anywhere. The houses are many of them mud, and

the only clean part about them is the white-wash on the external walls.

Dunghills before some must be trodden on before entering the houses. The

towns also fall off greatly in neat and comfortable looks. The walls

round them look ruined and desolate, and give a great idea of

insecurity. We put the servants on board-wages.

_May 7._—Set off from St. Trond at 11. The country is highly cultivated;

continual hill and dale; lower orders miserable in perfection; houses

built of mud, the upper storeys of which are only built of beams, the

mud having fallen off. Bridges thrown over the dirt they were too idle

to remove. Dunghills at their doors, and ditches with black fetid water

before their first step. Liège has a pretty neighbourhood, but the town

itself is filthy and disagreeable. They visited our passports here at

three different places. The hill above the town is enormously steep; and

from some way beyond it has a beautiful view of Liège with its towers

and domes—of the country with its many cots and villas—and of the Meuse.

The road now lies through a scene where cottages are spread like trees,

and hedges like furrows of corn, the fields are so minutely divided. A

little farther still we had a most splendid view through many miles.

From a valley we could see everything clearly, crowded in a blue tint,

and in a river through it we could see the shadows of the trees. The

cottages are improving, and the roads becoming the worst ever seen;

paved still, but so horridly hilled and vallied that the rolling of the

carriage is like the rolling of a ship.

We came at last to Battice; but before entering we passed by a village

where beggar little cherubs came to the carriage-side, and running cried

out, "Donnez-nous quelque chose, Monsieur le chef de bataillon";

another, "Monsieur le général." And a third little urchin, who

gesticulated as well as cried, perceiving the others had exhausted the

army, cried, "Un sou, Messieurs les rois des Hanovériens!" We arrived at

Battice, where beggars, beggars. There we found horses just come in.

After debate (wherein I was for Aix-la-Chapelle, L[ord] B[yron] for

stopping) we set off; and such a jolting, rolling, knocking, and

half-a-dozen etc., as our carriage went through, I never saw, which put

L[ord] B[yron] to accusing me of bad advice; clearing however as the

road mended. The rain fell into a pond, to be illuminated by sunshine

before we reached Aix-la-Chapelle at half-past twelve.

_May 8._—Got up late. Went to see the Cathedral: full of people, lower

ranks, hearing mass. Miserable painting, architecture, etc. Saw also a

church wherein was no particular picture or anything. At Liège the

revolutionists had destroyed the fine Cathedral.

A German boy who led me about Aix-la-Chapelle, on my asking him in

broken German about the baths, led me to a very different place. I was

astonished to find myself in certain company. The baths are hot

sulphuretted-hydrogen-impregnated water. The sulphur-beds are only shown

to dukes and kings: so a kingdom is good for something. I saw the baths

themselves: like others, not very clean-looking.

The Diary of Dr. John William Polidori, 1816, Relating to Byron, Shelley, etc. · 第 3 / 12 段